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  • Trump says he will not ease sanctions on Iran as part of a deal

    Trump says he will not ease sanctions on Iran as part of a deal

    On Wednesday, U.S. President Donald Trump publicly confirmed to reporters that easing harsh, decades-long sanctions on Iran is not on the table in ongoing negotiations aimed at ending active hostilities, reopening critical shipping lanes through the Strait of Hormuz, and rolling back Tehran’s nuclear program. This firm rejection comes as Iranian leadership has made the release of frozen Iranian assets a core confidence-building step — and in some framing, a non-negotiable precondition — for any meaningful progress in bilateral talks.

    Last Monday, Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and the country’s central bank governor traveled to Qatar to discuss unlocking $6 billion in Iranian funds that have been held in the Gulf state at Washington’s directive since September 2023. The high-level visit sparked quiet speculation of a potential breakthrough in the long-strained bilateral relationship. Iran has long argued that it is owed as much as $120 billion in its own oil revenue that has been frozen in foreign financial institutions by sweeping U.S. sanctions first imposed after the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

    The framework of U.S. sanctions on Iran has expanded dramatically in the decades since the revolution. The 1996 Iran Sanctions Act extended penalties to third-party entities doing business with Tehran and explicitly barred Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapons program. Starting in 2005, Washington added layer after layer of sanctions targeting individuals and firms accused of ties to terrorist activity. Beyond barring U.S. persons and entities from conducting business with Iran, these restrictions cut Tehran off from the U.S.-dominated global financial system, which operates primarily on U.S. dollars and relies on U.S.-backed transfer infrastructure such as SWIFT. For Iran, this has created a crippling cash shortage that has gutted the country’s economy.

    Speaking during a White House cabinet meeting, Trump noted he remains unsatisfied with the current state of negotiations. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who was in attendance, told reporters that while there have been signs of incremental progress and mutual interest in a deal, it remains unclear whether meaningful movement will come in the coming hours and days. Echoing longstanding U.S. policy, Rubio emphasized that “the bottom line is Iran’s never going to have a nuclear weapon.”

    Yet independent analysts argue that Trump’s maximalist negotiating position may be misaligned with the reality on the ground. Ali Vaez, Iran project director at the International Crisis Group, explained that for the Islamic Republic, simple regime survival already counts as a victory. “They have managed to repel an aggression by the mightiest military power in the world, that of the United States, and also the mightiest intelligence service in the world, that of Israel,” Vaez noted. He added that the conflict has given Iran a new deterrent tool: direct operational control over the Strait of Hormuz, a geographic advantage it had never deployed before the current war.

    Trump reiterated that any final deal must prevent any single nation from exercising exclusive control over the strait — a critical global chokepoint through which roughly 20% of the world’s oil supplies pass. “We’ll watch over it, but nobody’s going to control it. That’s part of the negotiation that we have,” he said. The strait was first blocked by Iran to bar passage of U.S. and Israeli-linked vessels early in the conflict, before the U.S. Navy implemented a counter-blockade that halted most Iranian oil exports.

    The president made a shocking, unanticipated threat on Wednesday, saying he would “blow up” Oman if the nation agreed to work with Iran to collect transit fees for ships passing through the strait as part of a peace deal. “The strait is going to be open to everybody,” Trump said. “Oman will behave just like everybody else, or we’ll have to blow them up,” he added.

    Earlier the same day, Iranian state television reported that Tehran had received an unofficial draft framework for a memorandum of understanding with Washington. Under the proposed text, the U.S. would withdraw its military forces from the region and lift its naval blockade, in exchange for Tehran restoring commercial transit through the Strait of Hormuz to pre-war levels within 30 days. The draft would put Iran in charge of traffic management and shipping route oversight in coordination with Oman, and a final agreement reached within 60 days would be codified into a binding United Nations Security Council resolution, Iranian state TV claimed.

    Ali Bagheri Kani, deputy secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, told Iran’s Mehr News Agency on Wednesday that transit rules for the strait will “be completely different from the conditions before the conflict over Iran began.” The White House immediately pushed back against the Iranian report, dismissing any claim of a draft agreement as a “complete fabrication.”

    Vaez added that any long-term non-aggression pact between Washington and Tehran will almost certainly require provisions to end Israel’s ongoing military assault on Lebanon, where Iran’s ally Hezbollah operates. “It’s very hard for the Iranians to throw Lebanon under the bus,” Vaez said. “So, at this point, including the conflict with Lebanon is important for the Iranians.”

    For its part, Israel has made clear it prefers the continuation of hostilities in both Iran and Lebanon. “Israel, I think, is really hoping for no agreement,” Danny Citrinowicz, a senior researcher at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies, said during a recent panel discussion. “The last thing that Israel wants to see is an agreement between the US and Iran.”

    Even as negotiations proceed, military hostilities have not paused entirely. On Monday, the U.S. launched what it described as “self-defence” strikes on Iranian missile sites, breaking the terms of a Pakistan-brokered ceasefire that has been in effect for weeks.

    Looking ahead, it remains unclear how long Trump can sustain the ongoing conflict with Iran. The war has grown deeply unpopular with the American public, and it has driven global petrol prices to alarming new heights. Additionally, heavy consumption of critical U.S. weapons systems during the war, which began on February 28, has sparked widespread concern that the U.S. military lacks sufficient stockpiles to respond to a potential future conflict with China. Drawn-down inventories include long-range Tomahawk cruise missiles, as well as Patriot and THAAD anti-missile and anti-drone interceptors.

    In a report released Wednesday, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) warned that depleted weapons stockpiles have created a “window of vulnerability” for any potential conflict in the Western Pacific. The report also examined Trump’s proposed $1.5 trillion 2027 defense budget, concluding that “the problem today isn’t money; it’s time” to replenish critical supplies.

  • Minister: Israel won’t allow Trump to make a peace deal with Iran

    Minister: Israel won’t allow Trump to make a peace deal with Iran

    Tensions across the Middle East escalated sharply this week as Israel launched a major new bombardment of Lebanon just as the United States and Iran hold high-stakes indirect ceasefire negotiations, drawing accusations that the offensive is deliberately intended to derail diplomatic progress. The attack, which has already left dozens dead and hundreds of thousands displaced, comes amid parallel developments exposing alleged abuses against international humanitarian activists attempting to break Israel’s years-long siege of Gaza, with organizers demanding a full investigation into direct U.S. complicity in the mistreatment of their members.

    On Tuesday, Israeli forces carried out more than 120 airstrikes targeting areas across southern Lebanon and the eastern Bekaa Valley, in a direct violation of the 45-day ceasefire that took effect last month. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced the government would intensify its military campaign, confirming the expansion of Israeli occupation in southern Lebanon beyond the country’s previously declared “security zone.” Israeli officials have ordered residents of dozens of Lebanese villages to remain out of their homes, as the military pushes to establish a new buffer zone extending between 5 and 10 kilometers into Lebanese territory.

    Lebanon’s health ministry confirmed that 31 people were killed in the Tuesday strikes, including 14 residents of the southern town of Burj al-Shamali — among them two children and three women. More than 40 others were wounded. Since Israel launched its full-scale offensive in Lebanon in early March, the death toll has climbed to over 3,200 killed and more than 9,700 injured. Even after the April truce went into effect, more than 600 people have lost their lives to ongoing violence.

    Israel’s military strategy in Lebanon follows what Defense Minister Israel Katz has called the “Gaza model”: widespread destruction of civilian infrastructure to force mass displacement. Before last month’s ceasefire, more than 40,000 homes across southern Lebanon were either destroyed or damaged, with demolition operations continuing after the truce. The offensive has displaced more than 1 million Lebanese people, a humanitarian catastrophe that has gone largely underreported in global media. In response to the renewed Israeli strikes, Hezbollah launched drone attacks against Israeli targets, continuing the cross-border exchanges that have persisted through months of declared ceasefires.

    The timing of the renewed offensive has sparked fierce criticism from inside and outside Israel, with many observers arguing the attack is intended to sabotage ongoing ceasefire negotiations between the U.S. and Iran. The influential far-right Israeli Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir openly acknowledged this framing Tuesday, stating explicitly that the entire Israeli cabinet is unified in opposing any potential peace deal that would end the current conflict. “This is an agreement that can harm the state of Israel, and we will not allow this to happen,” Ben-Gvir said in remarks to reporters, adding that the government should cut off electricity across Lebanon, occupy territory up to the Zahrani River, and return to full-scale massive war. Fellow far-right cabinet member Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich doubled down on the aggressive rhetoric, calling for Israel to destroy 10 buildings in Beirut for every Hezbollah drone attack, and expand demolitions to other major Lebanese cities if necessary.

    Shaiel Ben-Ephraim, a former Israeli foreign ministry diplomat and current prominent critic of the country’s regional policy, explained that the deepening incursion into Lebanon is designed to kill both the proposed Lebanese ceasefire and the U.S.-Iran talks entirely. “Israel was “moving to bury not only the supposed ceasefire in Lebanon but also talks on Iran” because its policy “is an endless and wide regional war,” Ben-Ephraim said, adding “Israel forced the US into war and won’t let us end it.”

    The negotiations, which do not include Israeli representatives, come as U.S. President Donald Trump has framed the latest round of talks as promising, even as details of the proposed framework remain contested. On Wednesday, Reuters reported, citing Iranian state television, that Tehran has received an unofficial U.S. proposal that would restore pre-war commercial shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz for a 30-day period, in exchange for a U.S. troop withdrawal from the region surrounding Iran and an end to the U.S. naval blockade. The U.S. has publicly disputed this account of the proposed framework. While Iran has condemned recent U.S. attacks as acts of bad faith and clear violations of prior ceasefire commitments, it has not walked away from the negotiating table. Nuclear issues, which were a core sticking point in earlier U.S.-Iran negotiations, have been pushed to future talks, but Iran has made clear that a lasting peace deal requires an end to Israel’s assault on Lebanon.

    Separately, international activists from the Global Sumud Flotilla, an organization that organizes humanitarian voyages to break Israel’s siege of Gaza, released detailed testimonies this week documenting widespread abuse, torture, and sexual assault of their members at the hands of Israeli forces after their latest flotilla was intercepted in international waters. The activists are calling for a full investigation into U.S. complicity in the abuses, noting that both the ship used by Israeli forces to detain participants and the weapons used to attack them were built and paid for by the United States government.

    Testimonies from the 428 abducted participants describe brutal, systematic abuse. According to the GSF media statement, detained humanitarians, doctors, and journalists were processed one by one through a darkened shipping container, where groups of three to five soldiers beat each person while other waiting captives heard their screams. One participant, Yassine Benjelloun, described being beaten repeatedly within minutes of being detained: “What lasts maybe three or five minutes seems like a lifetime. You don’t know that the door is going to open, and they’re going to kick you out.”

    Dr. Jihan Alya Mohd Nordin, a Malaysian physician on the flotilla, documented 35 participants with fractured or dislocated bones, severe head injuries including concussions and eye and ear trauma, and 14 confirmed cases of sexual assault. Dr. Jihan, who was herself assaulted, forcibly stripped of her hijab, and choked by Israeli soldiers, described the experience of being unable to treat injured captives as devastating. “Being a doctor, the main aim is to reduce the sufferings of people. But when we cannot do anything to help them, it was the worst and most horrible feeling that I have,” she said.

    The Israeli amphibious landing ship used to detain the activists, the INS Nahshon, was built by Bollinger Mississippi Shipbuilding in Louisiana and fully financed by U.S. taxpayers. The vessel was previously used to detain participants from an earlier Gaza-bound flotilla, where dozens of activists required medical care for broken bones sustained during beatings. The weapons used against the civilian activists, including stun grenades and metal projectile rounds, were manufactured by Combined Tactical Systems, a Pennsylvania-based U.S. weapons manufacturer. GSF reports that these weapons were fired at close range into enclosed spaces at participants who were sitting or sleeping, in direct violation of the manufacturer’s own safety guidelines.

    Josh Paul, a former U.S. State Department official who resigned in 2023 to protest U.S. arms transfers to Israel amid its war in Gaza, confirmed that the use of U.S.-origin equipment for this abuse violates U.S. law. “Under US law, arms transfers must only be made for purposes authorized by law,” Paul said. “INS Nahshon‘s use by Israel to conduct an illegal seizure in international waters, and then to act as a base for the torture and sexual assault of foreign civilians, including Americans, who had broken no laws, and were acting from conscience to serve an urgent humanitarian need, plainly and grievously violates those terms.” Paul noted that the risk of misuse was clear decades ago, after the 2010 Mavi Marmara flotilla raid that killed nine activists, including a Turkish-American teenager, but U.S. officials continued to approve arms transfers regardless. “Anything we transfer to Israel, Israel will find a way to misuse – whether it is a bomb, a bulldozer or a boat,” he said.

    GSF emphasizes that the abuse of their members is not an isolated incident, but a direct consequence of decades of unconditional U.S. military and diplomatic support for Israel, which GSF says has enabled the Israeli government to commit sustained war crimes and crimes against humanity against Palestinian people. Successive U.S. administrations, under both Joe Biden and Donald Trump, have provided tens of billions of dollars in military aid to Israel and used United Nations Security Council vetoes to block dozens of ceasefire resolutions for Gaza. Since the October 2023 Hamas attack that triggered the latest Gaza war, Israeli forces have killed or wounded more than 250,000 Palestinians in Gaza, displaced roughly 2 million more, and subjected the enclave to widespread deliberate starvation and lack of access to clean water and medicine.

    Israel’s actions in Gaza are currently the subject of a genocide case at the International Court of Justice brought by South Africa and supported by nearly 20 United Nations member states. The International Criminal Court has also issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes in Gaza, including murder and forced starvation. A United Nations panel of experts concluded last year that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza, a finding endorsed by dozens of governments, hundreds of human rights groups, and leading legal scholars, including prominent Israeli and Jewish Holocaust experts.

    Flotilla organizers stressed that the abuse their members endured for a few days is nothing compared to the ongoing suffering of thousands of Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli detention, many held without charge or trial under the country’s administrative detention system. Israeli authorities are currently investigating the deaths of dozens of Palestinian prisoners, with multiple reports of extrajudicial execution, torture, rape, and widespread sexual abuse of detained Palestinians. “What GSF participants survived for days, many Palestinians endure indefinitely without lawyers or consular access,” the GSF statement said.

    GSF is calling on the U.S. government to open an immediate investigation into Israel’s use of U.S.-origin arms and equipment to abuse American citizens, suspend all arms transfers to Israel until the probe is complete, and end the longstanding policy of unconditional military and diplomatic support for what GSF calls a regime actively committing genocide. Legal proceedings are already active in Turkey, Italy, and Spain, with Italian prosecutors opening an investigation into kidnapping and sexual assault connected to the flotilla incident, but the U.S. government has so far declined to take any action, matching its pattern of turning a blind eye to Israeli violations of international law.

  • Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ fund has no money for Gaza: Report

    Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ fund has no money for Gaza: Report

    Four months after former U.S. President Donald Trump launched his high-profile Gaza post-war reconstruction body dubbed the ‘Board of Peace’, the organization remains entirely devoid of major funding, trapped in overlapping legal and political uncertainty, according to an exclusive new report from the Financial Times published Wednesday.

    The FT’s investigation builds on a previous exclusive report from Middle East Eye, which first uncovered that a senior U.S. official involved with the initiative traveled to Saudi Arabia back in April to pressure Riyadh to follow through on a previously announced $1 billion funding pledge to the board.

    Multiple anonymous sources, one an Arab official and one a U.S. official, confirmed to Middle East Eye that Aryeh Lightstone — the top American official leading Gaza post-war planning for the board — held direct talks with Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan specifically to push for the long-promised donation to be transferred.

    Trump first established the Board of Peace in October 2025, immediately after the U.S. brokered a ceasefire to end Israel’s year-long military campaign in Gaza. That conflict, which has left more than 72,800 Palestinians dead according to local health officials, has been formally recognized as a genocide by the United Nations, leading global human rights experts, and scores of world leaders.

    When launching the initiative, Trump courted multi-billion-dollar donation pledges from wealthy Gulf Arab states and boasted that the organization would go down as one of the most impactful global bodies in modern history. But the FT’s reporting confirms that four months on, the dedicated World Bank-managed fund created for the board has yet to receive a single dollar in pledged contributions.

    Instead of formal contributions through the transparent World Bank channel, the board has only secured small, direct donations sent to a separate JPMorgan Chase bank account. Critically, this off-book structure does not require the board to disclose any information about its donors or the source of funds to its 25 member states, a lack of transparency that has already sparked growing concern among international observers.

    This secretive separate funding arrangement is expected to fuel renewed questions about hidden backers of the initiative, the influence unreported donors could exert over post-war Gaza policy, and potential conflicts of interest for U.S. and international officials assigned to work with the board.

    Documents and on-the-ground reporting already confirm that as of late last year, Lightstone and his team of U.S. advisors were operating out of two luxury beachfront hotels in Tel Aviv — the iconic Kempinski and Hilton properties — while drafting their long-term plans for Gaza, at a time when the enclave remains under Israeli military occupation and widespread humanitarian crisis.

    Among the most controversial plans drafted by the U.S. team is a proposal to redevelop Gaza into a specialized artificial intelligence technology hub and large-scale modern megacity. Critics across the global have widely condemned this proposal as a thinly veiled effort to carry out ethnic cleansing of the native Palestinian population from their ancestral land.

    In a November interview with The New York Times, Lightstone openly confirmed one core element of the plan: building segregated housing for thousands of ‘pre-vetted’ Palestinians that would be confined behind an Israeli military-controlled boundary known as the ‘yellow line’ in the occupied Gaza Strip.

    To date, the board has only received small direct contributions to cover basic operating costs and staff salaries. Morocco has contributed $3 million, while the United Arab Emirates sent $20 million to fund the office of the board’s high representative, Nickolay Mladenov, and the team of Palestinian technocrats working under him.

    While Trump retains the ceremonial title of head of the board, Mladenov — a former United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and currently a senior leader at the UAE’s Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy — serves as the body’s active top official leading post-war planning.

    The FT also revealed that $100 million in UAE funding specifically earmarked for training a new Palestinian police force for post-occupation Gaza remains frozen, with no timeline for release.

    Bishara Bahbah, the Palestinian-American businessman who mediated ceasefire talks between the U.S. and Hamas, described the board’s current financial standing to the outlet as ‘really dismal’. He confirmed the organization has not been able to launch any tangible development or reconstruction work inside Gaza whatsoever, noting that ‘there is a complete lack of any funding to enable them to execute anything on the ground’.

  • Trump hawking Abraham Accords to a Middle East that’s lost trust

    Trump hawking Abraham Accords to a Middle East that’s lost trust

    As Washington and Tehran work toward a potential peace agreement to end months of open conflict, former President Donald Trump has thrown a new, contentious requirement onto the negotiating table: any final deal must include commitments from regional Middle Eastern nations to join his Abraham Accords framework, normalizing their formal diplomatic relations with Israel. This unexpected demand comes against a backdrop of shifting strategic fortunes for the U.S. and Israel, which launched their joint military operation ‘Operation Epic Fury’ against Iran back in late February. Today, both nations find themselves in a weaker position militarily, strategically, and economically than they were on the eve of that offensive. The long-standing alliances Washington built with Persian Gulf states are now facing major reevaluation, as those partnerships failed to stop Iran from launching retaliatory attacks on Gulf territory. Meanwhile, despite months of devastating strikes that killed dozens of top Iranian political and military leaders, Iran emerges from the conflict with greater regional influence than it held before. Against this unsteady landscape, both Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu face urgent domestic political pressures: both are seeking a symbolic, electorally appealing win ahead of key upcoming votes — the U.S. midterm elections and Israel’s Knesset vote, both scheduled for later this year. This political calculus is a core driver behind Trump’s push to resuscitate the Abraham Accords, a policy he has repeatedly highlighted as one of the signature foreign policy achievements of his first presidential term. Over the weekend, Trump held a series of phone calls with regional leaders from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Turkey, Egypt, and Jordan, where he made clear that their inclusion in any final Iran peace deal would be contingent on their full participation in the accords, a requirement that obligates them to formalize full diplomatic ties with Jerusalem. First conceptualized during Trump’s first term, the Abraham Accords were a set of U.S.-brokered diplomatic initiatives overseen by then-White House senior advisor Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law. The framework was framed as a groundbreaking attempt to resolve the decades-long Palestinian-Israeli conflict and broader tensions between Arab states and Israel. The dispute over Palestinian statehood has cast a shadow over Arab politics since the founding of Israel and the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, and it remains the most politically salient issue for Arab public opinion today, even as many regional leaders have sought to distance themselves from the conflict in recent years. Over decades of U.S.-backed diplomatic outreach, Israel has gradually eroded collective Arab opposition to its presence in the occupied Palestinian territories, beginning with the 1979 peace treaty with Egypt and the 1994 agreement with Jordan, a process that accelerated with the 2020 launch of the Abraham Accords. In the lead-up to the 2020 accords, the Trump administration took a series of steps widely seen as pro-Israel concessions: it moved the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, shuttered the Palestine Liberation Organization’s official Washington office, and reversed long-standing U.S. policy by declaring that Israeli settlements in the West Bank were no longer considered illegal under international law. That same year, the administration launched its ‘Peace to Prosperity Plan’, which departed from decades of prior peace efforts by sidelining Palestinian demands for full statehood, instead promising economic development to the region in exchange for abandoning Palestinian statehood claims. The UAE and Bahrain became the first signatories to the Abraham Accords in September 2020, followed by Morocco in December 2020, Sudan in January 2021, and Kazakhstan in November 2025. In exchange for their recognition of Israel, the U.S. offered participating states significant incentives, including economic cooperation deals, advanced military hardware, and diplomatic concessions. For example, the UAE secured access to cutting-edge U.S. military technology, while the U.S. formally recognized Morocco’s claim to sovereignty over the Western Sahara. The long-held top priority for U.S. and Israeli negotiators has been securing Saudi Arabia’s signature on the accords. Many analysts believe this was a core motivating factor behind Hamas’ October 2023 attacks on Israel, as the group sought to derail ongoing normalization talks between Riyadh and Jerusalem. Since Israel’s full-scale retaliatory war in Gaza began, Saudi Arabia has remained a vocal international advocate for Palestinian statehood, and has publicly stated it will not join the Abraham Accords without ironclad international guarantees for Palestinian self-determination. Other major regional powers, including Pakistan, Qatar, and Turkey, also face massive domestic pressure from their populations, who overwhelmingly support Palestinian statehood, making participation in the accords politically toxic. For any of these nations to reverse course, the U.S. would need to offer unprecedented economic and security incentives while applying extreme diplomatic pressure. To date, Pakistan has already formally rejected Trump’s demand, and all indications suggest Saudi Arabia will do the same. As currently structured, the Abraham Accords remain far too politically unpopular across most of the region for leaders to entertain participation, even when tied to the critical goal of ending the Iran war. Despite these headwinds, Trump and Netanyahu show no signs of backing away from their push. For Netanyahu, securing new signatories to the accords would allow him to frame closer regional integration as a political win as his military continues its offensive against Hezbollah and its occupation and destruction of southern Lebanon. Even so, this would be a minor gain compared to his long-stated core goal of eliminating the Iranian threat to Israel, and it is unlikely to ease growing domestic backlash against his government from an increasingly overstretched Israeli military that is facing growing casualty and equipment losses. Expanded regional ties with Israel also will not reverse the rapid shift in regional public opinion that has turned sharply against Jerusalem in recent years, a shift that is even visible among portions of Trump’s own MAGA base in the U.S. For the Trump administration, a win on the Abraham Accords would help offset political damage from the costly Iran conflict, which has left U.S. weapons stockpiles severely depleted, fueled a global energy crisis that has stoked widespread domestic discontent in the U.S., eroded Gulf allies’ confidence in the U.S. security umbrella, and created friction with Netanyahu, who has openly opposed any peace deal with Iran. But as the Middle East undergoes a dramatic strategic reorientation, an increasing number of regional leaders view the Abraham Accords as a U.S.-imposed framework that prioritizes Washington and Jerusalem’s interests over regional needs. Many regional states are now pursuing their own independent initiatives to reshape regional security to their benefit. Most notably, Saudi Arabia has recently proposed a regional non-aggression pact that would include Iran, modeled on the Cold War-era Helsinki Accords that de-escalated tensions between European blocs. Some analysts speculate that Trump’s push to expand the Abraham Accords is partially intended to counter this independent Saudi initiative, while also shoring up political support from pro-Israel factions ahead of the midterms. The widespread silence that has greeted Trump’s latest demand, however, suggests that many regional states are no longer willing to comply with U.S. demands, even when offered major incentives in return.

  • UN peacekeeping crisis: Funding, personnel at 25-year low, report warns

    UN peacekeeping crisis: Funding, personnel at 25-year low, report warns

    A new report from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) has revealed that UN peacekeeping operations have fallen to their lowest resource and deployment level in a quarter-century, driven by delayed and reduced mandatory contributions from major donor nations, with the United States at the center of the trend. The findings, released ahead of the International Day of UN Peacekeepers observed Friday, paint a stark picture of eroding support for multilateral conflict management amid growing geopolitical polarization.

  • Ravindra and Blundell hit centuries as NZ and Ireland meet for 1st time in a test match

    Ravindra and Blundell hit centuries as NZ and Ireland meet for 1st time in a test match

    In a groundbreaking moment for cricket between two longtime cricketing nations, New Zealand staged a remarkable comeback on the first day of its maiden test match against Ireland in Belfast on Wednesday, powered by back-to-back centuries from Rachin Ravindra and Tom Blundell that lifted the Black Caps to a dominant 361 for five wickets by the close of play. The historic one-off four-day fixture at Belfast’s Civil Service Cricket Club got off to a dream start for the Irish side, after captain tossed the coin correctly and opted to put New Zealand into bat first to exploit early pitch conditions. Irish pace bowler Mark Adair turned this opening advantage into an immediate breakthrough, dismissing New Zealand skipper Tom Latham for a duck off just the second ball of the entire match. Adair followed that up with a second early wicket, removing Devon Conway for just four runs, leaving the Black Caps reeling early in their innings. By the time the fourth wicket fell, New Zealand had struggled to 86 runs on the board, leaving the match perfectly poised for an Irish fightback. That was when Ravindra and Blundell joined forces to turn the tide of the game completely in New Zealand’s favor. The pair forged a match-defining 217-run partnership that silenced the Irish bowling attack and rebuilt the innings from its shaky start. Ravindra’s impressive knock of 121 runs finally came to an end when he was caught off the spin bowling of Harry Tector, by which point New Zealand had moved to 303 for five wickets. Blundell remained unbeaten at the close of play on 142 not out, anchoring the innings and carrying New Zealand to its imposing final total heading into the second day. Beyond this historic fixture, the match serves as critical preparation for New Zealand ahead of their upcoming high-profile three-test series against England, which is scheduled to get underway on June 4 at the iconic Lord’s Cricket Ground in London. Wednesday’s opening day delivered a dramatic display of cricketing resilience, proving that even with an early setback, top-tier batting can turn a match on its head in test cricket.

  • The world’s carmakers are struggling to compete with China

    The world’s carmakers are struggling to compete with China

    The global automotive sector is undergoing a seismic shift, as long-dominant American, European, and Japanese car manufacturers rapidly lose market share to ambitious Chinese rivals that are leading the industry not just in electric vehicle (EV) production, but across batteries, intelligent design, and automotive software.

    During on-the-ground reporting at Chinese manufacturing facilities in Beijing and Hefei, conducted alongside 2026’s Auto China — the world’s largest automotive exhibition — the BBC observed industry-leading levels of production automation and unprecedented speed in software development. These capabilities have left once-dominant foreign brands scrambling to catch up in the world’s largest single car market.

    Following a tour of a highly automated Shanghai EV factory, Honda CEO Toshihiro Mibe told Japanese media bluntly: “We have no chance against this.” Ford CEO Jim Farley has similarly issued a stark warning, noting that Western automakers are “in a fight for our lives” as Chinese brands expand their footprint across global markets.

    After decades of structuring their Chinese operations around joint ventures with local partners to access the massive domestic market, global carmakers are fundamentally restructuring these partnerships to remain competitive in the new EV era.

    Shanghai-based automotive analyst Bill Russo argues that the developed world has fundamentally misunderstood this industry transition. “The biggest mistake that the developed world is making is believing that the transition is only about electric cars,” he explained. “It’s about who will lead the next generation of mobility technology.”

    China’s competitive advantage extends far beyond finished passenger vehicles. Data from the Rhodium Group shows that China is now the top exporter for over 315 product categories, up from just 163 in 2016. A large share of these categories are core components of the EV supply chain, including lithium-ion batteries, critical manufacturing equipment, and specialized vehicle parts.

    Analysis from the International Energy Agency confirms that producing a small electric SUV in China costs at least 30% less than manufacturing the same vehicle in advanced Western economies, a gap driven largely by lower battery production costs and China’s highly integrated, efficient domestic supply chain network.

    This massive competitive advantage was built over decades of targeted policy support. Rhodium Group estimates that China has directed tens of billions of dollars in public support to EV and battery manufacturing in just the past few years alone. These subsidies, which have faced fierce criticism from policymakers in the European Union and United States for distorting global markets, have allowed Chinese firms to scale production rapidly and bring down consumer prices.

    Intense competition within China’s domestic market has also accelerated the pace of innovation. Major Chinese technology giants including Xiaomi, Huawei, and Alibaba have all entered the EV space in recent years, bringing deep expertise in consumer technology and software integration to the automotive sector. Russo notes that Chinese manufacturers are no longer focused on catching up to Western rivals — instead, they are competing directly with each other, driving constant improvement. “They’re not racing the West anymore, they’re racing each other,” he said.

    As modern vehicles become increasingly software-defined, from advanced driver assistance systems to in-vehicle entertainment and connectivity, these technology firms have given Chinese automakers a critical edge. The pace of progress is on clear display at Xiaomi’s EV factory outside Beijing, where a fully completed vehicle rolls off the production line approximately every 76 seconds. Though Xiaomi only launched its first electric vehicle in 2024, it has already climbed to become one of China’s top 10 best-selling EV brands. Its signature strategy integrates vehicles with smartphones, mobile apps, and smart home ecosystems to create a seamless connected user experience.

    At Nio’s production facility in Hefei, large sections of the assembly line operate almost entirely without human intervention. Industry leader BYD has developed an ultra-fast charging technology that can add 400 kilometers (249 miles) of driving range in roughly five minutes, bringing EV charge times close to the length of a traditional gasoline refueling stop.

    XPeng founder and CEO He Xiaopeng told the BBC that his company is now prioritizing research and development into humanoid robots and flying cars alongside its core EV business. “In the next decade, any car company will also be a robotics company,” he predicted.

    Global automakers already depend on China as a manufacturing and export hub for international markets: Tesla exports Shanghai-assembled Model 3 sedans to customers across Europe, while BMW produces electric Mini models in China for global distribution. Despite this, most foreign brands have struggled to maintain their position within China’s own domestic market.

    Data from automotive consultancy Automobility shows that foreign brands’ combined share of China’s domestic car market has plummeted from 64% in 2020 to just 32% in 2026. This steep decline has hit bottom lines at General Motors and major German manufacturers, which once relied heavily on China for a large share of their global profits. Even luxury automotive brands are facing growing pressure: Huawei’s Maextro S800 luxury sedan is now the best-selling vehicle priced above $100,000 (£74,145) in China, outselling the combined total of one-time market leaders including the Porsche Panamera and BMW 7-series.

    Today, China exports roughly seven million finished vehicles annually, with nearly half of those shipments being electric vehicles. For decades, the dynamic between foreign and Chinese automotive firms followed a clear pattern: global brands brought advanced technology and established brand recognition, while local partners provided manufacturing infrastructure and access to the Chinese market. That model is now obsolete, and industry relationships are being redefined from the ground up.

    Stellantis recently finalized a €1 billion ($1.16 billion; £863 million) agreement with state-backed Chinese automaker Dongfeng to produce Peugeot and Jeep models in China for both domestic and global sales. As part of the deal, Stellantis will also bring Dongfeng’s Voyah electric brand to the European market, and is currently exploring the possibility of producing Chinese-designed vehicles at its existing manufacturing plant in France.

    Volkswagen has invested $700 million to access XPeng’s software architecture and autonomous driving systems to accelerate development of its next-generation EV line — a move that marked an implicit acknowledgment that the German giant could not develop the technology quickly enough on its own in its home markets. XPeng’s He framed the partnership as mutually beneficial: “We study each other, so we trust each other, so we help each other.”

    Toyota, Hyundai, Ford, and Nissan have all followed similar paths, expanding their Chinese research and development centers or exploring plans to build Chinese-designed vehicles at their overseas factories, tapping into local Chinese innovation and engineering talent rather than just using the country for low-cost assembly.

    Not all global automakers have successfully adapted to the new landscape. Audi has been forced to offer steep discounts on its E5 model, a vehicle specifically designed and engineered for the Chinese market, after demand fell far short of company projections. General Motors has written down billions of dollars in value from its Chinese operations, and reported a more than 21% drop in sales in China during the first quarter of 2026.

    Japanese automakers have been particularly slow to transition to fully electric vehicles, leaving them exposed to competition in China and increasingly in Southeast Asia, where Chinese brands are rapidly capturing market share. In early 2026, Volkswagen briefly reclaimed the title of top-selling car brand in China, but industry analysts attribute the shift largely to the phase-out of Beijing’s EV subsidies, which temporarily weakened domestic Chinese rivals.

    China’s domestic automotive market is also cooling after years of breakneck expansion. Industry growth has slowed, while persistent overcapacity and an intense industry-wide price war are squeezing profit margins for nearly all players. This market pressure is a key driver of Chinese automakers’ push into overseas markets: major brands including BYD, Chery, and SAIC are aggressively expanding into Europe and emerging markets across the Global South, even facing EU tariffs as high as 45% on Chinese EV imports.

    Chery’s Jaecoo 7 has already become one of the United Kingdom’s best-selling new passenger models within just 14 months of its launch. However, tariffs of more than 100% have effectively blocked Chinese EV brands from accessing the large US market for the foreseeable future.

    Industry analysts warn that as more vehicle production, battery innovation, and automotive software development shifts to China, established manufacturing hubs in Southeast Asia and Europe could face sustained disruption, putting local jobs and regional economic growth at risk. Trade tariffs will not be enough to shield domestic industries from this shift, says independent automotive consultant James Pearson: “If you lock them out of one market, they will just find another.”

    Russo argues that the global automotive industry’s center of gravity has already shifted irreversibly toward China. Companies that are willing to collaborate and adapt to the new landscape have a chance to remain competitive, he says, while those that focus solely on blocking China’s rise will almost certainly fall further behind.

  • How a Gaza-bound aid convoy unravelled attempting to enter Haftar-controlled eastern Libya

    How a Gaza-bound aid convoy unravelled attempting to enter Haftar-controlled eastern Libya

    Last week, international headlines focused on Israeli forces intercepting a sea-bound pro-Palestinian aid flotilla heading to Gaza. What gained less immediate attention, however, was a parallel disruption 2,000 kilometers to the west, where a land-based wing of the same Global Sumud solidarity movement saw its journey to the besieged enclave collapse into detention and chaos.

    More than 200 activists with the Global Sumud Convoy pushed into the 5+5 security zone outside the Libyan city of Sirte, a buffer zone established under the country’s 2020 ceasefire agreement that has remained a contested flashpoint. The group’s goal was simple: negotiate safe passage through eastern Libya to Egypt’s Rafah crossing, the primary entry point for aid into blockaded Gaza.

    After days of camping in the zone, armed forces arrived at the encampment and broke up the convoy. Most participants were forcibly escorted back to the capital Tripoli under armed guard, but 10 international activists from Spain, Poland, the United States, Argentina, Uruguay, Portugal, Tunisia and Italy were taken into custody and remain held by Libyan authorities.

    Speaking to Middle East Eye from her home in Johannesburg, South Africa, activist Jessica Breakey, who returned after the dismantling, described the group’s reluctance to leave their detained comrades behind. “We just didn’t want to leave without them,” she said. “It was always like we were in this together, like this convoy was moving together – and I think the worst part about the camp being dismantled and us having to go back was that we were going back without them.”

    Libya has been fractured along political and geographic lines since the 2011 NATO-backed overthrow of former ruler Muammar Gaddafi. Eastern Libya is controlled by the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF) led by commander Khalifa Haftar, backed by Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, while a UN-supported unity government governs the western half of the country, including Tripoli.

    The Global Sumud Convoy, launched by North African activists and later joined by hundreds of international participants, set out from Mauritania with a clear mission: deliver tangible, practical aid to Gaza that would go beyond the largely symbolic impact of previous sea-based flotillas. The convoy carried seven ambulances, 10 aid trucks, 20 mobile homes, and a team of medical professionals, engineers, educators and legal observers. Its progress across North Africa was largely uneventful until it reached the Sirte security zone.

    Negotiations for onward passage hit a breaking point on Sunday, when the convoy’s negotiating team was arrested. The following day, security forces arrived at the camp, forced the remaining activists onto buses at gunpoint, and even fired tear gas into a nearby mosque where some activists had taken shelter. It remains unclear which authority the security forces were directly affiliated with.

    Breakey noted that the treatment in Sirte stood in sharp contrast to the warm welcome and widespread public support the convoy received from Libyan civilians on its journey from Tripoli westward. She also criticized the Libyan Red Crescent, which had publicly expressed support for the convoy but failed to attend planned negotiations with Haftar’s representatives, effectively going “missing in action” as the crisis unfolded. “It’s crazy looking back at a time when we actually were very, very hopeful,” she added.

    Shortly after the raid, the eastern Libyan government’s foreign ministry announced new restrictions barring non-Libyan and non-Egyptian travelers from moving onward to Egypt. The ministry defended its actions, saying it handled the situation “within the framework of legal and humanitarian responsibility,” and claimed all detainees “are receiving the necessary care and medical and humanitarian follow-up.” It also reaffirmed Libya’s formal support for the Palestinian cause, but stressed that “respect for national sovereignty and the legal regulations governing the movement of individuals across borders is non-negotiable.”

    Human rights monitors have repeatedly documented widespread abuses in areas controlled by Haftar’s LAAF. Amnesty International reports that the LAAF and its affiliated armed groups severely restrict freedom of expression and association, targeting anyone perceived as a critic or opponent of Haftar. “Libyans, as well as refugees and migrants, detained by LAAF, which exercises government-like functions in areas under its control, risk torture and other ill-treatment, as well as prolonged detention amid flagrant due process violations,” explained Sara Hashash, Amnesty International’s deputy director for the Middle East and North Africa.

    Despite repeated reassurances from eastern Libyan officials, friends and fellow activists have grown increasingly anxious about the conditions and extended detention of the 10 activists. The coinciding timing of Eid al-Adha has reportedly slowed diplomatic progress and limited contact with detainees.

    On Thursday, Italy’s consul general in Benghazi confirmed he had visited the two Italian detainees held at a police barracks in eastern Libya. Following the visit, eastern Libyan authorities agreed to minor improvements to detention conditions, allowing access to showers, clean clothes and better accommodation, but have not released any information about possible deportation or release procedures.

    Not all criticism of the incident has come from outside the convoy: some participating activists say the mission suffered from fatal planning flaws from its start. Felipe, a 29-year-old Chilean-Palestinian activist with experience on previous sea-based aid flotillas, argues the convoy’s leadership bore partial responsibility for the outcome.

    During a two-week wait in Tripoli, Felipe said it became clear that organizers had made no contingency plans for detentions or a confrontation with the LAAF. “If we were not able to go through east Libya, we should not have kept pressuring them because we were going to shift the narrative from Israel to Libya,” he said. “We were waiting in the desert for nine days doing nothing.”

    He added that leadership sidelined critical voices ahead of the push into the security zone. “The day before [the raid], when they decided to go to the [eastern Libyan] border, I was not invited to the meeting because I was being critical. Their plan was basically to have a permanent camp or to do a hunger strike on the border,” he explained. Felipe added that the group was camped at an abandoned, bullet-riddled gas station that was once used by the Islamic State group, and many participants did not grasp the severity of their location or the risks. After the arrests, he argued, the convoy should have retreated to the western city of Misrata, as it had no resources or leverage to secure the detainees’ release. The entire experience, he said, left him disillusioned with land-based aid efforts: “Our people risked their lives to end the siege on Gaza… we came here and we risked our lives for nothing.”

    Analysts and rights advocates warn the incident could mark the end of any future land-based aid convoys attempting to cross Libya to reach Gaza. In recent years, Haftar has repeatedly signaled his interest in building diplomatic and economic ties with Israel, including through reported secret visits to meet Israeli officials, though it is unclear whether this influenced the LAAF’s handling of the convoy.

    Estelle Allemann, a legal researcher at the Mena Rights Group, called the new restrictions imposed by eastern Libyan authorities “a deeply troubling attempt to weaponise border control against humanitarian solidarity with Palestinians.” She added, “Restricting the movement of aid convoy activists under the guise of travel policy raises serious concerns about the criminalisation of civilian support for Gaza, and would fit a broader regional pattern of suppressing pro-Palestinian activism.”

    Middle East Eye attempted to contact the eastern Libyan foreign ministry for additional comment, but had not received a response by the time of publication. In a formal statement released Thursday, the Maghreb Sumud Organisation, one of the convoy’s lead organizers, issued a clarification of recent events. It confirmed that all non-detained participants have been instructed to return to their home countries, with only a small team of senior officials remaining in Libya to continue diplomatic and legal efforts to secure the release of the 10 detainees and coordinate the delivery of the planned aid. The group emphasized that the Global Sumud Convoy was never intended as an act of confrontation, but rather an independent, civilian humanitarian initiative to show moral solidarity with Gazans facing ongoing siege, widespread starvation, and total humanitarian collapse.

  • Strikes rock Gaza on Eid al-Adha as Israeli ceasefire violations top 3,000

    Strikes rock Gaza on Eid al-Adha as Israeli ceasefire violations top 3,000

    Even as Palestinian residents of the blockaded Gaza Strip gathered to mark the holy Islamic holiday of Eid al-Adha, Israeli military operations did not pause, with local authorities documenting thousands of breaches of a months-old nominal truce.

    The most high-profile strike of the holiday period hit a multi-story residential building in Gaza City’s al-Rimal neighborhood, carried out overnight Tuesday into Wednesday. Al Jazeera reports that as of initial casualty counts, six people have been confirmed dead in the attack.

    Israeli military officials have confirmed the strike targeted Mohammed Odeh, the recently appointed leader of Hamas’s armed wing, who stepped into the role in mid-May following the death of his predecessor Izz al-Din al-Haddad. The killing of Odeh has not received official confirmation from Hamas as of Wednesday, but an anonymous Hamas source speaking to Agence France-Presse confirmed that Odeh’s wife and two children were also killed in the air raid, and that a formal funeral procession would be held Wednesday afternoon in central Gaza City.

    The targeted strike is just one of thousands of truce violations that have occurred since a tentative ceasefire agreement first took effect in October, according to data from the Gaza Government Media Office. The office’s official statement released Wednesday pegs total confirmed violations at 3,005, with actions ranging from large-scale aerial bombings and deliberate strikes on civilian infrastructure to widespread home demolitions, repeated ground incursions into residential neighborhoods and ongoing small-arms fire against civilian populations.

    Since the truce was signed, the ongoing Israeli operations have left a devastating toll on Gaza’s civilian population: more than 910 non-combatant Palestinians have been killed, another 2,747 have suffered injuries, and 82 additional people have been detained or abducted by Israeli forces during incursions into the enclave.

    Compounding the humanitarian crisis, Israeli border restrictions have continued to block the vast majority of humanitarian aid from entering Gaza, with more than 64 percent of all scheduled relief shipments denied entry as of this week. The blocked shipments include critical lifesaving supplies: food, clean drinking water, pharmaceutical products, fuel for medical generators and other basic necessities that Gaza’s population already suffers acute shortages of.

    Local media reports, citing sources in Gaza’s overstretched health system, note that more than 12 additional people have been killed across the enclave in Israeli strikes over the 24-hour period ending Wednesday morning. Beyond the al-Rimal strike, Israeli forces launched new operations at dawn Wednesday: airstrikes hit areas east of the Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza, while artillery shelling was reported in the southern Gaza city of Khan Younis.

    This reporting is part of independent coverage from Middle East Eye, which specializes in on-the-ground reporting and analysis of the Middle East and North Africa region.

  • Defected Sudanese RSF commander Savannah performs Hajj in Mecca

    Defected Sudanese RSF commander Savannah performs Hajj in Mecca

    Weeks after publicly breaking ranks with Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces — the paramilitary group widely accused of perpetrating genocide in the country’s Darfur region — a top defector has appeared in new footage performing the Islamic Hajj pilgrimage at Mecca’s Grand Mosque, triggering fierce divided debate across Sudanese digital communities.

    Circulated publicly by Al Jazeera on Tuesday, the video shows Ali Rizqallah, better known by his battlefield alias Savannah, standing at the Kaaba, Islam’s holiest site. He presses his palms against the structure’s iconic black kiswa cloth, offering public prayers for his war-ravaged homeland as thousands of fellow pilgrims circle the site behind him. In the audio recording of the clip, Savannah calls on God to grant unity to Sudanese forces, halt ongoing bloodshed, end the two-year civil war, lift the nation’s crippling crisis, and bring judgment against what he terms “every tyrant”.

    Savannah’s defection from the RSF was first announced in a formal video statement on May 11. Just four days after that announcement, he reemerged in Sudan’s capital Khartoum, where he pledged to take up arms alongside the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) against his former comrades in the conflict zones of Kordofan and Darfur. Before his split from the group, Savannah stood among the RSF’s most powerful and high-profile field commanders. He led multiple operations that allowed the paramilitary force to seize key strategic territories across North Darfur and West Kordofan, including the critical town of al-Nahud, and has been linked to the recruitment of foreign fighters from neighboring Chad and Niger.

    A former leader of an independent armed movement, Savannah was first integrated into the SAF with the rank of brigadier general under a 2013 peace deal with the government of longtime dictator Omar al-Bashir. He was stripped of that rank by a military court in 2021, following Bashir’s ouster from power, and only joined the RSF when the current civil war broke out in mid-April 2023. During a May 16 press conference in Khartoum, Savannah framed his initial decision to align with the RSF as one born of coercion, not ideology. He claimed he had no other option amid widespread intimidation and retaliatory campaigns targeting the families of anyone who refused to fight alongside the group, saying “I and my family were among the victims of the militia, like the rest of the Sudanese”. He has also stated he is willing to face legal accountability for any accusations brought against him.

    In that same press briefing, Savannah alleged that dozens of field and tribal commanders are still being forced to fight for the RSF against their will, with the group holding their families hostage to guarantee compliance. He added that the RSF has carried out internal purges, executing several of its own commanders in recent days — naming Abdullah Hussein and senior adviser Hamid Ali as recent casualties, with additional killings documented across West Darfur. He also claimed that senior RSF figures, including operations chief Othman Mohammed Hamid (better known as Othman Amaliyat), have been placed under house arrest by the group’s leadership. Savannah predicted that a wave of large-scale defections will hit the RSF in the near future, and confirmed that he and his allied fighters are fully prepared to work toward dismantling the paramilitary organization entirely. He also noted that large stockpiles of weapons continue to flow into RSF-held territories in Darfur, though he declined to name the supplier. International observers have already documented substantial evidence pointing to the United Arab Emirates as the primary source of weapons, equipment and even Colombian mercenaries supporting the RSF.

    Savannah is the fourth senior RSF commander to defect to the SAF since October 2024, following high-profile exits by Abu Aqla Keikel, Major-General al-Nour Ahmed Adam (known as al-Qubba), and field commander Bashara al-Huwaira.

    The footage of his Hajj pilgrimage has split public opinion among Sudanese social media users. Some commentators have interpreted the act as a public gesture of repentance for his time with the RSF, while others have rejected any religious act as insufficient to atone for the paramilitary group’s well-documented atrocities. In a direct public message to Savannah, Sudanese journalist Sabah Ahmed wrote that the rights of RSF victims cannot be erased by performing Hajj or touching the Kaaba’s coverings, saying simply “Our rights against you have not been forgiven.”

    The RSF has faced mounting international condemnation and legal consequences over atrocities committed primarily in Darfur, particularly after the group captured the North Darfur capital el-Fasher in October 2025 following a 500-day siege. The UN Security Council has already sanctioned four senior RSF commanders, with UN investigators concluding that the group’s actions carry “the hallmarks of genocide”. The United States formally recognized the RSF’s actions as genocide in January 2025, and imposed sanctions on RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, widely known as Hemedti. The International Criminal Court based in The Hague is currently conducting investigations into alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by commanders from both the RSF and SAF since the conflict began. To date, Savannah has not been personally sanctioned by any international body.

    Sudan’s civil war, which has continued unabated since April 2023, has spawned what the United Nations describes as the world’s worst current humanitarian crisis. Clashes between the SAF and RSF have killed hundreds of thousands of people, displaced nearly 13 million more, and left more than 40 percent of Sudan’s population facing acute life-threatening food insecurity.