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  • Sadiq Khan says he told Met Police to investigate Great Israeli Real Estate event

    Sadiq Khan says he told Met Police to investigate Great Israeli Real Estate event

    A brewing controversy over an upcoming real estate event in London that promotes properties linked to illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank has drawn public opposition from London Mayor Sadiq Khan, who has confirmed he has raised concerns about the gathering with UK law enforcement and senior government departments.

    Khan made his opposition official during Friday’s Mayor’s Question Time session at the London Assembly, responding to a question tabled by Zack Polanski, assembly member and leader of the Green Party of England and Wales. The gathering, branded the Great Israeli Real Estate Event, is scheduled to open this Sunday, though organizers have refused to publicly disclose its exact location.

    In his address to the assembly, Khan made clear his position on the issue: “Israeli settlements in the West Bank are unjustifiable and illegal under international law. They are deeply tied to the ongoing displacement of Palestinians. I condemn any attempt to sell property in the settlements in the West Bank, be that in London or anywhere else in the world.”

    The mayor added that his shared concerns over the event’s planned presence in London had prompted direct outreach to the Metropolitan Police (Met), the UK’s capital police force. “I’m informed that any allegations of criminality relating to the potentially unlawful sale of property at the event would be assessed by the Met with a view to investigation,” Khan said. When pressed by Polanski on whether he had contacted the UK foreign secretary, Khan confirmed his office had already established communications with both the Foreign Office and Home Office, declining to share further details on the discussions for operational reasons.

    Following the question time session, Polanski told Middle East Eye (MEE) he welcomed Khan’s strong rebuke of the event and its ties to activity that violates international law, but stressed that concrete action is now needed. “In practical terms, the Met Police should shut down the event on the grounds that it is unlawful. London risks becoming complicit in settlement expansion if people in our capital are profiting from the theft of Palestinian land,” Polanski said.

    Legal advocacy groups have already formally requested a police investigation into whether the event should be blocked under a UK Serious Crime Prevention Order (SCPO), a civil court order designed to restrict involvement in serious criminal activity. In a letter sent to the Met on Friday, the International Centre of Justice for Palestinians (ICJP), the European Legal Support Center and the Public Interest Law Centre called on officers to assess whether reasonable grounds exist to investigate potential offenses stemming from the event’s organization, promotion and facilitation.

    The letter specifically asks the Met to examine whether any financial flows tied to the event qualify as criminal property, and to consider applying for a SCPO if evidence confirms serious criminal conduct. “Palestinian land is not for sale, and occupation is not a real estate opportunity,” said Órlaith Roe, ICJP’s public affairs and communications officer. “This order sets out further evidence of the serious concerns surrounding the illegality of this event, concerns we have already raised with the Metropolitan Police.”

    MEE’s prior reporting has confirmed direct links between the event’s participating companies and illegal settlement activity. Multiple participating firms openly advertise or have built projects in illegal Israeli settlements across the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem: Harey Zahav advertises properties in Negohot, a settlement in the southern Hebron Hills; the Meshulam Levinstein Group has constructed residential and commercial projects in illegal settlements including East Jerusalem’s Homat Shmuel neighborhood; Tivuch Shelly real estate agency lists properties in the Ma’ale Adunim settlement; and Africa Israel Residences, part of the Africa Israel Group, has been involved in multiple settlement projects across the West Bank and East Jerusalem. At the time of writing, the event’s website displays a map of Israel that incorporates all occupied Palestinian territories, though a reference to the Gush Etzion settlement cluster was removed from the site earlier this week.

    The UK Foreign Office has already confirmed that Israeli settlements violate international law and pose a major barrier to lasting regional peace. Just days before the event, the UK government updated its official Business Risk Guidance to explicitly warn British citizens and businesses against engaging in any economic or financial activity tied to illegal Israeli settlements. When MEE requested comment from the Foreign Office earlier this week, a spokesperson said the government would continue coordinating policy with international allies and pursue concrete action to counter settlement expansion.

    Event organizers have pushed back against the allegations in comments to Jewish News, denying any plans to feature properties from the occupied West Bank. They claimed “all exhibitors, without exception, will provide information about properties and projects within the Green Line” and dismissed criticism as “ridiculous allegations” motivated by anti-Israeli sentiment.

    This is not the first time the Great Israeli Real Estate Event has sparked controversy: the gathering was held in New York City last month, where reporting from The Intercept confirmed at least one exhibitor advertised land sales in illegal occupied settlements. New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani also publicly opposed the event, and Amnesty International UK has this week called on the UK government to take immediate action to block the London gathering from going forward.

  • ‘We knew it was coming’: Belfast violence leaves Syrian supermarket in ruins

    ‘We knew it was coming’: Belfast violence leaves Syrian supermarket in ruins

    In a strongly loyalist Protestant neighborhood of south Belfast, two Syrian migrants who spent years building a small community business now face the aftermath of destruction for the second time in two years. For managers Mohammed and Sultan, the charred remains of their Sham supermarket on Donegall Road have left them with little choice but to flee the area they have called home for over a decade.

    Mohammed, who fled Syria’s conflict in 2014 with a permanent shrapnel wound to his leg and gained British citizenship a year later, says the violence is inevitable. “It’s about to kick off,” he warned before the attack. His younger business partner Sultan, who was just 10 years old when his family escaped war-torn Aleppo to rebuild their lives in Northern Ireland’s capital, echoes the grim realization: “We’ve got to go.”

    The pair pack into Mohammed’s car, its interior cluttered with the messy, familiar chaos of a life with six children – half-eaten croissants tucked under seats, discarded clothing piled against the baby seat, one window stuck permanently open. Minutes later, they sit down at a nearby Lebanese cafe to reflect on the total loss of all their hard-won progress.

    Mohammed has managed the neighborhood supermarket since 2021, and this latest arson marks the second time masked gangs targeting ethnic minority-owned businesses have destroyed the property. Just three days before the attack, the store stood fully stocked: produce lined the front display, aisles were clean and welcoming, and new refrigeration units – installed to replace equipment destroyed in the 2024 attack – were fully operational. Today, the entire building is gutted by fire, its facade and sections of the residential flats above blackened by soot. The heavy protective security shutters are split clean in two, a discarded wheelie bin sits abandoned outside, and pigeons pick through the charred rubble for scraps of food. “They burned it all,” Mohammed confirms plainly.

    The attack came in the wake of a fatal stabbing carried out by a Sudanese man on local resident Stephen Ogilvie, an event the two business owners knew would act as a tinderbox for sectarian and anti-immigrant violence. It would mark the third consecutive summer of racist unrest in Belfast. “We saw some things on Facebook, so we knew it was going to happen,” Mohammed explained. Out of respect for Ogilvie, he voluntarily closed the store on Tuesday, but the gesture did nothing to stop the approaching violence. By 7 p.m., as gangs rampaged through loyalist areas of the city, firebombing homes they identified as belonging to ethnic minority families and setting vehicles alight, Mohammed’s phone flooded with urgent messages alerting him that his shop was ablaze. There was nothing he could do to stop it.

    When the pair arrived at dawn the next morning to assess the damage, they found nothing salvageable. Even the new fridges and freezers – replaced after the first attack in August 2024, which followed a wave of anti-immigrant riots that spread across the UK from the English town of Southport – were completely destroyed. The entire stock of produce was lost to the flames.

    The Sham supermarket sits directly across from Sandy Row Rangers Supporters Club, a local institution rooted in the area’s staunch loyalist identity, which supports Northern Ireland remaining part of the United Kingdom. The neighborhood is dotted with iconic markers of that identity: a wall mural marking Queen Elizabeth II’s 2012 Diamond Jubilee inscribed “From Sandy Row to the House of Windsor”, a tribute to the Northern Irish national football team labeled “Our wee country”, and murals honoring loyalist paramilitary fighters killed during the Troubles, emblazoned with the crests of the Ulster Defence Association and Ulster Freedom Fighters. Flags fly from every building: the Union Jack, Saint George’s Cross, and the Israeli flag, raised in counterpoint to the Palestinian and occasional Hezbollah flags common in Catholic west Belfast.

    Outside the supporters club, local opinion splits on the violence. While many long-term residents reject attempts to paint the entire loyalist community as racist, hostility toward the Syrian-owned supermarket persists, repeating unsubstantiated talking points spread by far-right figures including Elon Musk and Tommy Robinson. One local man in his 60s repeated false claims that the shop’s owners are drug dealers, alleging repeated tax raids on the property. Sultan dismisses these allegations as baseless excuses to justify years of harassment and ultimately the destruction of the business. Graffiti scrawled on a nearby apartment building across the street labels the property “Drug dealer flat”, echoing the smears.

    Other local residents openly condemn the rioting. Jackie, 69, and John, a former British soldier who settled in Belfast 50 years ago, both describe the attackers as thugs. “These people are thugs,” Jackie says, while John adds “Personally, I think they’re doing the wrong thing.” Even so, both parrot anti-migrant rhetoric common in far-right circles, claiming migrants housed in local hotels are responsible for violent crime and that the UK government “emptied their prisons” to allow mass migration. Jackie insists the unrest “isn’t about race”, pointing to her concern for a Black local family trapped in their home during the violence, but acknowledges the fear and suffering the unrest has inflicted on innocent people.

    Few residents are willing to speak openly about long-running rumors that loyalist paramilitary groups are involved in organizing the violence. Amid widespread poverty across the Sandy Row area, many locals acknowledge that organized crime groups profit from the instability and hold back community development. “Some of these areas have suffered from the baleful interests of loyalist paramilitaries and protection rackets,” explained Patrick Corrigan, head of nations and regions for Amnesty International. “Some of the investment has come from migrants because they set up little businesses and no one is competing with them.”

    While Belfast remains a deeply segregated city, split largely between Irish Catholic and Protestant communities, the past three years of summer violence have targeted a new group: Black and Brown migrant residents, not Catholic communities. For many long-term residents, the chaos echoes the worst violence of the Troubles. “History is repeating itself,” says John. Jackie recalls experiencing similar unrest as a child: “I got a flashback to when I was 11 years old, living up the road, when the soldiers were coming over, the petrol bombs were flying, and the fear of God was in me.”

    For Mohammed and Sultan, the violence in Belfast echoes the trauma they fled from Syria. Mohammed first became caught up in the 2011 Syrian uprising, and survived an airstrike in his hometown of Latakia in 2014 that left him with a permanent leg injury when he went out to buy food for his family. He claimed asylum in the UK, settled in Belfast, and gained citizenship in 2015; his wife joined him in 2018, and all six of his children were born in Northern Ireland. “I came here and I felt like I’m happy,” he says. Despite his injury qualifying him for disability benefits, he chose to work, holding a three-year position as a cook at KFC before opening his own shop. “I told myself it’s easy to open businesses here because there are no Arabic shops and rent is cheap.” He said he liked Belfast, liked the people, and understood the city’s complex history.

    Even so, the pair say there was not a single day operating the supermarket that did not bring some form of harassment. After the first attack in 2024, they rebuilt anyway, only to lose everything again. “The racist attacks are getting worse,” Sultan says. Official data from December 2025 confirms his observation: race hate crimes in Northern Ireland have reached their highest level since record-keeping began 20 years ago.

    Sultan, who grew up in Aleppo before the city was reduced to rubble by regime and Russian bombing, says local rioters have no understanding of the trauma he and Mohammed have already survived. “They have no idea what happened in Syria,” he says. Even so, his life is now rooted in Northern Ireland: he attended local schools, and has a Northern Irish girlfriend from a mixed Protestant-Catholic family who supports him. “My life is here now,” he says. “There are a lot of locals who look out for me. My girlfriend is amazing. Her family take care of me.”

    Despite the repeated destruction and rising danger, the two men have not given up entirely. They plan to make one more attempt to rebuild the Sham supermarket. “Life is not going to stop because some people burned a shop,” Sultan says.

  • Israeli firm BlackCore meddled in US and Scottish elections, French watchdog says

    Israeli firm BlackCore meddled in US and Scottish elections, French watchdog says

    A growing international scandal over suspected cross-border digital election meddling has expanded after France’s national disinformation watchdog Viginum confirmed that an Israeli cyber company already accused of sabotaging French local elections is also suspected of interference efforts in elections in New York City and Scotland, global news agency Reuters reported.

    The accusations were laid out publicly during a Thursday press conference that included French Prime Minister Sebastien Lecornu, where Viginum director Marc-Antoine Brillant stated that technical forensic investigations had pointed to Israeli cyber firm BlackCore as the actor behind the global influence operations. Brillant emphasized that the company’s pattern of covert meddling was not confined to France’s municipal election cycle.

    “This modus operandi was not limited to municipal elections in France,” Brillant told reporters. “It also appears to have been used to carry out foreign digital interference operations in other countries or regions, such as Angola, Togo, the elections in Scotland, and the 2025 municipal election in New York.”

    As it stands, however, French investigators have not been able to uncover who ultimately commissioned BlackCore to carry out the covert interference operations targeting French political candidates. Brillant acknowledged that ongoing probes have not yielded definitive answers about the identity of any hidden backers.

    “Our investigations did not make it possible to identify the sponsor or sponsors, if indeed they exist, behind this foreign digital interference,” he said.

    The first public allegations against BlackCore emerged last month, when French authorities tied the firm to a coordinated online smear campaign targeting three left-wing mayoral candidates from France Unbowed (LFI), a leftist party with explicit pro-Palestine positions. The covert interference campaign, first detected by Viginum in March, leveraged fake websites, inauthentic social media profiles, and targeted negative digital advertising to spread false criminal accusations—including claims of sexual assault—against candidates running in the cities of Marseille, Toulouse, and Roubaix.

    A subsequent joint investigation by French outlet *Libération* and Israeli newspaper Haaretz found digital traces of the operation on a server linked to BlackCore and two other Tel Aviv-based companies. Lecornu confirmed that the French government has formally requested that Israeli authorities provide explanations for BlackCore’s alleged activities and assist in identifying the hidden backers of the smear campaign.

    “I do not doubt for a single instant that if a French private group, from French soil moreover, had engaged in foreign digital interference in Israel, they would have done the same to its ambassador on site,” Lecornu added.

    Israel’s embassy in Paris has confirmed that French officials reached out regarding the case, noting that Israeli authorities are waiting to receive full details of the French investigation to launch their own internal inquiry.

    Notably, Brillant did not explicitly name the targets of the alleged interference in New York City’s 2025 election, which was won by Zohran Mamdani, a candidate well known for his public support of the Palestinian cause. Multiple relevant stakeholders, including Mamdani’s team, the New York Police Department, and the U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, have not yet responded to Reuters’ requests for comment, while the Federal Bureau of Investigation declined to issue any statement on the matter.

    Viginum also confirmed that social media accounts linked to BlackCore targeted Scotland’s First Minister John Swinney, who has publicly labeled the humanitarian situation in Gaza a man-made catastrophe and warned that a genocide could be unfolding in the besieged territory.

    Before the allegations became public, BlackCore removed all of its public online presence following press inquiries. Prior to taking its website offline, the firm marketed itself as “an elite influence, cyber, and technology company built for the modern era of information warfare” that offered governments and political campaigns “cutting-edge strategies, advanced tools, and robust security to shape narratives.” BlackCore has not responded to multiple repeated requests for comment on the allegations from news organizations.

  • Is China really deflating deflation? It’s harder than Beijing thinks

    Is China really deflating deflation? It’s harder than Beijing thinks

    Amid growing optimism that China has turned the page on its 2025 deflation crisis, new analysis warns the foundations of this recovery remain fragile, drawing stark parallels to Japan’s 30-year battle with entrenched deflationary pressures that continues to hobble growth today.

    Official data from May shows China’s consumer price index climbing 1.2% year-on-year, while producer prices surged 3.9% driven by rising input costs for energy, semiconductors and industrial metals. Many economists have pointed to this uptick as the clearest evidence yet that the deflationary era is ending, giving way to a period of controlled reflation. But experts warn that surface-level inflation readings do not address deep structural imbalances that have kept deflationary sentiment alive, just as they did in Japan starting in the 1990s.

    Two critical structural reforms stand between Beijing and a durable end to weak price pressures, neither of which the Chinese government has pursued with urgent action. The first is resolving the ongoing deep-seated housing market crisis, which increasingly mirrors the bad-loan spiral that dragged down Japan’s economy starting in the 1990s. With roughly 70% of Chinese household wealth tied directly to real estate, stabilizing property markets across the country’s 70 largest cities is a non-negotiable prerequisite to reviving consumer spending and sustaining annual GDP growth between 4.5% and 5%, analysts note. The second priority is building a robust, nationwide social safety net that would allow China’s 1.4 billion citizens to feel secure enough to increase consumption instead of maintaining high precautionary savings.

    Japan’s decades-long experience serves as a critical cautionary tale for Chinese policymakers. Even as the Bank of Japan (BOJ) prepares to raise its benchmark interest rate to 1% next week – the farthest it has moved from the zero lower bound in more than 30 years – deep deflationary undercurrents still persist across the Japanese economy.

    On paper, Japan appears to have finally escaped its decades-long low-price trap: the BOJ projects full-year 2026 inflation will hit 2.8%, a reading that seems to confirm reflation is taking hold. But beneath the headline data, real wage growth remains negative, with earnings consistently lagging rising prices, and weakening domestic demand as a direct result. This has created a slow-burn stagflation dynamic, and Tokyo has still failed to implement the structural reforms needed to close the gap between rising living costs and stagnant household incomes.

    “For the Japanese economy to fully break free from its long-standing deflationary mindset, it’s imperative for the government and the central bank to align, articulate their risk assessments, maintain honest and transparent dialogue with financial markets, and resolutely execute bold, long-term growth investments,” said Toshihiro Nagahama, chief economist at the Dai-ichi Life Research Institute.

    Nagahama argues that today’s global economy is being shaped by an unusually dense web of overlapping shocks: the ongoing war in Ukraine, widespread volatility across the Middle East, and historic turning points in central bank monetary policy across major advanced economies. The connecting thread across these shifts is clear: geopolitical developments are now driving global economic outcomes, rather than the reverse. With the potential for expanded conflict in Iran creating major uncertainty, Nagahama warns that governments cannot anchor economic strategies to optimistic best-case scenarios. Instead, they must plan for worst-case risks, including the possibility of multi-year disruptions to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical energy chokepoint whose closure would reshape global energy trade flows and inflation dynamics for years to come.

    “While these shifts present a formidable trial for Japan, they also represent a historic opportunity,” Nagahama notes. “As the country sheds its decades-long deflationary mindset and restores nominal growth, these external shocks serve as a critical test for fully escaping the paradigm of contracting equilibrium.”

    Yet Japan may not get the sweeping policy rethink it needs to escape this trap. Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s economic framework still relies heavily on the ultralow interest rates and weak yen policy that Tokyo has leaned on for nearly 30 years. That is why next week’s widely expected rate hike to 1% has already sparked pushback from Japanese political leaders who prefer the comfort of decades-old monetary policy over painful structural reform.

    The timing of the BOJ’s June 16 rate-setting meeting is awkward: it will proceed without Governor Kazuo Ueda, who has been hospitalized with a liver infection. Even so, Nomura economist Mari Iwashita notes that Ueda’s absence is unlikely to change the final outcome of the vote. Still, Takaichi’s administration has publicly pressured the BOJ to hold off on tightening. Last year, she even dismissed the idea of rate hikes as “stupid,” despite growing evidence that Japan’s 27-year experiment with near-zero interest rates has backfired. Her government is the 14th Japanese administration since the late 1990s to double down on a weak-yen strategy designed to boost exports and lift headline GDP.

    Far from reviving entrepreneurial and business confidence across Japan, this approach has dulled risk-taking incentives. Decades of near-free money reduced the urgency for policymakers to boost national competitiveness and for corporate leaders to pursue innovation, restructuring and calculated risk-taking. That long-running complacency is visible today: Japanese industry is watching uneasily as Chinese EV maker BYD upends the global electric vehicle market and Chinese AI firm DeepSeek reshapes the global artificial intelligence landscape – the same kind of disruptive innovation Japanese companies dominated back in the 1980s.

    Since taking office in October, Takaichi has shown little interest in breaking from this long-standing script. Her “Sanaenomics” agenda is essentially a continuation of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Abenomics framework, built on the same reliance on ultralow rates and a deliberately undervalued yen. The core problem with this approach is that Japan’s current inflation is not the healthy, demand-driven growth that policymakers once hoped for. It is fueled by high import costs for energy, food and other essential goods – classic cost-push inflation, not the demand-led price gains that signal rising household and business confidence. In short, it is unhealthy inflation that erodes living standards rather than reflecting broad-based growth.

    A strikingly similar dynamic is now unfolding in China. The gap between surging producer price inflation and muted consumer price growth is the widest it has been since June 2022. This divergence indicates that Chinese manufacturers are still struggling to pass higher input costs on to end consumers, leaving corporate profit margins under intense pressure. If this margin squeeze persists, it could have severe consequences for wage growth across the world’s second-largest $20 trillion economy, undermining household spending and weakening Beijing’s narrative of a successful end to deflation.

    This trajectory explains why Eurasia Group CEO Ian Bremmer began 2026 warning that “China’s deflation trap” would not disappear as easily as many optimistic analysts predict. Bremmer argues that Chinese leader Xi Jinping continues to prioritize political control and technological supremacy over the consumption stimulus and structural reforms that could break the deflationary cycle. “Beijing has the means to prevent a full-blown crisis, but living standards will deteriorate, the fallout will spread abroad, and the world’s second-largest economy will remain stuck in a trap of its own making,” Bremmer said.

    Five consecutive years of falling home prices have created “household wealth destruction on par with America’s 2008 crash, except it’s still accelerating,” Bremmer added. “Consumer confidence, investment, and domestic demand have cratered with it. Beijing bet big that high-tech manufacturing would fill the gap left by a contracting property sector. Instead, state-driven investment has created massive overcapacity, and weak domestic demand means there aren’t enough buyers to absorb the excess production.”

    One clear outcome of Beijing’s policy priorities is that too many Chinese firms are competing for a shrinking pool of domestic demand, forcing widespread price cuts to stay in business. “Margins collapse, forcing even well-run firms to cut wages and jobs to stay afloat,” Bremmer notes. “Workers spend less. Demand weakens further, so firms cut prices again. Meanwhile, debts grow harder to service with each turn of the cycle. Banks and local governments keep zombie firms alive — rolling over loans, protecting local champions — which keeps overcapacity entrenched.”

    Former U.S. President Donald Trump’s 2025 tariffs on Chinese goods made the situation even worse, closing off a critical export market and forcing Chinese firms to choose between cutting prices to find new buyers outside the U.S. or absorbing the extra costs of transshipping goods through third countries to access American consumers. Either choice further squeezes corporate margins, and today more than a quarter of all listed Chinese firms are unprofitable, the highest share in 25 years, creating a self-reinforcing debt-deflation cycle, Bremmer concludes.

    The core takeaway from decades of Japanese experience and current Chinese trends is that deflationary pressures can persist long after headline inflation turns positive, quietly eroding consumer and business confidence over time. This dynamic is why global markets are increasingly pricing in the possibility of monetary easing from the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) in the coming months – a move that would likely weaken the yuan and widen China’s already large trade surplus.

    As Council on Foreign Relations economist Brad Setser puts it: “Of course, no one explicitly says they would welcome a bigger surplus. But if an international institution’s policy advice is monetary easing — to fight deflation — and fiscal consolidation because of off-balance-sheet risks, plus more exchange-rate flexibility, it is effectively advocating for the country to export its way out of its domestic troubles.”

    Beijing has so far been reluctant to allow sharp yuan depreciation, for three key strategic reasons. A stable or slowly appreciating currency reduces the risk of offshore debt defaults among heavily indebted Chinese property developers. It also supports Xi’s long-term ambition to position the yuan as a credible alternative reserve currency to the U.S. dollar. Finally, it helps manage trade tensions with the second Trump White House, which remains highly sensitive to any policy that appears to give Chinese exporters an unfair competitive advantage.

    Regardless of how 2026 unfolds for the Chinese economy, hopes that Xi’s administration has successfully defeated deflation could be heading for a sharp correction. Japan’s decades-long experience proves that even when headline economic data suggests reflation is gaining traction, the deeply entrenched deflationary mindset among households and businesses is extremely difficult to reverse.

  • The China collapse that just never arrives

    The China collapse that just never arrives

    For more than 20 years, the idea that China is on the cusp of systemic collapse has lingered in Western analytical and media circles. The concept first entered mainstream discourse in 2001, when commentator Gordon Chang published *The Coming Collapse of China*, a work that infamously forecast China’s state-led economic model would collapse within 10 years.

    When that initial deadline passed without incident, the prediction was revised, repackaged, and cemented its place as a persistent genre of analysis that has outlived every missed timeline. For proponents of the narrative, a Chinese crisis has always been just around the corner. To understand the patterns that shape this flawed forecasting tradition, it is useful to examine two prominent analysts who sit on opposite ends of the collapse debate spectrum.

    Nouriel Roubini, the economist who earned the nickname “Dr. Doom” for his accurate early prediction of the 2008 global financial crisis, joined the camp of China skeptics in 2011. At that time, he warned China faced a significant risk of a sharp economic hard landing driven by runaway sovereign and corporate debt, excessive capital investment, and large-scale infrastructure projects disconnected from actual consumer and business demand. Roubini pegged a major crash to arrive after 2013.

    By 2015, when consensus around a Chinese hard landing reached its peak, Roubini re-evaluated his position against new on-the-ground data. He ultimately rejected the full collapse scenario, revising his forecast to predict a “bumpy landing”: a period of slower growth that would not spiral into total systemic failure. For Roubini, shifting evidence justified a shifting conclusion.

    Geopolitical strategist Peter Zeihan has taken a far different approach. For more than 10 years, Zeihan has maintained that China’s economy and political system face inevitable structural collapse. He points to an aging population shrinking the available workforce and an overreliance on exports that undermines long-term growth stability. While Zeihan has repeatedly adjusted his projected timeline for collapse in books, media interviews, and public talks, his core conclusion has remained largely unchanged.

    Zeihan’s identified challenges are not fabricated: China is indeed navigating rapid population aging, and its export sector faces stiffer global competition than in decades past. Yet the systemic collapse he has forecast has never materialized. China has responded to demographic headwinds by accelerating automation adoption and has steadily climbed the global industrial value chain, moving beyond low-cost manufacturing to high-value advanced production.

    This contrast between the two analysts is telling: Roubini adjusted his stance to match new evidence, while Zeihan has simply pushed his collapse deadline further into the future.

    This pattern of missed projections repeats across the broader discourse. When China’s Shanghai Stock Exchange plummeted in 2015, commentators immediately declared a hard landing was imminent. When major property developer China Evergrande Group defaulted on its debt in 2021, comparisons to the 2008 collapse of Lehman Brothers that triggered the global financial crisis appeared nearly overnight. In both cases, the predicted collapse never arrived. China’s economic and political system remained standing, despite serious stress.

    This is not to claim China faces no meaningful challenges. Household wealth remains heavily concentrated in a cooling property market. Youth unemployment rose to such unprecedented levels that Chinese authorities suspended public release of the data. Rising Western protectionism has made accessing key export markets far more difficult. Analysts forecasting trouble did not invent these strains; they correctly identified genuine vulnerabilities. What they have consistently misjudged is not the existence of stress, but how that stress would spread through China’s unique economic and political system.

    A prediction that fails repeatedly, only to be quietly postponed, eventually changes its nature. It stops being a data-driven forecast and becomes a persistent ideological expectation that survives every disconfirmation. The open question today is no longer whether China faces serious economic headwinds — it clearly does — but why collapse forecasts keep missing the mark in the same consistent direction. Errors stemming from incomplete bad data are typically random: some forecasts skew too optimistic, others too pessimistic, and over time they average out to match reality. The China collapse forecast does not scatter randomly; it consistently leans toward the same pessimistic outcome.

    The timeline for collapse has receded steadily for two decades: 2011 shifted to 2012, then to 2016. A hard landing was again pronounced after the 2015 stock correction, and the prediction persisted through the U.S.-China trade war, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the Evergrande default. Across that same 20-year period, China’s economy expanded more than fourfold in size, average household incomes quadrupled, and the country’s industrial base steadily moved up the global value chain. A forecasting error that consistently points in the same direction reveals more about the biases of the observer than the conditions of the country being observed.

    Three core forces explain the surprising durability of the collapse narrative, and none require intentional deception from its proponents.

    First, the conclusion of imminent collapse is politically and professionally useful. For investors, it provides a seemingly analytical justification for avoiding Chinese assets that actually stems from personal anxiety rather than data. For Western governments, it frames risk management around China as confirmation that a rising peer competitor cannot sustain its success, eliminating the need to adjust to a new global economic order. For media outlets, a collapsing China is far more clickable than a complex, rising rival: nuance does not drive audience engagement the way a looming disaster does. When a conclusion is this welcome to key audiences, confirming evidence is accepted uncritically while contradicting evidence is subjected to extreme scrutiny. Being wrong carries almost no professional cost: a forecaster can miss the same prediction for 20 years and remain a sought-after media authority. This bias is rarely conscious; it is the natural outcome of desire shaping perception.

    Second, the core assumption behind the narrative is deeply rooted in long-standing Western thought. A centuries-old tradition holds that a functional modern economy cannot exist without the specific liberal institutions Western powers developed: independent central banks, courts that constrain state power, and unfettered free flow of information. For those who hold this assumption firmly, China’s decades of rapid growth can only be a temporary bubble borrowed from the future, and collapse becomes an inevitable logical deduction rather than an evidence-based prediction.

    This conviction is most visible in the persistent assumption that China could only ever copy Western technology, never innovate on its own. Yet today Chinese firms lead global markets in electric vehicles, renewable energy storage, next-generation batteries, and a growing list of other cutting-edge technologies. The core premise of the collapse narrative has survived even as reality has steadily eroded it.

    Third, the economic models used to assess China’s vulnerability were built for Western market systems. Most standard forecasting tools are designed for economies where the state acts as an independent referee, not a major market participant. These models focus on private debt levels, leverage ratios, and property market valuations — all relevant indicators in China, but stress does not propagate through China’s system the same way it does in Western markets.

    The Evergrande default is the clearest example of this mismatch. Comparisons to Lehman Brothers seemed logical on the surface, but Lehman collapsed within a financial system made up of largely independent private creditors. China operates with a far different structure: state-owned banks and government-led debt restructuring have fundamentally altered the pathways through which financial distress can spread across the economy. The result was not the absence of crisis — it was a different kind of crisis. Developers defaulted, property values fell, and growth slowed, but the cascading systemic chain reaction many analysts predicted never materialized. Standard models correctly identified genuine vulnerabilities, but they misjudged how those vulnerabilities would play out in China’s unique system.

    Critics of the collapse narrative often fall into the opposite trap: claiming China faces no serious structural risks. This is equally misleading. Analysts who warned about China’s weaknesses were right about many core issues: major developers did default, property values did correct, and demographic headwinds are already reshaping China’s labor force. The label “imminent” collapse has been wrong for 20 years, but the label “fragile” has never been incorrect. This is the honorable path to forecasting error that Roubini exemplifies: acknowledging flaws while adjusting projections to match new data.

    The same logic that undermines the collapse narrative can be applied to its mirror opposite. If a perpetually collapsing China is a convenient narrative for many Western observers, an infallible China that cannot fail is equally convenient for its own supporters and global proponents. Both narratives rely on selective attention to evidence, and both mistake ideological conviction for empirical proof.

    All economic forecasting models are inherently maps: they compress a vast, complex reality into a small set of simple, legible variables. The actual territory of any economy, China included, is far messier and more unpredictable than any model can capture. When the territory refuses to behave the way the map predicts, the disciplined analytical response is to question the map. Too often, the reflexive response is to question the territory: to claim data is faked, or growth is inherently hollow.

    The root cause of two decades of consistent forecasting error boils down to this: analysts have been watching the wrong indicators. China’s new middle class did not only expand in the coastal megacities of Shanghai and Shenzhen. It grew most rapidly in inland cities like Chengdu, Hefei, Xi’an, and Zhengzhou, where rising incomes have been driven by industrial expansion and infrastructure investment, not speculative coastal real estate gains.

    If a genuine systemic decline is on the horizon, it will appear first in these regions, through shrinking household incomes and shifting spending patterns among China’s inland middle class. If these indicators begin to show sustained contraction, the collapse thesis will finally have the transmission mechanism it has lacked for decades. If, however, these inland indicators remain resilient, analysts and critics will once again need to reconsider the flawed assumptions that have produced 20 years of unfulfilled collapse predictions.

  • Families mark a year since Air India crash with vigils and prayers

    Families mark a year since Air India crash with vigils and prayers

    It has been 12 months since one of India’s deadliest aviation disasters unfolded, and on Friday, families of the 260 victims of Air India Flight 171 gathered across the country to honor their lost loved ones, clinging to faded memories while still waiting for clear answers about what caused the crash.

    The flight, bound for London from Ahmedabad’s international airport, crashed just seconds after lifting off from the runway on June 12 last year. The jet plowed into the campus of BJ Medical College, leaving no survivors among the 241 passengers and crew on board except one. Nineteen more people on the ground were also killed, bringing the total death toll to 260.

    To date, the exact cause of the disaster remains undetermined. On the first anniversary of the crash, Indian investigative authorities released their latest update, confirming that all collected evidence is currently undergoing “comprehensive and integrated analysis”. Officials confirmed a full public report will be released once the probe is completed.

    India’s Civil Aviation Minister Ram Mohan Naidu reaffirmed the commitment to a full, unbiased inquiry earlier this year. “We remain committed to a thorough and objective determination of the causes of the accident and to further enhancing aviation safety,” he wrote on social media platform X, alongside renewed condolences for all bereaved families.

    In Ahmedabad, the site of the crash, visible scars of the disaster still remain. The impact zone remains cordoned off, with blackened, damaged building structures still standing behind safety barriers. Relatives have transformed the perimeter of the site into an informal public memorial, covering the ground with flower garlands, handwritten condolence messages, and framed portraits of those who died.

    On Friday, dozens of families travelled to the site to pray and grieve together. Among them was the family of 12-year-old Akash Patni, who was killed when the plane crashed into the tea stall where he was helping his family work that day. Akash’s mother, Sitaben, suffered severe burn injuries in the crash and spent weeks recovering in hospital; Friday marked her first return to the site since the disaster. As she recited Hindu hymns beside her son’s garlanded portrait, she repeatedly broke down in tears, comforted by surrounding relatives.

    Fifty-three British citizens were among those killed in the crash. On Thursday, British High Commissioner to India Lindy Cameron laid wreaths to pay her respects to the victims, and a separate formal memorial service will be held in Leicester, UK, this weekend.

    At BJ Medical College itself, staff, students and family members gathered for a campus memorial event, and organizers also held a mass blood donation drive to honor the lives lost one year prior.

    For many families, private remembrance events were held far from the crash site, in family homes and local places of worship. In a small Ahmedabad home, the Thakur family prepared to honor Sarlaben Thakur and her two-year-old granddaughter Aadhya, who both died when the plane crashed into the college’s hostel building. The family marked the anniversary with a prayer meeting at a local temple, after their home proved too small to accommodate the 200 expected guests.

    The Thakur family have described June 12 as a permanent “black day” in their family history. Their grief remains so raw that they have removed all clocks from their home; even a quick glance at the time triggers painful memories of the frantic hours after the crash, when they searched every local hospital and mortuary for any sign of Sarlaben and Aadhya. For generations, the family has run a small tiffin service catering to doctors and medical staff at BJ Medical College, and Sarlaben spent decades cooking for the community. Despite their limited income, the family prepared a full meal for all mourners, including one of Aadhya’s favorite dishes — crunchy noodles and Manchurian. “In this way, they continue to occupy a place in our home,” said Uma Thakur, Sarlaben’s daughter. “We hope this will bring us all some peace, at least for some time.”

    In Maharashtra, memorial services were held in Mumbai, where the flight’s two pilots and several cabin crew members lived. In Nhava village, Navi Mumbai, relatives of cabin crew member Maithili Patil gathered for a private prayer service. Nine months after the crash, Maithili’s personal luggage was finally returned to her family; on Friday, the bag was displayed alongside her other favorite belongings as friends and family paid their respects. Like many other families, the Patils still wait for clarity on what caused the disaster. “My daughter will never come back to me. I only want the truth about what caused this accident,” Maithili’s mother Pramila told local reporters.

    The crash left just one survivor: Vishwash Kumar Ramesh, who lost his brother in the disaster. In a statement released for the first anniversary, Ramesh said he still lives with severe long-term psychological trauma from the event. “More than anything, people need honesty, transparency and answers. Nothing will ever change what happened, but families deserve clarity,” he said.

    For all bereaved families, the first anniversary has served as a painful reminder that one full year has passed, but their unresolved grief and hunger for answers remain as sharp as the day the disaster occurred.

  • Investigation into cause of Air India crash ongoing, officials say

    Investigation into cause of Air India crash ongoing, officials say

    June 12, 2026 marks exactly one year since the deadliest aviation disaster in recent Indian history, when Air India flight AI171, a Boeing 787 Dreamliner bound for London, crashed moments after departing Ahmedabad, leaving 260 people dead. All but one passenger and crew on board were killed, and another 19 people on the ground also lost their lives in the impact. On the anniversary of the tragedy, India’s official Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau (AAIB) has confirmed that the probe into the crash remains active, with the final public report only scheduled for release once the investigation reaches a conclusive outcome.

    In an official statement marking the anniversary, the AAIB said investigators have made “significant progress” across multiple core areas of the inquiry. This includes detailed forensic examinations and technical analysis of the crashed aircraft’s systems, data extracted from both the flight data recorder and cockpit voice recorder, physical inspections of engine components, and full reviews of the plane’s maintenance history and pre-departure operational records. However, the bureau declined to share any fixed timeline for when the investigation will be wrapped up, leaving families of the victims and the global aviation community still waiting for a definitive answer on what caused the crash.

    Since the disaster struck on June 12, 2025, the exact root cause of the crash has been the subject of intense public speculation. A preliminary report released by the AAIB one month after the crash, in July 2025, already revealed a critical anomaly that occurred mere seconds after takeoff: the plane’s fuel-control switches unexpectedly shifted to the “cut-off” position, cutting off all fuel supply to both engines and causing a complete total loss of power that left the aircraft unable to stay aloft.

    Cockpit audio recordings recovered from the crash site captured a striking exchange between the two pilots, with one asking the other why he had moved the switches, and the second responding that he had not done so. Investigators have not publicly confirmed which pilot made each statement in the exchange.

    Weeks after the preliminary report was published, two major international media outlets — The Wall Street Journal and Reuters — published reports citing anonymous investigation sources that pointed new scrutiny to the flight’s senior commander, Captain Sabharwal. Reuters specifically reported that the cockpit recording supported the theory that the captain had intentionally cut fuel flow to the aircraft’s engines.

    These media reports sparked immediate widespread pushback from Indian aviation industry groups, including national pilots’ associations. The associations criticized the unconfirmed leaks to media, rejected outright the claims that the senior pilot caused the crash, and also pushed back against what they called premature reporting by the outlets. To date, the AAIB has not endorsed the unconfirmed claims shared by the media, and has not publicly named any individual as a party at fault for the disaster. As the world marks one year since the crash, the investigation continues with no clarity on when families will get a final, official answer.

  • New Zealand great Kane Williamson announces immediate retirement from international cricket

    New Zealand great Kane Williamson announces immediate retirement from international cricket

    On Friday, New Zealand cricket icon Kane Williamson brought an abrupt end to his celebrated 16-year international career, announcing his immediate retirement from all forms of global competitive cricket that cemented his status as one of the finest batters of the modern era.

    The formal announcement was first shared by New Zealand’s men’s national cricket team, the Black Caps, on the social platform X, before a full statement detailing the decision was published on New Zealand Cricket’s official website. “New Zealand’s most prolific all-format run scorer and arguably greatest ever batsman Kane Williamson has confirmed his retirement from international cricket effective immediately,” the official statement read. “Williamson’s announcement brings an end to a glittering 16-year international career that has seen him play 378 games for his country (in all formats), setting countless batting records and earning the respect and admiration of the cricketing world.”

    At 35 years old, Williamson leaves the international stage with a historic statistical legacy that will stand the test of time. Across 92 Test matches, he accumulated 9,515 runs at an elite average of 54.06, with a career-high score of 251 notched against South Africa. His one-day international record is equally impressive: 15 centuries and 7,256 runs at an average of 48.69, while he added a further 2,575 runs in Twenty20 international cricket. In total, he scored 33 Test centuries, the most by any New Zealand batter in the format’s history, and also contributed with occasional off-break spin bowling, picking up 30 Test wickets and 37 ODI wickets throughout his career.

    Widely regarded as one of the “Fab Four” of modern batting – alongside Virat Kohli of India, Australia’s Steve Smith and England’s Joe Root – Williamson built his reputation on a technically flawless, graceful style marked by unrivaled concentration. His signature playing traits, including the ability to play fast bowling late with soft hands and devastatingly timed back-foot drives, made him a nightmare for even the most elite bowlers across all conditions.

    Beyond his on-field talent, Williamson earned global acclaim for his exceptional sportsmanship and calm leadership. He became a symbol of fair play following New Zealand’s heart-wrenching, last-ball loss to England in the 2019 50-over World Cup final, where he consoled opposing players and handled the devastating defeat with extraordinary grace. Just two years later, he captained the Black Caps to a historic first-ever World Test Championship title, beating India in a tense final to etch his name into cricket folklore.

    In his retirement statement, Williamson noted that he had weighed the decision for an extended period, and concluded the timing was right to step away from the international game. “I’ve thought about it for a while, but over the last few days it’s become clear now is the right time,” he said. “I’ve always felt a strong drive and hunger for international cricket, and I take pride in knowing I’ve given it my all in every match I’ve played for New Zealand.”

    “It’s a team I love, and I feel incredibly fortunate to have been part of it for so long. It will continue to be dear to my heart,” he added. “I leave feeling optimistic about where this group is heading. There’s a huge amount of talent, and a real desire to do something special with this New Zealand team.”

    Black Caps head coach Rob Walter paid tribute to Williamson’s far-reaching impact on both the national team and global cricket, emphasizing that his legacy extends far beyond his on-field statistics. “Anyone who’s had the privilege of working with Kane understands he is a very special player and person,” Walter said. “His numbers and batting skills speak for themselves, but it’s what he means to this Black Caps team, as well as world cricket that will be his legacy.”

    “Kane’s always put the team first and although we’re disappointed to see him go, we’re happy to know he’s content and at peace with his decision,” Walter added.

    Williamson’s retirement announcement comes in the middle of New Zealand’s three-Test tour of England, with the second Test scheduled to get underway next Wednesday at London’s Oval. His final appearances for the Black Caps came in the opening Test at Lord’s, where he scored zero and 18 on a challenging pitch as New Zealand fell to a defeat. The Black Caps confirmed that a replacement for Williamson for the remainder of the series will be announced in the coming days.

  • Indonesian students protest in against state spending, fuel price hike

    Indonesian students protest in against state spending, fuel price hike

    On Friday, hundreds of university and college students flooded the streets of Jakarta, Indonesia’s capital, to voice fierce opposition to the policies of newly inaugurated President Prabowo Subianto, warning that unbridled wasteful state spending could push the nation into bankruptcy. The demonstration, which escalated into minor scuffles with police, is the most prominent display of public discontent since violent anti-government protests rocked the country last August, and it comes as growing frustration over perceived state mismanagement simmers across the archipelago.

    Protesters laid out three core demands: an immediate end to what they call reckless public expenditure, a full scrapping of Prabowo’s signature free school and community meals program, and a reversal of the recent steep fuel price hike that has strained household budgets. The free meals initiative, which was the centerpiece of Prabowo’s successful 2024 presidential campaign, has been plagued by controversy in recent months: multiple mass food poisoning incidents have sickened hundreds of recipients, while widespread allegations of graft have eroded public trust in the program. Just last week, Prabowo dismissed the head of the government agency tasked with overseeing the $28 billion annual initiative in response to the growing scandal.

    Earlier this week, state-owned energy giant Pertamina announced it would raise prices for the widely used Pertamax fuel grades by more than 30%, a move that immediately sparked public outcry. The price hike came after years of government-regulated fuel price stability, but ballooning budget pressures from large-scale flagship programs like free meals left the government with little choice, according to insiders. Students argue the increase disproportionately hits the middle class and working poor, already grappling with rising cost of living across the country.

    During the march toward the iconic Hotel Indonesia roundabout, a historic site for political demonstrations in Jakarta, students clashed with riot police deployed to block their path. Footage from BBC Indonesian shows participants attempting to push through police barricades, with some throwing objects at officers, though no injuries have been reported in the immediate aftermath of the protest. Speaking to reporters on the scene, student protester Zaki questioned the government’s commitment to constitutional protections for peaceful assembly.

    “Fuel prices are going up, and our lives are getting harder,” Zaki shouted to officers. “Why are you afraid of student voices? The constitution guarantees our right to demonstrate, but that guarantee means nothing today.” Another student, Rina, emphasized that public calls to end the troubled free meals program have been repeatedly sidelined by the administration. “This program was unclear from the start,” she said. “We’ve had mass poisonings, we’ve had corruption exposed, and the government still refuses to listen to people’s demands to shut it down.”

    Government officials have defended the free meals initiative, framing it as a long-term investment in Indonesia’s future designed to address chronic child malnutrition, improve educational performance, and boost domestic economic activity. But critics argue that poor planning and a lack of transparency have turned the high-cost program into a drain on public finances. Adding to the nation’s economic woes, the Indonesian rupiah has recently slid to new record lows against major global currencies, further stoking public anxiety over the state of the economy.

    Protesters have organized their movement online under the hashtag #MenujuIndonesiaBangkrut, which translates to “Towards Bankrupt Indonesia”, drawing thousands of additional comments and expressions of support from social media users across the country. Friday’s protest is the largest outbreak of public discontent since August 2025, when the death of a motorcycle delivery rider triggered widespread anger over elitist governance and alleged systemic mismanagement, leading to violent demonstrations that left multiple people dead. Analysts note that the latest rally signals growing public frustration with the Prabowo administration just months into its term, as economic pressures and policy controversies continue to mount.

  • In pictures: Thai Princess Bajrakitiyabha dies at age 47

    In pictures: Thai Princess Bajrakitiyabha dies at age 47

    Thailand’s Royal Household has confirmed the passing of Princess Bajrakitiyabha, the eldest daughter of King Vajiralongkorn, at the age of 47. The announcement marks the end of a three-and-a-half-year medical battle for the princess, who fell into a coma in late 2022 after collapsing during a routine outing to exercise her pet dogs.

    Widely regarded as one of the most high-achieving and publicly active members of the Thai royal family, Princess Bajrakitiyabha built a distinguished public career beyond ceremonial duties. A trained lawyer by profession, she served as Thailand’s ambassador to Austria, and spent years advocating for meaningful reforms to Thailand’s national criminal justice system, drawing on her legal expertise to push for greater fairness and transparency. She also represented Thailand on global stages, including a 2009 appearance at the United Nations Human Rights Council session in Geneva.

    Throughout her public life, the princess maintained a close relationship with her father, 73-year-old King Vajiralongkorn. At the time of her death, the Thai monarch had not officially named an heir to the throne, and political analysts widely viewed Princess Bajrakitiyabha as a likely key figure in the future royal succession, given her proven public profile and proximity to the king.

    In the wake of the announcement, mourners have gathered outside Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn Hospital, where the princess had received ongoing medical care since her collapse, to pay their respects. Photos from the scene show members of the public holding portraits of the princess and sharing grief over her early passing.

    Prior to her health crisis, Princess Bajrakitiyabha was a familiar presence at national public events, from joining royal processions through Bangkok alongside the king and Queen Suthida to leading community activities honoring senior members of the royal family, including a 2015 cycling event held to tribute her grandfather, the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej.