标签: Asia

亚洲

  • Middle East Eye journalist refused entry to UK for awards ceremony

    Middle East Eye journalist refused entry to UK for awards ceremony

    An award-nominated Sudanese journalist has been blocked from entering the United Kingdom to attend a prestigious London-based journalism awards event, in a decision that has drawn widespread criticism from media leaders and highlighted deepening barriers for Sudanese travelers amid the ongoing crisis in their home country.

    Mohammed Amin, a correspondent for Middle East Eye (MEE), was shortlisted for the 2024 One World Media Journalist of the Year Award in recognition of his brave, on-the-ground reporting from Sudan, where a brutal civil war has displaced millions and left much of the country in chaos. He was scheduled to attend the upcoming awards ceremony next Wednesday, where his work would be formally recognized alongside other leading international correspondents.

    However, in a notice delivered to Amin last Thursday, the UK Home Office rejected his application for an eight-day visitor visa. Officials justified the refusal by claiming they were unconvinced Amin had a genuine purpose for his trip, and asserted there was no guarantee he would leave the UK at the end of his visit. This ruling came despite formal sponsorship for the trip from MEE and a formal invitation from the One World Media Awards organizing committee, and leaves no route for appeal or administrative review of the decision.

    For Amin, the outcome is not just a personal disappointment—it is a deeply unreasonable and contradictory policy that undermines the UK’s own stated commitments to transparency around Sudan’s crisis. A veteran reporter who has previously traveled to the UK multiple times to accept major journalism awards, most recently in 2022 when he received the Rory Peck Trust’s Martin Adler Prize without any visa issues, he expressed frustration at the Home Office’s assessment. “There’s a contradiction between British journalists, who consider what is happening in Sudan, and the UK government, which organises conferences about Sudan [in London] but denies visas for journalists,” he said.

    He added that the blanket barriers placed on Sudanese travelers reflect a profound lack of understanding of the catastrophe unfolding in his home country, where the ongoing conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces has left hundreds of thousands dead, millions displaced, and millions more facing acute hunger. Amin noted that Sudan’s war has already been largely overshadowed by other high-profile conflicts across the globe, and visa denials like his only push the crisis further out of global view.

    Leaders of the One World Media Awards echoed that criticism. Interim director Chinwe Kalu-Uma called the refusal deeply disappointing, noting that Amin has continued to report from inside Sudan at great personal risk specifically to draw global attention to the crisis. “His absence from our London ceremony is itself a story about the barriers Sudanese people face, not only in their own country, but in being seen and heard beyond it,” Kalu-Uma said in a statement to MEE.

    MEE editor-in-chief David Hearst also condemned the decision, arguing that the UK holds unique historic responsibility to shine a light on developments in Sudan. “That Britain of all places should deny a visa to an award-winning Sudanese journalist after a war that has devastated the country defies belief,” Hearst said. “Britain has a historic responsibility that the truth comes out about what is happening in Sudan and it is failing on all these fronts. Mohammed’s work should be encouraged and praised by the British government, and he should not be treated as an unwelcome guest.”

    The visa refusal is far from an isolated incident. Since the outbreak of Sudan’s civil war in April 2023, Sudanese applicants have faced drastically increased scrutiny and barriers to UK entry. In 2024, the UK government implemented a so-called “visa brake” that blocks all new student visa applications from nationals of Sudan, alongside Afghanistan, Cameroon and Myanmar. Even for non-student visitor applicants like Amin, the process has become prohibitively difficult.

    Because the British Embassy in Khartoum has remained temporarily closed since the war began, Amin was forced to travel across the border to the British High Commission in Uganda simply to complete his in-person interview, an added burden that displaced Sudanese journalists and citizens routinely face. He argued the entire system is structured to discriminate against Sudanese applicants who have already been displaced by the conflict.

    Amin’s record of groundbreaking reporting has already driven tangible change in Sudan. Over the past year, his work has covered the bloody siege of el-Fasher, the role of the drug captagon in funding the civil war, and the targeting of the marginalized Kanabi community by all warring parties. When he published a viral report on the al-Tekeina village’s resistance to sustained attacks by the RSF, a delegation led by Sudan’s transitional prime minister visited the village just one day later—the first official government visit to the community in more than 60 years—and pledged funds for reconstruction.

    When contacted for comment by MEE, a Home Office spokesperson stated that all visa applications are assessed on their individual merits in line with published policy, and that the department follows longstanding policy of not commenting on individual cases.

  • Exclusive: Illegal settlements promoted in London at Great Israeli Real Estate Event

    Exclusive: Illegal settlements promoted in London at Great Israeli Real Estate Event

    An exclusive investigation by Middle East Eye (MEE) has uncovered new details confirming that multiple real estate firms openly advertised properties located in illegal Israeli settlements across occupied Palestinian territories during a major Israeli real estate expo held in London on Sunday. The event, hosted at Edgware United Synagogue, unfolded against a backdrop of growing political pressure, public controversy, and heated clashes between opposing demonstration groups outside the venue.

    Weeks ahead of the expo, MEE first exposed the deep ties between participating firms and illegal settlement construction in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. In the lead-up to Sunday’s gathering, London Mayor Sadiq Khan announced Friday that he had conferred with the Metropolitan Police regarding the event, confirming that any claims of criminal activity linked to the potential unlawful sale of settlement property would be fully reviewed for formal investigation. Over 100 UK Members of Parliament also signed an open letter to Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper last week urging the event’s immediate cancellation. The parliamentarians argued that permitting the expo to proceed would not only contradict existing UK government guidance on economic activity tied to illegal settlements, but also run counter to the UK’s binding obligations under international law. This call aligned with a recent UK government statement explicitly warning British businesses against engaging in any economic or financial activity connected to illegal Israeli settlements.

    Despite organizers’ previous public claims to Jewish News that “all exhibitors, without exception, will provide information about properties and projects within the Green Line” — the de facto border of Israel pre-1967 — MEE’s on-site reporting from Sunday directly contradicts this denial. Multiple participating firms featured settlement properties in their promotional materials at the event. Jerusalem Real Estate (JRE) listed developments in French Hill and Ramat Eshkol, both illegal settlements established in occupied East Jerusalem, marketing the projects as “premium” offerings in Jerusalem’s most desirable “Anglo neighbourhoods” for international buyers. Another developer, Harey Zahav, promoted plots in Kfar Eldad, an illegal settlement located south of Bethlehem, and Teneh Omarim, a second unauthorized settlement near Hebron. Leading Israeli agency Tivuch Shelly advertised a new residential project in the large West Bank settlement of Ma’ale Adunim, billing the development as just 10 minutes from central Jerusalem and highlighting its established Anglo community, top-tier schools, and even available resale units with private swimming pools. Israeli conglomerate Africa Israel, which has a long track record of developing projects in illegal settlements across the West Bank and East Jerusalem, advertised its Soho Jerusalem development in West Jerusalem at the expo. Additionally, construction firm Shapir — which is explicitly named on the United Nations Human Rights Office’s official registry of companies operating in illegal Israeli settlements — was also promoted as a participant at the event.

    Outside the synagogue venue, the event drew a large protest organized by a coalition of activist groups including the Palestinian Youth Movement and the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network, who gathered to oppose the marketing of illegally occupied Palestinian land. Counter-protesters in support of Israel confronted the demonstrators, with footage capturing verbal harassment and threats against the pro-Palestinian activists. Counter-protesters were recorded chanting “there is no Palestine, we flattened it”, and even children among the pro-Israel crowd were heard shouting misogynistic slurs at pro-Palestinian campaigners. Andrey Khrzhanovskiy, a journalist and activist who documents Israeli settler violence in the occupied West Bank, was present at the London protest and described the chaotic confrontation as eerily familiar to violence he has witnessed firsthand in occupied territory. “We are surrounded by a bunch of Zionists who are counter-protesting and attacking people. A bunch of Palestinian activists were attacked by the Zionists and then got arrested,” Khrzhanovskiy told MEE. “This is very reminiscent of everything that I’ve seen in the West Bank… I feel like I’ve been here before.”

    MEE has now shared its full findings of illegal property advertising with the Mayor of London’s office and the Metropolitan Police, and has formally requested comment on the next steps for assessment. Outlets have also reached out to the event’s organizers for a response to the new evidence, who previously dismissed all prior allegations as “ridiculous” and claimed accusations were motivated by anti-Israeli sentiment and support for terrorism. MEE, an independent news outlet focused on coverage of the Middle East and North Africa, continues to await responses from relevant authorities and event organizers.

  • What does the US-Iran deal mean for Lebanon?

    What does the US-Iran deal mean for Lebanon?

    A landmark framework agreement between the United States and Iran designed to end months of open conflict and crippling blockades has brought a wave of cautious relief across much of the Middle East, even as it ignites sharp tensions with Israel and leaves core regional disputes unresolved.

    Iran’s state-affiliated Mehr News Agency has published details of the draft framework, which is scheduled for formal signing this Friday. According to the outlet, the agreement mandates an immediate and permanent halt to all hostilities across every regional front — with Lebanon explicitly included as a core part of the ceasefire.

    This provision has triggered an furious rebuke from top Israeli officials, who have flatly rejected the deal and refused to be bound by its terms. “Trump’s agreement does not bind us… we are not party to this agreement. It does not safeguard our security,” Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir wrote on his official Telegram channel. Ben Gvir added that Israel would accept nothing less than the full dismantling of the Iran-backed Hezbollah movement in Lebanon.

    Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz doubled down on this position, confirming that Israeli military forces will not withdraw from the so-called “security zones” Israel has established in southern Lebanon, Syrian territory, and the Gaza Strip. Data from Lebanon’s Ministry of Health underscores the heavy human cost of months of cross-border conflict: Israeli strikes across Lebanon since March 2 have killed at least 3,696 people and wounded more than 11,400 others.

    The inclusion of a Lebanese ceasefire and Israeli withdrawal from occupied Lebanese territory was a non-negotiable core demand for Iran during negotiations with Washington. Analysts warn that Israel’s outright refusal to pull back its forces could either kill the entire US-Iran deal or create an unprecedented, historic rift between the long-time allies Washington and Jerusalem.

    Issam Kaysi, a research analyst at the Carnegie Middle East Center, noted that even as the deal was announced, violent exchanges continued: just one day before the framework was revealed, Hezbollah launched an attack on northern Israel, and Israel carried out retaliatory airstrikes targeting southern Beirut. Senior Israeli officials have repeatedly made clear that they reserve the right to take unilateral military action against what they deem threats in Lebanon, effectively distancing themselves from any broader US-Iran negotiated understanding. “Will the US now force a change in Israeli actions? The Israelis show no sign that they are willing to withdraw from southern Lebanon anytime soon. Will Hezbollah accept this?” Kaysi asked.

    The current rift marks a sharp shift from the close alliance that defined US-Israeli relations during Donald Trump’s first term. Since 2016, the relationship between Trump and former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been a cornerstone of Israel’s regional strategy. Trump’s pro-Israel policy moves — recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, relocating the US embassy to the city, and formally accepting Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights — made him a hugely popular figure in Israel, with streets and West Bank settlements even named in his honor.

    But the Iran negotiations have put intense strain on this relationship. Just hours before the deal was announced, Trump publicly excoriated Netanyahu for launching new strikes in Lebanon that he said risked derailing the final agreement. “He’s a very difficult guy,” Trump told reporters of Netanyahu, adding, “and to be honest with you, he should be very thankful to us for doing this. Because if Iran had a nuclear weapon, Israel wouldn’t be around for two hours.” Multiple reports confirm that during a private phone call last week, Trump went further, calling Netanyahu “fucking crazy” over his continued military campaign in Lebanon.

    As of Monday, Hezbollah has not claimed responsibility for any new attacks on Israeli targets. The group issued a statement Monday expressing deep gratitude to Tehran for its unwavering commitment to including Lebanon in the broader ceasefire agreement. It praised Iran for its “consistent stand with Lebanon, its people, and its resistance, as well as for its insistence that Lebanon be a party to any agreement leading to a ceasefire.”

    Lebanese President Joseph Aoun also welcomed the draft deal on Monday, saying he hoped the Washington-Tehran agreement would bring a “definitive end” to the months-long war between Israel and Hezbollah. In an official statement, Aoun praised the framework for enshrining that “Lebanon’s security and safety are an integral part of any effort to consolidate stability in the region.”

    Israel has maintained its military occupation of southern Lebanon since mid-March, a move it says is necessary to respond to cross-border attacks by Hezbollah that began after Israel launched strikes on Iranian territory. Even amid Israel’s refusal to withdraw, the reported deal has already prompted some displaced Lebanese civilians to begin returning to their homes in the south, despite widespread uncertainty about whether the ceasefire will hold.

    Kaysi noted that any lasting end to hostilities would eventually reopen long-simmering debates over the disarmament of Hezbollah and the Lebanese government’s efforts to establish a state monopoly on armed force across the country. With the deal still not finalized, however, much remains uncertain. As Kaysi pointed out, even as discussions of the deal progress, Israeli drones remain active over Beirut. “For now, I think the safest conclusion is that the deal may reduce regional escalation in the short term, but it does not by itself resolve the underlying disputes over Lebanon between Israel, Hezbollah/Iran, and the Lebanese government,” he said.

  • Iranians greet deal to end war with relief, suspicion and uncertainty

    Iranians greet deal to end war with relief, suspicion and uncertainty

    After months of open military conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran, the announcement of a preliminary agreement to end hostilities has sparked a tangled spectrum of reactions across Iran, ranging from cautious relief and guarded hope to deep distrust, anger and outright opposition. For millions of ordinary Iranians who endured months of disrupted daily life, economic chaos and the constant threat of escalating full-scale war, the news brought a long-awaited moment of release, though many still struggle to believe the violence is truly over. Sepideh, a 32-year-old Tehran-based online handmade jewellery seller, summed up the common feeling of cautious joy in an interview with Middle East Eye. “Has it really ended? I can’t believe it,” she said. “Thank God. I still can’t believe it’s over. I just hope everything goes back to normal. We were exhausted. I’m so, so happy.” Sepideh’s small business was pushed to the brink of collapse by the months of conflict. Like thousands of other micro-entrepreneurs across Iran, she relied almost entirely on Instagram to reach customers and process sales. Widespread internet shutdowns implemented amid the conflict froze her operations entirely, and as anxiety about the war dominated public consciousness, consumer demand for non-essential goods like handcrafted jewellery evaporated entirely. Now, after weeks of back-channel diplomatic talks that produced the preliminary ceasefire and framework for broader negotiations, Sepideh is finally allowing herself to plan for the future again. She holds out hope that the tentative agreement will hold, opening the door to a broader pact that eases crippling economic sanctions and creates space for small businesses like hers to recover and grow. Across the country, reactions to the deal split sharply along political and generational lines. While many Iranians are simply grateful for an end to the cycle of missile strikes and military escalation that pushed the region to the edge of full-scale war, others doubt the agreement will survive long term, with some viewing it as a dangerous betrayal of national interests and others seeing it as the only viable alternative to catastrophic regional conflict. For 28-year-old Darya, from the northern Iranian city of Sari, the deal could unlock a life-changing opportunity that has been stuck in limbo for months. Darya has already been accepted to a university program in France, but visa processing ground to a halt amid the uncertainty of war. Now, she says, there is finally a clear path forward for her plans. “It feels like a miracle,” she told MEE. “I know almost nothing about politics, but for months all I did was follow the news.” The constant uncertainty took a severe emotional toll on Darya, who says she was particularly panicked by Israeli strikes on Lebanon just days before the deal was announced, fearing the attacks would derail the fragile diplomatic process entirely. “I was sure [Israeli Prime Minister] Netanyahu was trying to sabotage everything,” she said. “When I heard about the new Israeli attacks on Lebanon, I thought it was over. I thought we were back to square one. Iran would respond, then Israel would respond again, and eventually the United States would get involved.” Even as she welcomes the end of hostilities, Darya says she still plans to leave Iran to complete her studies, at least temporarily. “Yes, I want things to improve in Iran,” she said. “I want sanctions to be lifted. Most of our problems come from sanctions. If sanctions are removed, jobs, businesses and the economy will improve too.” She says she still wants the experience of living and studying in Europe, but holds out hope that when she completes her degree, Iran will be a far more stable and prosperous place. Not all Iranians share Darya’s guarded optimism. For 43-year-old Mohammad, the tentative deal does little to convince him that a lasting, comprehensive agreement is within reach. “Just look at how long it took them to reach this small understanding, which is really more of a ceasefire extension than anything else,” he said. “During that time, the United States attacked, Israel attacked and Iran attacked. All of that makes it difficult for me to be optimistic. People want to believe all their problems are over, but I don’t think Iran and the United States will be able to reach an agreement on difficult issues like the nuclear programme and sanctions relief.” The announcement also sparked deep frustration among opposition activists opposed to the Islamic Republic, many of whom had pinned hopes that sustained external military and political pressure would force fundamental political change inside Iran. Amir, a 19-year-old from Karaj, is one of those disappointed activists. “We were fooled,” he told MEE. “We were lied to. Reza Pahlavi said he was on his way to Tehran. Trump said help was coming soon. Netanyahu said he would change the situation in Iran. Was this the help Trump promised? To make a deal with the clerics?” Amir says the deal has left him feeling more hopeless than before. “I could not have imagined worse news,” he said. “Once the agreement is in place and the Islamic Republic no longer worries about war, it will turn its attention back to the people. More repression will follow.” His frustration reflects a broader disappointment among opposition circles, which had hoped the recent conflict would fundamentally weaken the Iranian political system, only to see Tehran and Washington return to the negotiating table. The harshest criticism of the deal, however, comes from hardline supporters of the Islamic Republic, who have organized public rallies and gatherings in recent weeks to denounce negotiations, with some branding Iranian negotiators as traitors to the nation. Emad, a 38-year-old Tehran resident, is one of those hardline opponents. “God curse Araghchi and Ghalibaf for throwing us into another trap like the nuclear deal,” he said. “Only 10 years have passed since the disgraceful agreement between Rouhani and Obama. How can people fall for this again? Especially when the other side is led by the man responsible for killing our leader.” Emad, who is still grieving the death of former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, remains deeply pessimistic about the diplomatic process and argues another military confrontation is inevitable. He points to the timing of the ceasefire, which runs for two months, as proof the deal is a cynical political ploy by Trump. “Look at the timing. Why two months from now? Because Trump wanted peace of mind during the World Cup. After that, he will come back for us,” he said. “And under what conditions? We reopened the Strait of Hormuz, oil prices returned to normal, and the United States and Israel have had time to update their plans for another attack on Iran.” Emad argues the entire diplomatic process is a coordinated performance by Trump and Netanyahu, designed to mislead Iran. “Do you really believe Netanyahu drinks a glass of water without American approval?” he asked. “This whole good cop, bad cop act was designed to fool us into thinking Israel opposed the agreement.” He argues Israeli leaders actually benefit heavily from the preliminary deal, because they recognized another prolonged war would be impossible to sustain. “They knew they could not continue resisting Iran and the groups that make up the Axis of Resistance forever,” he said. For many other Iranians, it is simply too early to draw any firm conclusions about the deal, and public reactions on both sides have been overly emotional. Maryam, a 59-year-old political science graduate, argues the deal essentially returns Iran to the status quo that existed before the 40-day war started, raising difficult questions about the human cost of the conflict. “When you read the commitments made by both sides, you realise we have basically returned to where we were before the 40-day war,” she said. “But was it really necessary for so many innocent civilians to die? Did schools, universities and hospitals need to be destroyed just so the Strait of Hormuz could return to normal and the American military could end its siege of Iran?” Maryam also argues the conflict offers clear proof of the outsized influence of pro-Israel lobbying groups on US foreign policy, a point made decades ago in a book by scholars Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer. “I remember reading a book years ago by Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer about the influence of the Israel lobby on American foreign policy,” she said. “Nothing has illustrated the arguments in that book more clearly than what we have seen in Gaza and in the two wars fought by the United States and Israel against Iran.” That perspective leaves her skeptical that a final comprehensive deal will ever be reached. “Israel, Aipac and pro-Israel lobbying groups will not allow a final agreement between Iran and the United States unless the Islamic Republic changes its approach towards Israel,” she said. For now, that shift appears unlikely. As Iranians across the country process the news of the deal, many are focused on the simplest, most immediate outcome: an end to months of uncertainty and fear. For Sepideh, the Tehran jewellery seller, the larger political debates can wait. After months of living on the edge of war, she says her only priority is getting back to a normal life. “I just want life to feel normal again,” she said.

  • World Cup 2026: Saudi football’s star-studded revolution has yet to lift the national team

    World Cup 2026: Saudi football’s star-studded revolution has yet to lift the national team

    It has been nearly three years since that iconic sunny winter afternoon at Qatar 2022’s Lusail Stadium, when Saudi Arabia pulled off what remains one of the most shocking upsets in men’s FIFA World Cup history. Trailing Argentina by a single goal at the halftime break, the Green Falcons roared back with two quick second-half strikes to secure a 2-1 win over the side that would eventually lift the tournament trophy. For Saudi football, that result erased the painful memories of past World Cup humiliations: the 8-0 rout by Germany in 2002 and the 5-0 opening-match defeat to Russia in 2018 were no longer the first story the world associated with the kingdom’s national side. Instead, global attention turned to Saudi Arabia’s passionate fanbase and its rapidly evolving football culture.

    Buoyed by the global hype generated by the Argentina upset, the Saudi Pro League (SPL) moved quickly to capitalize on its newfound momentum. Within months, top-flight club Al-Nassr secured the high-profile signature of Portuguese icon Cristiano Ronaldo. Six months after the World Cup, Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth vehicle, the Public Investment Fund (PIF), acquired controlling stakes in the kingdom’s four biggest clubs and began bankrolling the signings of dozens of global football superstars.

    Three years on from that massive cash injection, the transformation of Saudi domestic football is impossible to ignore. SPL sides now consistently dominate Asian club competition, and the starting lineups of the kingdom’s top clubs feature some of the biggest household names in the global game. The gap between the SPL and established top European leagues was highlighted last year when Riyadh powerhouse Al-Hilal pulled off a stunning 4-3 upset over European champions Manchester City in the Club World Cup round of 16.

    Yet for all the glitz, success and global attention the SPL has earned, one gaping hole remains: the massive investment has yet to translate to any tangible improvement in the performance of Saudi Arabia’s national men’s team.

    Many long-time observers and fans remain optimistic that change is on the horizon, especially with the 2034 FIFA World Cup set to be hosted on Saudi soil. “It is great that we have some of the best players and coaches now in Saudi Arabia. It has only been a couple of years [since PIF invested], but maybe we will see a jump by the time we host the World Cup,” Nasser Khalfan, an Al-Hilal supporter who plans to attend the club’s pre-season tour matches in the U.S. this summer, told Middle East Eye.

    In many ways, the legendary 2022 win over Argentina covered over deep structural flaws in Saudi football. When the Saudi football authorities increased the foreign player quota from five to eight then 10 per starting lineup, requiring just three domestic Saudi players on the pitch at any time, the crisis for the national side only deepened. The stark disconnect between big-spending domestic club investment and stagnant national team performance has drawn widespread comparisons to China’s failed top-flight experiment a decade earlier.

    Back in 2017, the Chinese Super League (CSL) outspent the English Premier League in the transfer market, with total expenditure crossing €1 billion. The big-money project ultimately failed to lift the quality of China’s national team, and authorities abandoned the approach in favor of financial sustainability, introducing a 600 million yuan (€76 million) annual cap on total club football spending and strict salary limits for both domestic and foreign players.

    To avoid falling into the same unsustainable debt trap, PIF has actively sought outside investment to reduce the kingdom’s financial exposure. Already, a 70% stake in Al-Hilal has been sold to prominent Saudi investor Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal, and a number of smaller top-flight clubs including Al-Riyadh, Abha, Al-Fateh, Al-Tai and Al-Shoulla have been listed for sale to private investors. The move comes after Saudi football required a $333 million government bailout in 2018, and policymakers have made clear they have little appetite for repeating that exercise.

    Despite the structural concerns, most Saudi fans remain enthusiastic about the transformation of their domestic game. Khalfan argues that even with the slow progress on the national side, the investment has already changed football for the better in the kingdom. “Yes, the government spent a lot of money, but I think it is changing sport in Saudi Arabia for the better. I remember before the 2018 World Cup we sent players to Spain [on loan] and they did not play for their clubs. Now Saudi players have some of the best players in the world as their teammates,” he explained.

    Tangible results for the national team have yet to materialize, and the Green Falcons’ recent competitive record remains underwhelming. Just days after the historic 2022 win over Argentina, Saudi Arabia lost consecutive group-stage matches to Poland and Mexico, crashing out of the tournament in the opening round. The team has also struggled in continental Asian competition.

    For long-time Saudi football fans, top-tier success is not an unrealistic dream: the kingdom made its Asian Cup debut in 1984 and won the tournament in its first appearance, before going on to reach five more finals and claim two additional titles between 1988 and 2007. That run of success captured the imagination of football fans across the Arab world, so much so that when the iconic Japanese football anime *Captain Tsubasa* was dubbed into Arabic, it was renamed *Captain Majed* in honor of legendary Saudi striker Majed Abdullah. But today, these historic triumphs are largely lore for most Saudis: the kingdom’s median age sits just under 24, meaning the majority of the population was not alive the last time the national side won a knockout-stage match at the Asian Cup, two decades ago.

    The road to 2026 World Cup qualification has been fraught with turmoil. In a high-profile hire, the Saudi Football Federation poached manager Roberto Mancini from the Italian national team in August 2023, luring the coach who led Italy to a surprise 2020 European Championship title with a four-year contract worth $100 million. Mancini’s remit was simple: replicate his Italian magic with the Green Falcons and turn them into a global contender. But the Italian manager lasted just 14 months in the role, leaving the side stuck in mid-table of World Cup qualifying with just five points from four matches. In his final press conference, he publicly blamed star player Salem al-Dawsari for missed penalties in disappointing draws against Indonesia and Bahrain.

    Facing the very real prospect of missing out on 2026 World Cup qualification, the federation turned to a familiar face, reappointing former manager Herve Renard. Renard steadied the ship just enough to secure qualification, but was dismissed shortly after a lopsided 4-0 defeat to Egypt in March 2025. His replacement, Giorgios Donis, was hired specifically for his experience coaching in the SPL, but has been given less than six weeks to prepare the side for its 2026 World Cup opener.

    This year marks Saudi Arabia’s seventh appearance at the FIFA World Cup, where it has been drawn into a tough group with European powerhouse Spain, South American giant Uruguay and African contender Cape Verde. The national side’s most pressing flaws are visible at both ends of the pitch: despite billions in investment, the Green Falcons have struggled to find goals, managing just 10 strikes in their last 12 World Cup qualifying matches.

    “I would be more concerned if they weren’t creating chances,” Paul Williams, founder of Asian football outlet *The Asian Game*, told Middle East Eye. “The issue comes down to finishing … and you can’t fix finishing in a week. That’s going to be an issue.” At the other end of the pitch, none of the three goalkeepers called up to the 2026 World Cup squad is a regular starter for their SPL club, raising serious questions about the side’s ability to withstand the high-powered attacks of Spain and Uruguay.

    Williams remains cautiously pessimistic about the team’s 2026 chances: “I’m not downbeat on their chances. I’m not bullish on their chances, either. They have the talent. Let’s see if they can deliver.”

    With the 2027 Asian Cup set to be hosted in Saudi Arabia in just six months’ time, and the 2034 World Cup just nine years away, Saudi fans are hoping a strong run at this year’s World Cup can kickstart a new era of regional and global football dominance for the Green Falcons.

  • South Korea’s Starbucks to shut for staff history lesson after backlash

    South Korea’s Starbucks to shut for staff history lesson after backlash

    South Korea’s Starbucks franchise has announced an unprecedented nationwide early closure of all its retail locations next week, a direct response to widespread public fury sparked by a tone-deaf promotional campaign that coincided with the anniversary of the 1980 Gwangju Uprising, a defining pro-democracy movement bloodily suppressed by the country’s former military dictatorship.

    The ill-fated promotion, labeled “Tank Day,” centered on the launch of new “Tank Series” reusable tumblers marketed for their large volume, and it launched on the very date that South Koreans commemorate the 1980 crackdown, in which military forces deployed by authoritarian ruler Chun Doo-hwan killed at least 165 unarmed civilian protesters — many locals and historians believe the actual death toll is far higher. Subsequent official investigations have also confirmed that troops carried out widespread indiscriminate beatings, torture, and sexual violence against civilians during the crackdown, a trauma the nation has only slowly reckoned with in recent decades.

    The Gwangju Uprising stands as a cornerstone of South Korea’s modern democratic journey: it became a unifying rallying point for pro-democracy activists over seven years, ultimately leading to the mass 1988 June Democracy Movement that ended Chun’s 8-year authoritarian rule. Chun was later convicted of treason and corruption in 1996, received a presidential pardon, and died in 2021 at age 90. In recent years, formal acts of accountability have included a 2018 government apology to survivors of sexual violence committed by troops, and a public apology this year from Chun’s own grandson, Chun Woo-won, who called his grandfather a “sinner and slaughterer” and expressed remorse for the delayed apology to victims’ families.

    Beyond the insensitive “Tank Day” name, which echoed the military tanks deployed to crush the uprising, critics also flagged a second problematic slogan used in the campaign: the Korean phrase “tak on the table,” which uses the word “tak” that is identical to the term used in a controversial 1987 police statement about the death of a student activist in custody. The franchise later confirmed that marketing teams selected the slogan after relying on an AI tool for creative suggestions.

    The backlash erupted rapidly last month, drawing condemnation from all corners of South Korean society. President Lee Jae Myung publicly called out the campaign as “inhumane and disgraceful” on social media, while consumer advocates organized boycotts that led to protests outside Starbucks locations across the country and a reported steep drop in sales for the chain.

    In the immediate wake of the scandal, Shinsegae Group, which holds the licensing agreement to operate Starbucks in South Korea, terminated the contract of the franchise’s national chief executive. Now, the company has announced sweeping corrective measures to address the public outrage. Starting this Monday, all Starbucks Korea employees will complete mandatory training focused on historical awareness and social sensitivity through educational video content. Next Wednesday, all locations across the country will close at 3 p.m. local time (6 a.m. GMT) for three hours of in-person historical education, and will not reopen until the following day. The company confirmed that Shinsegae Group Chairman Chung Yong-jin will personally participate in the mandatory training alongside frontline staff. This marks the first time Starbucks Korea has ordered a nationwide early closure of all stores since the brand first entered the South Korean market in 1999.

    In an initial statement after the scandal broke, the franchise offered a vague apology for “inconvenience and concern” caused to customers, but the sweeping new measures signal how seriously the company is taking the public backlash over its failure to recognize the sensitive historical context of the promotion.

  • Former American businessman detained in Myanmar after alleged financial misconduct

    Former American businessman detained in Myanmar after alleged financial misconduct

    In a development that has drawn international attention, Adam Castillo, the former president of the American Chamber of Commerce (AMCHAM) in Myanmar and founder of a prominent local security firm, has been taken into custody shortly after arriving at Yangon International Airport. The detention comes as AMCHAM Myanmar conducts an internal investigation into suspicious financial activity linked to former board members of the organization.

    An anonymous associate of Castillo, who requested anonymity out of fear for personal safety, confirmed to the Associated Press that the 41-year-old U.S. national was detained on Thursday. Castillo, who leads AGS Myanmar — a risk management and security firm that also offers commercial cleaning and pest control services — has not issued any public response to the detention, and his company declined to elaborate on the situation beyond calling it an “ongoing matter”. Messages sent to Castillo via his personal website also went unanswered.

    U.S. State Department officials have confirmed they are aware of reports of the American citizen’s detention, but declined to provide further details, citing privacy protections for U.S. nationals abroad. Myanmar’s military-backed ruling administration, which has faced widespread international isolation since its 2021 coup and has limited communication with international media amid the ongoing civil conflict, has not released any official statement regarding Castillo’s arrest. Requests for comment from Myanmar’s central government, the Yangon regional administration, and the Yangon Regional Police Department went unanswered. Multiple military-aligned local media outlets, including NP News, have reported that the arrest followed a formal complaint filed against Castillo by AMCHAM Myanmar. Castillo led the organization, which advocates for American business interests operating in Myanmar, from 2023 through early 2025.

    When contacted for comment on the complaint, AMCHAM Myanmar’s executive director Myat Phyu The declined to share specific details of the case, but directed reporters to the chamber’s May 29 annual report, which addresses the ongoing investigation. According to the document, the current AMCHAM board discovered questionable transactions carried out by former board representatives last year, and immediately turned the matter over to an independent law firm for forensic review.

    The investigation uncovered that an unnamed former board representative signed a November 2024 contract with a Washington D.C.-based public relations firm. The firm paid $300,000 in connection with the deal, and the full sum was collected and disbursed outside of AMCHAM Myanmar’s official financial accounts. The annual report notes that the unauthorized signature exceeded the formal signing authority granted to individual board members, and the full board never approved the agreement. “AMCHAM Myanmar received no funds, made no payments, and received no services, and the matter was not disclosed to the statutory auditors,” the report reads.

    While the report confirms that two former board members are involved in the suspicious activity, it does not name either individual nor outline what internal legal or disciplinary actions the chamber has pursued to date. Myat Phyu The also declined to elaborate on details beyond what is included in the public report. In a June 12 statement posted to the organization’s official website, the AMCHAM board said it “has taken appropriate steps to safeguard the interests of the organization and its members.”

    Myanmar has been engulfed in widespread armed conflict since the military seized power from the democratically elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi in a 2021 coup. After the junta violently crushed peaceful mass protests against the takeover, pro-democracy guerrilla groups and ethnic minority militias launched a widespread armed resistance movement that has left much of the country divided and mired in ongoing violence. Since the coup, authorities have increasingly detained foreign nationals, most frequently foreign reporters covering the country’s political and humanitarian crisis.

    Public profiles on AGS Myanmar’s website list Castillo as a former U.S. Marine Corps officer who completed active duty tours in Afghanistan. He also currently serves as chair of Republican Overseas Myanmar, a group founded in 2024 that works to promote former U.S. President Donald Trump’s “America First” policy agenda across Myanmar and the broader Southeast Asian region.

    It remains unclear where Castillo traveled before his return to Yangon, but social media posts to his public Instagram account show he attended a business forum in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, just one day before his arrest, where he promoted his recently published memoir. Castillo’s book, titled *Finding Our Voice*, chronicles his personal experiences living and working in Myanmar through the political upheaval, rising violence, and economic collapse that followed the 2021 military takeover. It is not yet known whether the publication of the memoir is connected to his detention.

  • Starbucks Korea to close stores early for mandatory history training after marketing row

    Starbucks Korea to close stores early for mandatory history training after marketing row

    One of South Korea’s highest-profile corporate brands is confronting widespread public fury after a deeply insensitive marketing blunder drew comparisons to one of the darkest chapters of the country’s democratic transition, prompting sweeping corrective actions that are unprecedented in the coffee chain’s 24-year history in the market.

    Starbucks’ South Korean joint venture, majority-owned by retail giant Shinsegae Group, announced Monday that all 1,000+ of its locations across the country will shut their doors three hours early on June 22 to require every frontline employee to complete mandatory training on modern Korean history and social sensitivity. The action comes after a promotional campaign sparked national outrage for what many South Koreans see as open mocking of victims of the 1980 Gwangju pro-democracy military crackdown.

    Per a formal statement from Shinsegae, the company’s senior executives and Starbucks Korea headquarters staff will attend an in-person training session led by specialist history and sociology professors this Wednesday. Frontline store staff will access a recorded version of the lecture during the early store closure on June 22. Shinsegae Chairman Chung Yong-jin and the chief executives of all Shinsegae subsidiaries will complete separate specialized sensitivity training on June 24, following the incident.

    The controversy erupted when Starbucks Korea launched a promotion for a new line of stainless steel tumblers branded the “SS Tank”. The campaign designated May 18 as official “Tank Day” — a date that holds profound, painful national significance for South Koreans: it marks the anniversary of the 1980 Gwangju Uprising, when the then-military government deployed tanks, troops, and attack helicopters to crush pro-democracy protests in the southern city of Gwangju. Hundreds of civilians were killed or injured in the bloody suppression, with activists arguing the official death toll drastically undercounts the total number of victims.

    Public anger intensified over the campaign’s accompanying slogan, “Thwack it on the table!” South Koreans quickly recognized the phrase as a reference to a notorious 1987 police cover-up: after student activist Park Jong-chol died in police custody from torture, authorities falsely claimed he had passed away after interrogators “hit the desk with a thwack” during questioning.

    The public backlash was swift and overwhelming. Within hours of the campaign going live, Shinsegae pulled all promotional materials, terminated the contract of Starbucks Korea’s chief executive, and opened the door to internal restructuring. Chairman Chung later issued a live televised public apology to the nation, and local law enforcement launched a formal criminal investigation after victims’ relatives filed official complaints over the offensive campaign.

    Shinsegae emphasized in its statement that the decision to close all Starbucks stores early — a first since the chain entered the South Korean market in 1999 — and implement companywide mandatory training reflects the depth of the company’s acknowledgment of fault, and its commitment to ensuring a similar incident never occurs again. “This step demonstrates how seriously we view the marketing controversy and our determination to prevent any recurrence,” the statement read.

    To contextualize the national sensitivity around the incident: the Gwangju crackdown took place just months after General Chun Doo-hwan seized control of South Korea in a 1979 military coup. While official government records put the Gwangju death toll at roughly 200, pro-democracy activists and victims’ groups have long maintained the actual number of fatalities is far higher. Chun’s dictatorship imprisoned tens of thousands of political dissidents under the guise of rooting out “social evils”, and sustained public anger over his authoritarian rule culminated in mass nationwide protests in 1987 that forced Chun to accept constitutional reforms establishing direct presidential elections — a turning point widely regarded as the foundation of South Korea’s modern democratic system.

  • Australian PM demands answers after Pakistan police shoot girl on holiday dead

    Australian PM demands answers after Pakistan police shoot girl on holiday dead

    A tragic shooting that claimed the life of a 9-year-old Australian child on vacation in Pakistan has sparked cross-national calls for a full, transparent investigation, leaving communities in both nations reeling from the unexpected loss. Hania Ahmed, a young primary school student from Perth, was traveling with her family in Punjab province’s northern city of Chakwal when armed robbers intercepted their rental vehicle on June 10, taking the entire family hostage at gunpoint.

    According to official accounts from Punjab Police, the armed suspects opened fire on an attending police officer, triggering a shootout at the scene. In the chaos, one officer fired a fatal shot mistakenly, believing the suspects were attempting to escape in the Ahmed family’s vehicle. The gunfire killed Hania and left her father and older brother with non-fatal injuries. The involved officer has since been taken into custody, with police confirming that the suspects fired the first rounds at responding law enforcement. This official narrative has been contested, however: Hania’s father told Australian public broadcaster SBS Urdu that police fired first, contradicting the official version of events.

    During a press briefing in Canberra on Monday, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese publicly called on Pakistani authorities to launch a full, transparent inquiry into the circumstances of Hania’s death. “These circumstances do need to be examined. They need to be examined in a transparent way, so that everyone can know, the family, most importantly, but others as well,” Albanese told reporters. He added that the Australian government expects full transparency and a rigorous, proper investigation into the fatal incident.

    Punjab Police has responded to the incident acknowledging that no deviation from standard operational protocols can be justified, and stated that it is already conducting a thorough and impartial investigation into the tragedy. Meanwhile, the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade confirmed it is providing full consular assistance to the Ahmed family as they navigate the aftermath of the loss.

    Hania’s death has sent waves of grief through her close-knit school community in Perth, where she attended the Australian Islamic College. Abdullah Khan, the college principal, described the news of her passing as deeply traumatic for the entire school community. “Hania was very friendly, bubbly, and very social,” Khan told the BBC. “She had lots of friends, [and was] very respectful to teachers. She was loved by everyone.”

    Khan confirmed the school has been in contact with the Ahmed family and has put in place dedicated counseling support for both staff and students, particularly Hania’s closest classmates. “Especially the students in her class – they are distressed and in a state of shock,” he added.

  • Subsidies turn desert control into moneymaker

    Subsidies turn desert control into moneymaker

    On the sun-scorched southern edge of the Taklimakan Desert, China’s largest shifting sand desert, rows of young, leafy oleaster saplings now stretch all the way to the hazy horizon. Once vulnerable to the region’s brutal, sand-laden gales, each tiny sapling is supported by a bamboo stake, while low-growing carpets of drought-resistant wheat and alfalfa lock down loose soil between the young trees. Just 18 months ago, this same plot of land in Xinjiang’s Hotan prefecture was nothing more than a barren expanse of shifting sand dunes rising more than 10 meters high—part of a decades-long ecological challenge that has threatened local livelihoods for generations. Today, it stands as a groundbreaking example of how innovative policy can reconcile urgent ecological restoration with tangible economic opportunity for local communities. This transformation is no happy accident. It stems from a forward-thinking policy framework launched by local authorities in 2024 called the “first-build-then-subsidize” model, designed to address a longstanding tension between the high cost of desert reclamation and the economic needs of residents living on the desert’s edge. Under the program, the government allocates rent-free parcels of desertified land to local residents willing to take on restoration work. Participants cover all upfront costs, which include leveling towering dunes, installing basic water infrastructure, and planting hardy, climate-appropriate vegetation. Only after independent ecological inspectors verify that at least 85% of planted trees and vegetation have survived do authorities disburse full financial subsidies to participants. This model aligns government ecological goals with individual economic incentive: it puts control of the work in the hands of locals who know the land best, while ensuring public funds only pay for verified, successful restoration work. Sudiomar Tursun, a sharp, enterprising villager from Ayimak village in Hotan, was one of the first locals to test the new policy, stepping forward when many others saw the project as too great a risk. In October 2024, she rallied 18 of her fellow villagers to form an agricultural cooperative focused on reclaiming one of the region’s most severely degraded desert plots. To raise the nearly 4 million yuan ($550,000) required for upfront infrastructure and planting, Tursun emptied her life savings, sold off personal property, and secured loans from extended family. Many of her friends and acquaintances warned her against the bet, arguing the harsh desert conditions would sink the project and leave her financially ruined. Part of a larger series from China Daily highlighting China’s ongoing work to protect global biodiversity and natural resources, the transformation of Hotan’s desert edge offers a replicable model for regions grappling with advancing desertification. What was once seen as an unproductive, uninhabitable wasteland is now on track to become a productive agricultural and ecological asset—turning a decades-long ecological challenge into a sustainable moneymaker for the communities that live with it every day.