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  • Aipac rebuffed as Mamdani-backed candidates sweep NYC Democratic primaries

    Aipac rebuffed as Mamdani-backed candidates sweep NYC Democratic primaries

    In a landmark vote that sent shockwaves through New York’s Democratic Party, all three congressional candidates endorsed by New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani secured upset victories in high-stakes Democratic primaries on Tuesday, marking the first major electoral test of the progressive mayor’s expanding political movement and cementing the left’s growing influence in state politics.

    The night’s outcomes delivered multiple significant upsets for the party’s old guard. Former city comptroller Brad Lander ousted incumbent Representative Dan Goldman, while state assembly member and ex-union organizer Claire Valdez defeated Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso to claim the nomination for the seat being vacated by retiring Representative Nydia Velazquez. The most stunning upset of the evening came when first-time candidate and public defense investigator Darializa Avila Chevalier unseated five-term incumbent Representative Adriano Espaillat, chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.

    Beyond the congressional races, the progressive wave extended to state legislative contests: Palestinian-American democratic socialist Aber Kawas won the Democratic nomination for a Queens state senate seat, defeating establishment-backed assembly member Steven Raga. Overall, seven of eight candidates endorsed by the New York City chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) won their primary contests, a statistic that underscores the movement’s expanding grassroots power.

    Progressive supporters immediately framed the clean sweep as far more than a series of isolated primary wins. They argue it confirms that Mamdani’s political project is not a one-off insurgency, but the start of a permanent ideological shift within New York’s Democratic Party, representing a clear rebuke to a centrist establishment that progressives say has long treated progressive voters as a constituency to be managed rather than a political force to be heeded.

    Mamdani took an unusually public, hands-on role in the primaries, stumping alongside the three congressional candidates and rallying voters around a shared “affordability agenda” tailored to address New Yorkers’ widespread anger over the city’s crippling cost of living. The mayor’s political framework ties domestic economic hardship directly to U.S. foreign policy priorities, a connection that crystallized around the single clearest dividing line of the 2026 primaries: the Israeli military campaign in Gaza.

    The Israel-Gaza conflict emerged as a defining litmus test for candidates, reflecting a growing gap between Democratic Party leaders and the party’s grassroots base. Lander, a Jewish progressive, was an outspoken critic of what candidates and supporters describe as Israel’s genocide in Gaza, while his opponent Goldman — who received backing from the powerful pro-Israel lobbying group AIPAC — positioned himself as one of Congress’s most prominent supporters of Israel. All three of Mamdani’s congressional nominees, alongside Kawas, held strong pro-Palestinian stances. Avila Chevalier previously helped organize pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University, and Kawas centered her campaign on ending what she calls New York’s complicity in Israel’s actions in Gaza, pairing that foreign policy stance with domestic policy priorities including universal healthcare, tenant protections, immigration justice, and campaign finance reform.

    After the wins, chants of “Free Palestine” rang out at the movement’s victory party, a moment that political observers described as historic. “Don’t underestimate the significance of a packed room full of supporters chanting ‘Free Palestine!’ at a victory party for a candidate who won a major party congressional primary while calling for Palestinian liberation and calling Israel out for genocide and apartheid,” sociologist Anthony Zenkus wrote on social media shortly after the results were called. Policy analyst Yousef Munayyer added that Palestine has become far more than a moral issue for voters: “it is increasingly a measuring stick for how out of touch with your voters you are. Hard to think of any issue, among any party, at any time in history, where there was a bigger gap between the party establishment and their voters.”

    Avila Chevalier’s defeat of the well-funded, longtime incumbent Espaillat proved particularly notable, with progressives arguing it proves that traditional advantages of incumbency, establishment fundraising, and institutional party backing no longer guarantee protection from primary challenges in New York City.

    Alongside anger over U.S. policy toward Gaza, the progressive sweep was fueled by widespread New York voter anxiety over housing and economic affordability, an issue Mamdani has centered since his own mayoral campaign. The mayor’s core political argument — that working and middle-class New Yorkers are being priced out of their homes, squeezed by rising costs for rent, childcare, and healthcare, and failed by an economic system that prioritizes landlords, corporate interests, and the wealthy — resonated across all of the winning candidates’ campaigns. The group framed their candidacy as part of a new generation of Democrats that treats economic justice issues as the core, not an afterthought, of anti-establishment politics.

    The victories also come amid heightened anxiety among Democratic voters over the agenda of second-term President Donald Trump, who has ramped up restrictive immigration policies, attacked public services, and expanded executive power. Progressives say the results show that Democratic voters want candidates who will confront Trumpism with an ambitious agenda that addresses both domestic material hardship and voter anger over U.S. foreign policy in Gaza.

    Online and political reaction to the primary results was sharply polarized. Progressive activists, Palestinian rights organizers, and DSA members celebrated the sweep as a long-awaited breakthrough for a movement that spent years building local power through grassroots tenant organizing, mutual aid networks, and anti-war mobilization. Many compared the outcome to Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s historic 2018 primary upset that first catapulted a New York democratic socialist to Congress. Political commentator Zachary Donnini summed up the mood of progressives, writing, “The Democratic Tea Party is here. Tonight is shaping up to be one of the more consequential nights in recent Democratic politics, with Mamdani- and DSA-endorsed candidates reforming the party.”

    But the wins also triggered alarm among centrist Democrats and conservative commentators, who warn the party risks shifting too far left, alienating voters in competitive swing districts ahead of November’s midterm elections. President Trump seized on the results to argue that Democrats are abandoning the political center, and top Democratic Party leaders have privately raised concerns that the rise of the progressive left will complicate general election campaigns in closely divided districts. The growing divide has already put Mamdani on a collision course with establishment Democratic figures, including House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, who backed incumbent Dan Goldman in his primary against Lander.

    Going into November’s midterm elections, debates over the future of the Democratic Party are only expected to intensify, as the party attempts to balance energizing its progressive base with competing for competitive general election seats. Still, the immediate takeaway from Tuesday’s voting in New York is unambiguous: Mamdani’s progressive coalition has proven it can win beyond the mayor’s office, defeating entrenched incumbents and establishment-backed candidates in high-stakes congressional races. For a Democratic Party grappling with widespread voter anger over affordability, Trump’s agenda, and the war in Gaza, the message from New York is clear: the insurgent progressive left is no longer a marginal force in the party.

  • How one Indian textile worker copes with extreme heat in factory work and cramped living quarters

    How one Indian textile worker copes with extreme heat in factory work and cramped living quarters

    Long before the first hint of sunrise stains the sky over Surat, India’s sprawling synthetic textile manufacturing hub, 35-year-old migrant worker Sibaram Pradhan is already awake. Seated cross-legged on the concrete floor of a cramped plywood cubicle he shares with nine other migrant men, Pradhan breaks into a sweat before his day even begins. This summer, climate-amplified extreme heat has left no corner of India untouched, wrapping both days and nights in a suffocating blanket of humidity and high temperatures that lingers even at 6 a.m.

    Like hundreds of thousands of fellow migrants from Odisha, the eastern Indian state he calls home, Pradhan commutes 2,000 kilometers to work in one of Surat’s thousands of power loom factories. He is one of millions of South Asian workers trapped in a cycle of grueling labor: substandard overcrowded housing and brutally hot, poorly ventilated, deafening factory floors, conditions that grow more dangerous by the year as climate change intensifies regional heatwaves.

    “I’m a poor person. I have come all this way from Odisha to Gujarat just to put food on the table,” Pradhan explains. “We have no choice but to work to survive.”

    The first task of his long day is a quick video call to his wife and two children, who remain in Odisha. Once that is done, he offers a quick prayer to a small portrait of his deity taped to the plywood wall of his cubicle, then joins a queue stretching down a dark, narrow hallway for access to the shared bathroom facilities. Up to 100 workers share just two toilets and a handful of water taps, relying on buckets to bathe.

    More than 200 migrant workers are housed across two converted warehouse floors split into thin plywood cubicles. With only a handful of ceiling fans to circulate stagnant, warm air, the entire complex offers almost no ventilation. This summer, temperatures have already climbed past 38 degrees Celsius (100 degrees Fahrenheit), turning both factories and worker housing into oppressive, stifling spaces that offer little relief from the heat. Pradhan rushes through his morning routine: any late arrival to the factory means a dock in his daily pay.

    Inside the factory walls, Pradhan’s shift stretches up to 12 hours. He is responsible for loading polyester yarn onto power looms, monitoring for broken threads, checking bobbin placement, and maintaining uniform fabric quality across up to 15 machines at once. He moves constantly between the units, enveloped in a constant roar of noise that can reach 130 decibels — a volume equivalent to a gunshot fired at close range, or a high-speed train passing just meters away.

    The unrelenting heat forces Pradhan to work in only a sleeveless undershirt and shorts. He drinks water almost nonstop and regularly wrings sweat out of his clothing to keep it from becoming soaked and heavy. The job requires constant vigilance around the unguarded, fast-moving heavy machinery: “Even if we’re exhausted, we have to stay focused, because people lose fingers to these machines all the time,” Pradhan says. “If you get hurt, you have to pay all your own medical bills, and you don’t get paid for the days you can’t work.”

    Nearly all factories rely on nothing more than ceiling fans to cool machinery and workers, with no systemic ventilation to flush out accumulated heat. After hours of exposure to the sweltering conditions, many workers report frequent dizziness, splitting headaches, and persistent chronic fatigue. Heat exhaustion and dehydration-related illnesses and even deaths are alarmingly common among the workforce, says Siba Malik, a leader of Surat’s power loom worker union. Experts warn that national heat-related death tolls are almost certainly drastically undercounted, due to inconsistent reporting protocols on death certificates, leaving reliable official statistics out of reach.

    Virtually all of Surat’s textile workforce is made up of internal migrants, the vast majority of whom hail from Odisha’s Ganjam district, one of India’s regions most vulnerable to climate-driven natural disasters. Workers report that repeated cyclones, flooding, and erratic rainfall have destroyed small-scale farming, the traditional livelihood in the district. Combined with chronic water shortages and a lack of local infrastructure and alternative work opportunities, these climate shocks have pushed hundreds of thousands of people to seek factory work in Surat. A 2023 nonprofit report estimates that as many as 800,000 Ganjam district natives currently work in Surat’s textile sector.

    “There is simply no work to be found in our home villages,” says Seemanchal Sahu, another power loom worker who has lived and worked in Surat for more than 15 years. “If we could make a living there, we would never have left.”

    Malik, a former power loom worker himself, notes that the vast majority of these workers lack health insurance, paid leave, or any other basic labor protections, leaving them extremely vulnerable to illness or injury. Any interruption to work means an immediate stop to their income. He has spent years organizing workers to collectively demand better working conditions and basic benefits, but progress has been slow. Workers have little leverage to push for change: they are dependent on the meager wages factories offer, which range from 600 to 750 Indian rupees (approximately $6 to $8) per day, or pay based on how many meters of fabric they produce.

    After finishing his 12-hour shift around 7 p.m., Pradhan walks back to his housing complex, where the heat offers no reprieve. Nighttime temperatures in Surat regularly hover around 30 degrees Celsius (86 degrees Fahrenheit), so the cubicles remain just as hot and stuffy after dark as they are during the day. If the bathroom queue is not too long, he will take a quick second bucket bath, then head to the on-site canteen for dinner, which usually consists of lentils, rice, and cheap seasonal vegetables like eggplant or potato. Fish is only served once a week.

    After eating, Pradhan usually spends an hour or so socializing with other workers at a nearby street tea stall, since sitting inside the overheated cubicle is unbearable. When he finally returns to his room to sleep, the conditions still work against him. “It’s just as hot inside the room at night,” Pradhan says. “We can’t sleep properly. I wake up three or four times every single night.”

    Even with his grueling seven-day-a-week schedule, Pradhan spends roughly one-fifth of his income on rent and food at the complex, but still manages to send roughly 6,000 rupees ($63) home to his family in Odisha every month. His routine rarely changes, broken only by rare holidays like Diwali or the Odia New Year, when he travels back to his home state to visit his family.

    Through all the hardship, Pradhan holds onto one hope: that his children will be able to build a better life than he has. He is saving to send them to school, so they can get stable, professional jobs that do not require the backbreaking, dangerous labor he endures every day. “I know exactly how hard this work is,” he says. “I will never let my children end up here.”

  • US Congress welcomes Taiwan’s parliamentary leader to Washington, affirms support for the island

    US Congress welcomes Taiwan’s parliamentary leader to Washington, affirms support for the island

    Against a backdrop of shifting U.S.-China tensions and a pending review of a major arms deal, over 30 bipartisan members of the U.S. House of Representatives gathered Wednesday in Washington D.C. to reaffirm robust U.S. backing for Taiwan, during an official reception welcoming Han Kuo-yu, the president of Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan.

    The high-profile gathering, held at the Longworth House Office Building, drew some of Capitol Hill’s most prominent figures from both major parties, including former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), House Democratic Caucus Vice Chair Ted Lieu (D-CA), and former House Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Michael McCaul (R-TX). Opening the welcome remarks, McCaul left no ambiguity about U.S. congressional sentiment, stating, “It’s very important to me to say that the United States supports you, Mr. Speaker.” Echoing this unified stance, Pelosi emphasized that cross-party and bicameral support for Taiwan is long-standing, framing the backing as rooted not just in a commitment to regional peace, but also in critical shared economic interests tied to global maritime trade security.

    Han is leading an eight-person parliamentary delegation that arrived in Washington Tuesday evening, following a preliminary stop in Phoenix, Arizona. That stop highlighted the deep economic interdependence between the U.S. and Taiwan: Phoenix is currently the site of new, cutting-edge fabrication facilities being built by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), the world’s leading advanced chipmaker whose products underpin the global artificial intelligence boom. TSMC’s expansion in Arizona has become a leading example of Taiwan’s outsized importance to the U.S. economy and tech supply chain. Before meeting with House members, Han held closed-door discussions with U.S. senators; the delegation declined to share specific details of those talks, but noted the warm reception from senators matched the enthusiastic welcome House members extended.

    The Taiwan issue remains one of the most contentious flashpoints in U.S.-China relations. Beijing formally claims Taiwan as part of its sovereign territory and has repeatedly vowed to take control of the self-governing island by force if necessary. Under the long-standing Taiwan Relations Act, a U.S. domestic law, Washington is legally required to provide Taiwan with sufficient defense capabilities to deter any potential invasion from mainland China. The $14 billion arms sales package at the center of current debate already received preliminary approval from Congress months ago, but the Trump administration has held up the deal amid ongoing review. President Donald Trump, following his May diplomatic trip to Beijing, has publicly described the package as a potential bargaining chip in broader U.S.-China negotiations, a framing that drew sharp pushback from U.S. lawmakers on Wednesday.

    Secretary of State Marco Rubio has stated that long-standing U.S. policy toward Taiwan remains unchanged, but multiple members of Congress used Wednesday’s reception to press the Trump administration to move forward with the arms deal immediately. “I’m here today … to affirm in the strongest terms that Taiwan is not a bargaining chip. It is an island of freedom. And we need to do all we can to preserve it,” said Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-TX), adding that the U.S. should expedite delivery of every defensive weapon Taiwan requests. Ted Lieu directly criticized the administration’s delay, saying, “I urge the administration to reverse that and to allow their arms sale to proceed.”

    A member of Taiwan’s opposition Kuomintang (KMT) party, Han struck a collaborative tone in his address, praising the U.S.’s 250-year legacy of democratic governance and noting that Taiwan shares the U.S.’s core commitments to freedom, democracy, and upholding a rules-based international order. He highlighted the deep economic ties between the two sides: the 23-million-person island has recently surpassed Germany to become the United States’ fourth-largest trading partner, a shift driven largely by global demand for Taiwan’s advanced semiconductors and other high-tech hardware.

    Han also used his visit to urge U.S. congressional support for expanding Taiwan’s international participation. Due to Beijing’s territorial claims, no United Nations member state can maintain formal diplomatic relations with both China and Taiwan, leaving just 12 small governments and the Holy See to formally recognize Taipei. Beijing has also successfully blocked Taiwan’s membership in most major intergovernmental organizations, including the World Health Organization. “On the international stage, Taiwan feels very lonely in its heart,” Han said. “I am here asking Taiwan’s good friends in Congress … to help us participate in global activities.”

    After his meetings in Washington, Han is set to depart Friday on the inaugural nonstop flight between Washington Dulles International Airport and Taiwan Taoyuan International Airport operated by Taiwanese carrier EVA Air, a new route that has been framed as another marker of deepening people-to-people and official ties between the U.S. and Taiwan.

  • UN: RSF used rape and sexual slavery as weapons of war in Sudan since 2023

    UN: RSF used rape and sexual slavery as weapons of war in Sudan since 2023

    Three years into Sudan’s brutal civil war between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), a bombshell new report from the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has laid bare the systematic use of sexual violence as a weapon of war, placing the overwhelming majority of documented abuses at the feet of the RSF and its allied militias. The analysis, which covers the period from the outbreak of open conflict in April 2023 through mid-April 2026, documents 546 verified incidents of conflict-related sexual violence across 16 of Sudan’s 18 states, impacting at least 838 people—most of whom are women and girls. The UN’s findings confirm that these acts are not isolated crimes of war, but coordinated, widespread tactics that may rise to the level of crimes against humanity and even genocide.

    According to the report’s verified data, 87 percent of all documented sexual violence incidents were carried out by men in RSF uniforms, affiliated fighters, and allied Arab militias. While smaller numbers of abuses were also linked to the SAF, associated security groups, the Joint Forces, and other armed movements, the scale and planning of RSF-perpetrated violence stands apart. The report outlines a clear pattern of coordinated operations: perpetrators arrive in armed convoys, divide operational roles—with some securing locations while others carry out assaults—and target communities along ethnic and political lines. More than 25 percent of verified incidents are gang rapes, in some cases involving 10 or more attackers assaulting a single victim. At least 85 women and girls were held as sexual slaves, forced to complete unpaid domestic labor for fighters and in some cases coerced into generating income for their captors. Many victims were chained, blindfolded, and held hundreds of kilometers from their homes, with at least 59 confirmed pregnancies resulting from rape.

    Ethnic targeting has been a central feature of the violence, the report confirms. In West Darfur, Masalit women were explicitly forced to identify their tribe before being assaulted, with perpetrators stating they aimed to force Masalit women to bear the children of Arab fighters. During the 2025 RSF offensive on the internally displaced persons camp at Zamzam, women were targeted based on whether their male relatives were affiliated with the SAF, with sexual assault used as punishment and intimidation. Zaghawa women and girls were disproportionately targeted during the RSF’s final 2025 offensive on el-Fasher. The report documents grotesque, firsthand accounts of atrocities: one victim saw her mother shot dead after begging for her daughter’s safety, before the daughter was gang-raped; another child witnessed her younger sister gang-raped to death. Even in detention facilities across seven states, sexual violence is rampant, with men making up an unusually high 20 percent of victims in these cases, including one Masalit man who died in 2025 from untreated injuries and psychological trauma sustained during sexual torture in RSF custody.

    OHCHR concluded there are reasonable grounds to confirm the RSF and its allies have committed widespread war crimes across Darfur, including rape, sexual slavery, torture, and cruel treatment. The coordinated, geographically widespread pattern of abuses in hotspots including El Geneina, Ardamata, Zamzam camp, and el-Fasher meets the threshold for systematic, widespread attacks on civilian populations, meaning these acts may also qualify as crimes against humanity. These findings echo a February 2026 conclusion from the UN fact-finding mission in Sudan that the RSF’s capture of el-Fasher bears the hallmarks of genocide, with sexual violence as a core component of the assault that targeted females ranging in age from 7 to 70 years old, including pregnant women.

    Beyond documenting the violence itself, the report highlights the critical danger of persistent impunity for perpetrators. Only 48 of the 546 verified incidents have ever been reported to law enforcement, and just two have moved to formal investigation. In areas under RSF control, no functional formal justice system exists to prosecute abusers. The report also criticizes the SAF: a 2024 amnesty offer for RSF defectors did not explicitly exclude those responsible for sexual violence, creating a pathway for perpetrators to avoid prosecution. In one disturbing case, a woman who was held and sexually assaulted by the RSF was later charged with collaboration by SAF-aligned security forces, and at least one woman has been sentenced to death on similar false charges.

    UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk emphasized that unchecked impunity is deepening harm and locking Sudan into a decades-long cycle of violence. “Sexual violence is being used as a weapon of war. This is a war crime and, if committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack, a crime against humanity,” Turk said. “All perpetrators, including those exercising command responsibility, must be held fully accountable, and victims must be guaranteed access to effective remedy, including reparation.”

    The release of the report coincides with growing international alarm over the RSF’s ongoing offensive on el-Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan state, where sustained drone strikes have targeted civilian infrastructure, including key supply routes, fuel stations, and power grids. More than 500,000 people, including 200,000 internally displaced persons, have been cut off from access to basic services. On the same day the OHCHR report was published, six European nations—France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, and the United Kingdom—issued a joint warning that the atrocities witnessed in el-Fasher must not be repeated in el-Obeid, which UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper called “on the precipice of an atrocity.”

    While the joint statement called out unnamed external actors fueling the conflict, it stopped short of naming the United Arab Emirates, which has been widely documented as a key backer of the RSF. The UAE has repeatedly denied providing weapons or support to the RSF, but multiple independent investigations since mid-2023 have confirmed weapons transfers to the RSF via a dedicated airbridge through eastern Chad, with the UAE repeatedly identified as the primary supplier. Most recently, Middle East Eye revealed in April 2026 that the RSF receives covert support from an Ethiopian army base in Asosa, with matching military vehicles documented at the Port of Berbera in Somaliland, where the UAE maintains a permanent military base.

    On the same day the report was released, a human rights investigator told the UK Parliament that the British government failed to act to prevent atrocities in el-Fasher, citing “political capture” by the UAE and London’s desire to protect its economic and diplomatic ties with Abu Dhabi. Nathaniel Raymond, who delivered more than two dozen private briefings with warnings of impending mass atrocities, told lawmakers that the UK— as the UN penholder for Sudan—was the best positioned global power to prevent mass slaughter, but its warnings were repeatedly ignored. “The British government prioritises economic, security, and diplomatic relationships with the UAE above preventing the intentional starvation, forced displacement, and the genocidal slaughter of tens of thousands of civilians living in el-Fasher and its surrounding communities,” Raymond told Parliament’s International Development Committee.

    International efforts to hold perpetrators accountable are already underway, though they have yet to end the violence. The UN Security Council has imposed sanctions on four senior RSF commanders over Darfur atrocities, and the United States formally recognized that RSF actions constitute genocide, sanctioning RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (known as Hemedti) in January 2025. The International Criminal Court at The Hague is currently investigating both RSF and SAF commanders for individual criminal responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed since the conflict began.

    After three years of war, Sudan faces what the UN and European Union describe as the world’s worst humanitarian and displacement crisis. The conflict has killed tens of thousands of people, displaced more than 13 million, and pushed over 19.5 million to the brink of famine.

  • ‘Genocidaires’ delight’: Israeli Ben & Jerry’s flavour sparks social media backlash

    ‘Genocidaires’ delight’: Israeli Ben & Jerry’s flavour sparks social media backlash

    A new Israel-exclusive ice cream flavor from the locally independent Ben & Jerry’s operation has ignited fierce online controversy, reigniting long-simmering tensions between the ice cream brand’s Vermont-based co-founders, its global parent company Unilever, and its Israeli licensee over the ongoing conflict in Gaza and Palestinian rights.

    Unveiled this week via the official X account of the Israeli government, the new flavor, dubbed “Milk and Honey,” has been framed as the country’s “official ice cream flavor,” with promotional materials noting that all proceeds from the product will go toward supporting communities in southern Israel. Every ingredient used in the new batch carries explicit regional ties: milk and cream are sourced from Kibbutz Alumim, a community located meters from the Gaza separation fence that was targeted in the October 7, 2023 attacks; the chocolate Star of David inclusions are produced at a facility in Be’er Sheva in the Negev (Naqab) desert; and the honey comes from beehives maintained at Kibbutz Yad Mordechai, another southern Israeli border community.

    Since the 2022 sale of Ben & Jerry’s Israeli operations to local licensee Avi Zinger, the franchise has operated entirely independently of the global Ben & Jerry’s brand, but the release of Milk and Honey has drawn sharp criticism from social media users worldwide, many of whom have tied the launch to Israel’s ongoing military campaign in Gaza that has been widely condemned by international bodies and human rights groups. Critics have taken to social media to mock and condemn the flavor, with some editing product packaging to rename it “Genocidaires’ Delight,” while others left cutting comments such as “Mmm…tastes like genocide.” The release coincided with the publication of a new United Nations commission of inquiry report released the same week that concluded Israel has deliberately targeted Palestinian children and committed acts of genocide and war crimes in Gaza, as well as additional war crimes in the occupied West Bank. This finding aligns with multiple previous conclusions from leading genocide scholars, legal experts, and major global human rights organizations that have reached the same determination that Israel’s military campaign in Gaza amounts to genocide.

    Many social media commentators also highlighted the deep internal rift that has split the Ben & Jerry’s brand for years, noting that the global company’s co-founders and original board have repeatedly publicly endorsed Palestinian rights and have already labeled Israel’s war in Gaza a genocide. One commenter argued the new flavor was fittingly “the most Israeli ice cream in the sense that it was stolen from the original owners and Israelis are pretending it belongs to them.”

    The controversy is the latest chapter in a years-long dispute over the brand’s longstanding commitment to social justice activism, which its co-founders say has been systematically sidelined by parent company Unilever. The rift first opened in 2021, when co-founders Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield announced they would end sales of Ben & Jerry’s products in illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, and declined to renew their license agreement with the Israeli franchise. Unilever, which acquired the brand in 2000 under a merger agreement that guaranteed the co-founders autonomy to pursue social justice values, responded by selling the entire Israeli operation to Zinger, prompting the co-founders to file suit against the company for breach of contract. The suit was eventually settled for an undisclosed sum.

    Tensions escalated dramatically after the outbreak of the 2023 Gaza war. Ben & Jerry’s global leadership filed a second suit against Unilever, accusing the parent company of silencing its repeated attempts to speak out in support of Palestinian rights. The brand alleges it was blocked from issuing four separate public statements: one calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, one advocating for an end to U.S. military aid to Israel, one expressing support for pro-Palestinian student protesters on university campuses, and one calling for safe passage for Palestinian refugees fleeing Gaza to the United Kingdom. In 2025, co-founder Jerry Greenfield resigned from his position on the board, citing the complete erosion of the values-based autonomy he and Cohen had negotiated with Unilever, saying the company’s original mission had been fully silenced.

    Cohen has continued his campaign to “free” the brand from Unilever and its affiliate Magnum Ice Cream, and has become a high-profile activist calling for an end to the Gaza war. He was arrested in May 2025 during a protest against U.S. support for Israel at a U.S. Senate health committee hearing. Last year, he announced plans to release a watermelon-flavored ice cream — a well-known symbol of Palestinian solidarity — that would raise awareness of Palestinian suffering under occupation and call for permanent peace. Unilever blocked the planned release, prompting Cohen to announce he would produce the flavor independently.

    Middle East Eye reached out to Ben & Jerry’s Israel, Ben & Jerry’s USA, Cohen, Greenfield, and Zinger for comment on the new flavor and the ongoing controversy, and had not received responses at the time of publication.

  • Powerful 6.9-magnitude earthquake strikes off northern Japan. No tsunami warning

    Powerful 6.9-magnitude earthquake strikes off northern Japan. No tsunami warning

    A 6.9-magnitude seismic event shook the offshore area of Japan’s northern Iwate Prefecture on Thursday morning, prompting routine safety checks and emergency preparedness protocols across the country’s northeastern region, with no immediate reports of casualties or widespread destruction confirmed. The Japan Meteorological Agency (JMA) quickly issued an initial assessment, placing the quake’s depth at approximately 50 kilometers, or 31 miles, below the ocean floor. The United States Geological Survey matched JMA’s magnitude reading, aligning on the key details of the seismic activity.

    This tremor hit during the bustling morning commute, a time when millions of Japanese residents were traveling to work and school, and light shaking was even felt as far south as the capital city of Tokyo. Critically, the JMA confirmed immediately after the quake that there was no threat of a tsunami following the seismic shift.

    The epicenter sits in a seismically active zone that has seen multiple significant tremors in recent months. In December alone, a separate quake in the same broader region triggered a seven-day national advisory warning for potential large-scale seismic activity.

    Top Japanese government officials moved quickly to coordinate response efforts. Chief Cabinet Secretary Minoru Kihara, the country’s top government spokesperson, confirmed that as of initial assessments, no injuries or structural damage had been documented. Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi told reporters in Tokyo that the government’s emergency response task force had activated immediately, placing public safety as its top priority. The prime minister added that teams are actively collecting on-the-ground data and standing by to launch relief operations if any damage is reported. She also issued a public warning for residents across affected northeastern prefectures to remain alert for possible aftershocks in the coming hours and days.

    On-the-ground reports from local communities echoed the official assessment of no major harm. Tomoko Nagane, principal of a public elementary school in the Aomori Prefecture town of Hashikami, spoke to public broadcaster NHK about the experience. She said she was en route to the school when the national earthquake early alert system activated on her phone, and she felt sustained moderate lateral shaking while driving. All students who had already arrived at the campus were unhurt, she confirmed, though a number of young children cried out of fear during the tremor. School officials canceled classes for the remainder of the day, and all students were safely returned to their families by mid-morning.

    NHK correspondents reporting from two of the closest major population centers, Sendai and Morioka, told viewers they felt shaking that lasted roughly two minutes, but had not observed any visible damage to infrastructure during initial checks. Broadcast footage from the region showed commuters continuing their daily routines as normal shortly after the tremor passed.

    In line with standard safety protocols, East Japan Railway Co., which operates intercity and local rail services across the Tohoku region, temporarily halted service on several bullet train and local commuter lines to allow structural and safety inspections of tracks and infrastructure.

    One key reassurance came for facilities with major seismic risk: government spokesperson Kihara confirmed that all nuclear facilities in the affected area, including the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant – the site of the 2011 meltdown following a massive quake and tsunami – and a spent fuel reprocessing facility in Aomori Prefecture, had not recorded any abnormalities from Thursday’s tremor.

    Japan sits along the Pacific Ring of Fire, an active tectonic boundary that makes it one of the most earthquake-prone nations on Earth, with a highly developed early warning and emergency response system designed to reduce harm from regular seismic activity.

  • This woman fought for her disappeared father – now she faces life in jail

    This woman fought for her disappeared father – now she faces life in jail

    Thirty-three-year-old Mahrang Baloch, a doctor turned human rights activist and 2025 Nobel Peace Prize nominee, has been sentenced to life in prison by a Pakistani anti-terrorism court, in a ruling that has drawn global attention to the long-running crisis of enforced disappearances in Pakistan’s restive southwestern province of Balochistan.

    Mahrang’s journey into activism did not begin as a political mission, but as a deeply personal fight for justice. When she was just 16 years old in 2009, her father Abdul Ghaffar Langove, a local political activist, was allegedly taken into custody by Pakistani security forces and never seen alive again. Nearly three years later, his tortured, decomposed body was found dumped in an unmarked grave in Lasbela district. Speaking in her final interview with the BBC before her 2025 arrest, Mahrang described the devastating discovery: her father’s body was still clothed in the same tattered outfit he wore the day he was abducted, bearing clear marks of brutal abuse. The trauma of this loss would go on to shape every chapter of her adult life.

    The crisis that Mahrang dedicated her life to addressing is one of the most intractable human rights issues in South Asia. For more than two decades, thousands of ethnic Baloch people have vanished across the province, according to human rights activists and local campaigners. Many of these disappearances are alleged to be carried out by state security forces as part of a counterinsurgency strategy targeting separatist groups that have waged an armed movement for an independent Balochistan since the late 1940s. Critics say the practice is also used to suppress peaceful dissent over the region’s long-running grievances: Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest province by territory, holding vast reserves of natural gas, coal, copper, and gold, but it remains the country’s poorest and most underdeveloped region, with restricted access for outside journalists, crumbling infrastructure, and widespread shortages of basic necessities like clean water and electricity.

    Pakistani government officials have repeatedly denied allegations of systemic enforced disappearances. Senior leaders including Balochistan Chief Minister Sarfraz Bugti argue that many reported missing people have joined separatist insurgent groups or left the province voluntarily, framing widespread claims of disappearances as “systematic propaganda” against the state. The government says roughly 80% of the more than 2,900 reported disappearance cases since 2011 have been resolved, while activists put the total number of missing people closer to 7,000. No independent body has been able to verify either figure. The crisis escalated dramatically after 2006, when prominent Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti was killed in a military operation, sparking a surge in both insurgent attacks and state crackdowns.

    For Mahrang, the personal cost of this crisis deepened in 2017, when her brother was detained by security forces for nearly three months. “I had made my mother believe that what happened to my father wouldn’t happen to my brother. But it did,” she recalled. “I was scared of looking at my phone, because it might be news of my brother’s body being found somewhere.” That experience pushed her to step into formal leadership of the movement for missing persons. As a trained medical doctor, she rose to prominence through the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), an organization that campaigns against enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings while advocating for greater local control over Balochistan’s natural resources.

    Over the next decade, Mahrang became the most recognizable face of the Baloch missing persons movement, leading massive peaceful protests, organizing a 1,600-kilometer long march from Balochistan to the capital Islamabad in 2023, and centering the voices of generations of Baloch women who have spent decades waiting for answers about their missing fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons. Despite facing repeated death threats, travel bans, and arrests, she built an international profile: she was named to the BBC’s 100 Women list in 2024, included in TIME magazine’s TIME100 Next list of emerging global leaders, and nominated for the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize for her human rights work.

    State officials have long accused Mahrang and the BYC of amplifying separatist narratives, allegations she consistently rejected. In her final pre-arrest interview, she emphasized her campaign was rooted in a demand for basic rights: “We want the right to live on our own land without persecution. We want our resources, our rights. We want this rule of fear and violence to end.”

    Mahrang was ultimately taken into custody in March 2025 while leading a protest in Quetta over the burial of 13 unclaimed bodies, which activists believe were missing Baloch people. Authorities claimed the dead were militants killed after a train hijacking in the Bolan Pass, a claim that could not be independently verified. On Monday, the anti-terrorism court convicted Mahrang and fellow activist Sibghatullah Shah of terrorism, sedition, and murder in connection with the 2024 death of a paramilitary soldier during a protest in Gwadar. Both activists deny all charges, and their legal team says they will appeal the verdict.

    Nadia Baloch, Mahrang’s sister and a member of her legal team, told the BBC the trial was fundamentally unfair. “It was not transparent,” she said, explaining that the court replaced the family’s chosen legal team with state-appointed lawyers after the family demanded an open public trial, and denied Mahrang access to witness statements and other key evidence. “She was not given a chance to a fair trial.” Nadia added that the family remains defiant in the fight to overturn the verdict, even as she acknowledged the emotional toll of the conviction: “I don’t have the courage to see her in prison, because I feel I have failed her by not getting Mahrang justice.”

    Authorities maintain the conviction is based on criminal conduct, not political activism, and frame the case as a law enforcement matter. But Mahrang’s supporters and family view the life sentence as an attempt to silence widespread dissent in Balochistan. Before her arrest, Mahrang said she had long accepted that imprisonment was a possible outcome of her work, and she did not fear it. According to her family, she remains resolute in prison, and her message to supporters remains unchanged: the struggle for justice will continue.

  • Philippines bans Gorebox gaming app after high school shooting

    Philippines bans Gorebox gaming app after high school shooting

    A horrific mass shooting at a Philippine high school that left three students dead and 20 more wounded has triggered an immediate government response, including a temporary ban on the ultra-violent video game Gorebox linked to one of the underage suspects.

    The attack, which unfolded on Monday at San Jose National High School in Tacloban, a city in southeastern Manila still known for the devastating 2013 Super Typhoon Haiyan that killed thousands, marks a deeply unusual incident in the country: while gun-related crime occurs regularly, mass school shootings carried out by minors are extremely rare. Police have confirmed the two attackers are aged 15 and 14, with the younger suspect documented as an active player of Gorebox, a first-person shooter developed by German studio F2Games.

    According to the game’s own listing on Google Play, Gorebox markets itself as a space where “creativity meets unrestrained destruction”, allowing players to “obliterate anything [they] desire” and engage in brutal combat using a wide arsenal of firearms and explosives. The International Age Rating Coalition has already assigned Gorebox an R18 rating, restricting it exclusively to adult players due to its extremely violent, explicit and unregulated content. Philippine law enforcement say the 14-year-old suspect had been sharing violent content online, and investigators believe he was “heavily influenced” by violent online materials.

    Within days of the shooting, Philippine cybersecurity authorities ordered the temporary block of Gorebox to facilitate a full investigation into any connection between the game and the attackers’ actions. “We cannot ignore possible online influences that may have contributed to this tragic incident,” the national cyber-security agency stated. Aboy Paraiso, undersecretary at the country’s Cybercrime Investigation and Coordinating Centre, explained that the temporary restriction will give authorities time to complete a thorough assessment of whether the game platform played any role in radicalizing the suspects. The BBC has reached out to F2Games for official comment on the allegations, and to date no conclusive scientific research has established a direct causal link between video game play and real-world violent behavior.

    Legal proceedings and follow-up investigations have already moved forward. As of Tuesday evening, murder charges have been formally filed against the 15-year-old suspect. Under Philippine juvenile justice rules, the 14-year-old suspect is too young to face criminal charges. Investigations into how the minors obtained their weapons have also revealed damning gaps in gun regulation: the 9mm pistol the younger suspect used belonged to his aunt, a serving policewoman who has since been suspended from duty, while the .38 caliber weapon carried by the 15-year-old was registered to his grandfather’s private security firm. A preliminary investigation into the attackers’ motives found the pair claimed they had endured prolonged bullying at the school, and all evidence collected so far indicates the attack was carefully planned. The suspects locked themselves in a school bathroom before carrying out the shooting, according to Philippine National Police spokesman Allan Rae Co.

    A close friend of the 15-year-old suspect, who spoke to the BBC on condition of anonymity, described the teen as unusually tense and unwilling to let insults from bullies go unchallenged. He often got into physical fights with peers who targeted him, and rejected advice to walk away from confrontations. The friend noted that the teen adopted military-style hairstyles and clothing, and appeared to have extensive knowledge of firearms, a likely influence from his grandfather’s work in the security industry. “I couldn’t think that someone could do such a heinous thing,” the friend told reporters.

    The shooting has already sparked urgent calls for policy reform across the Philippines. Party-list congressman Chel Diokno of the Akbayan party is pushing for harsher penalties for any individual or entity that enables minors to access illegal firearms. Philippine senators have announced they will resume a stalled investigation into the impact of violent online content on youth mental health and behavior. Senator Risa Hontiveros argued that unregulated online platforms have become “nests for brainwashing and radicalising our youth”, stressing that authorities cannot wait for another tragedy to act. Joy Belmonte, mayor of the populous Quezon City, called for a national review of school security protocols, noting that regular active shooter drills and simulations are needed to prepare students and staff for potential incidents. Education Secretary Sonny Angara echoed these concerns, saying the government does not want to see the kind of repeated copycat school shooting incidents that have become a public health crisis in the United States take root in the Philippines.

    This incident remains the deadliest school shooting involving minors in recent Philippine history, and it comes more than 15 years after the country’s worst ever mass shooting: the 2009 Maguindanao massacre, where a local mayor and his allies killed 58 people, most of them journalists covering a political dispute.

  • Palace in the Mist: The inside story of the 1908 Young Turk revolution

    Palace in the Mist: The inside story of the 1908 Young Turk revolution

    For history enthusiasts and casual readers alike, few experiences match the excitement of gaining exclusive, behind-the-scenes access to the hidden inner workings of one of humanity’s most influential imperial dynasties. That rare opportunity has arrived with the July 3 release of *Palace in the Mist*, a new work by Ayse Osmanoglu — a professional writer, and a direct member of the House of Osman, the ruling family of the Ottoman Empire.

    Osmanoglu, who currently resides in England, carries unmatched ancestral context for this project: she is a direct descendant of two Ottoman sultans, Murad V and Mehmed Resad, and her grandfather was an imperial prince forced into exile from Istanbul in 1924, when Turkish Republic founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk formally abolished the Ottoman caliphate. This unique lineage puts her in an unparalleled position to chronicle the final, turbulent era of the Ottoman Empire.

    Set against the transformative upheaval of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, *Palace in the Mist* tells the deeply personal story of Osmanoglu’s own ancestors within the imperial palaces of Istanbul. The work occupies a rare middle ground between narrative fiction and rigorous academic history: every central figure in the book is a real historical person, and Osmanoglu went to extraordinary lengths to ensure all portrayals adhere strictly to the historical record. While this commitment to avoiding unsubstantiated embellishment occasionally leaves supporting characters feeling less developed than they might be in a conventional novel, critics note this small trade-off is more than justified by the book’s extraordinary accuracy and authentic voice.

    Osmanoglu draws on one-of-a-kind source material that no outside scholar could easily access: obscure contemporary memoirs written by people who lived through the era, plus oral histories of the imperial family passed down directly to her through generations. In the book’s opening, she explains that during her childhood, her paternal grandparents and great-aunts and uncles shared countless stories of the dynasty’s final decades, and she committed these intimate anecdotes to memory to preserve them for future readers. “They gave me a precious insight into what life was like for the people who lived in the Ottoman palaces at the turn of the 20th century,” she writes.

    To ground the narrative, Osmanoglu begins by recapping the decades of political tension that led to the revolution: In 1876, a reformist faction called the Young Ottomans launched a coup against Sultan Abdulaziz, deposing him and installing his liberal nephew Prince Murad — Osmanoglu’s direct ancestor — as the new sultan. Plagued by paranoia that others would accuse him of conspiring against Abdulaziz, Murad suffered a severe nervous breakdown, was deemed unfit to rule, and was replaced by his younger brother, who took the throne as Sultan Abdulhamid II in September 1876.

    Though Abdulhamid initially accepted a constitution and established a parliament, he soon grew authoritarian, dissolved the legislative body, arrested political dissenters, and even imprisoned members of his own family who he saw as threats. That included Murad and his son Prince Mehmed Selahaddin, who were confined to the so-called “gilded cage” of Istanbul’s Ciragan Palace for 28 years.

    *Palace in the Mist* picks up its narrative in the final years of Abdulhamid’s iron-fisted rule, with Osmanoglu reconstructing this history through vivid prose and meticulous attention to sensory detail. She paints a clear portrait of the sultan, noting his “crisp white linen shirt and navy-blue trousers” and the gold buttons of his custom jacket, and captures his growing paranoia in a small, revealing moment: “The world moves against me,” he whispers, waving a pistol through an empty room.

    Betrayal and popular revolt stand as the book’s central themes. Young Turk revolutionaries, including key protagonist Captain Hafiz Ismail Hakki, grapple with the moral weight of betraying the sitting sultan to build a democratic constitutional monarchy. Political intrigue permeates every chapter, seen in one iconic scene where masked rebels gather around a table holding “the Qu’ran and the revolver, gleaming ominously in the golden light.”

    Beyond high politics, Osmanoglu devotes significant attention to the often-overlooked private lives of women in the Ottoman imperial family, many of whom lived in forced confinement. Readers meet Princess Rukiye, Murad’s granddaughter, who secretly reads the Sherlock Holmes novels that Arthur Conan Doyle gifted to Abdulhamid, and the tragic Princess Hadice, Murad’s daughter, whose illicit romantic correspondence with a young officer named Kemaleddin Pasha leads to her public disgrace and his exile; when he finally returns to Istanbul decades later, she refuses to meet him.

    Osmanoglu also brings the opulence of late imperial palace life to life, describing glittering parties held under high ceilings where “chandeliers dripped with countless crystals.” In this rarefied, privileged world, “the scent of oud and musk clung to the tailored frock coats” of princes and politicians sipping sherbet and “cardamom-scented coffee,” all to the accompaniment of the “soft melodies of the Imperial orchestra.”

    The book’s turning point arrives in July 1908, when Young Turk forces compel Abdulhamid to reinstate the 1876 constitution and reconvene parliament. At the most critical moment, the empire’s highest religious authority, the sheikh-ul-islam, sides with the revolutionaries. When asked to issue a religious ruling declaring the insurgency illegal, he tells a stunned Abdulhamid that “the Constitution accords with Sharia… To refuse it would be to defy Divine law.” With that ruling, the sultan’s absolute power is broken, and parliament gains the authority to hold the monarchy accountable.

    The political shift frees Murad’s imprisoned family from their long confinement, but the new era of reform proves short-lived. Osmanoglu introduces readers to Ali Kemal, a liberal journalist and ancestor of former British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, who declares boldly, “They may silence a man, but never an idea. If ink is treason, let the gallows be our pressroom.”

    Many leading Young Turks, however, favored a centralized, bureaucratic state over the decentralized model reformers had initially promised. Prince Sabahaddin, the revolutionary son of Abdulhamid’s sister, argued unsuccessfully that “it is essential that the provinces be given autonomy if the Empire is to survive,” and lost the internal debate. Ultimately, the revolution is betrayed from all sides: an uprising led by disgruntled soldiers and madrasa students erupts, the Young Turk leadership consolidates power into a new authoritarian regime and crushes the rebellion, and Abdulhamid is accused of appeasing the mutineers, deposed, and exiled from Istanbul. “Allah and history will bear witness that I have served the State faithfully,” he insists before leaving. Osmanoglu’s ancestor, Mehmed Resad, is installed as the new sultan, with far more chaos and bloodshed still waiting for the empire in the years ahead.

    Critically, the work is widely praised as beautifully written and carefully constructed, moving seamlessly between high-stakes imperial politics and intimate family drama to create an extraordinary literary achievement. Osmanoglu has delivered a truly insider account of the dynasty’s final years, and the work is considered essential reading for anyone with an interest in Ottoman history. *Palace in the Mist: The Ottoman Dynasty Chronicles* by Ayse Osmanoglu is available in both paperback and hardcover editions starting July 3.

  • Israeli officials discuss renewed push to expel Palestinians from Gaza

    Israeli officials discuss renewed push to expel Palestinians from Gaza

    On Tuesday, senior Israeli national security officials convened an urgently called meeting to revisit a long-stalled, highly controversial plan to push Palestinians to leave the Gaza Strip, Israel’s leading daily newspaper Haaretz has confirmed. The gathering, organized by Shmuel Ben Ezra, head of Israel’s National Security Council, brought together top representatives from the Israel Defense Forces, the Shin Bet internal security agency, and the Mossad external intelligence service, with discussions centered on advancing what officials frame as “encouraging voluntary emigration” of Gaza’s civilian population.

    Multiple participants told Haaretz that the urgency of the meeting took many defense officials by surprise, as the idea of displacing Palestinians from Gaza has been floated dozens of times in Israeli political circles for years without ever moving forward due to insurmountable international and practical barriers. Most notably, Mossad officials confirmed during the discussions that the agency has not identified a single sovereign nation willing to accept large numbers of displaced Palestinian refugees from Gaza. One senior anonymous official stressed that there has been no shift in the global stance that would make this plan feasible, noting that any large-scale population transfer would require unprecedented, complex coordination across the international community that currently has no support.

    The renewed push for the plan has sparked speculation among Israeli security circles. One unnamed security source told Haaretz that it cannot be ruled out that the reactivation of discussions is part of a potential political “compensation” package that former U.S. President Donald Trump offered to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the wake of a U.S.-Iran agreement. Regardless of the political motivation, a senior member of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee bluntly told the outlet that the entire proposal lacks any political or international legitimacy or feasibility, due to unified opposition from Arab states and the overwhelming majority of the global community.

    Calls for the forced or incentivized expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza have grown louder in mainstream Israeli political discourse since the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack. Top members of Netanyahu’s ruling coalition, including the prime minister himself, and cabinet ministers Israel Katz, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir, have all publicly endorsed the idea, with rhetoric echoing through the ruling Likud party. Most recently, in 2025, Katz established a dedicated government directorate within his ministry to manage what it calls the “voluntary emigration” of Gaza residents, and just last month Katz publicly reaffirmed his stance that the expulsion of Gaza’s Palestinian population will take place “at the appropriate time.”

    Public opinion polling conducted last year by the Jewish People Policy Institute found that more than 70 percent of Likud voters support the policy of expelling Palestinians from their historical homeland. Support for population transfer extends beyond Gaza to the occupied West Bank, according to comments this week from senior Likud lawmaker and Knesset Deputy Speaker Nissim Vaturi.

    Vaturi made his extreme views explicit during an interview with Israeli Channel 14 News on Tuesday, stating that Jewish citizens of Israel will never achieve peace “until we expel all the Arabs from this area” of the West Bank, which Israel refers to by the biblical names Judea and Samaria. “There should not be any Arabs there at all,” Vaturi said, adding that expanding illegal Jewish settlements in the occupied territory is the only path to what he calls peace in the Land of Israel.

    In the same interview, Vaturi doubled down on his call for mass displacement, saying: “It is now necessary to discuss where Arabs should be removed and where Jews should be settled. That’s what needs to be done to strengthen Israel. There is no other way; they all need to be expelled from here.” This is far from the first time Vaturi has publicly endorsed the expulsion of Palestinians. Back in November 2025, he stated that ultranationalist rabbi Meir Kahane, who famously called for the mass expulsion of Palestinians from Israel, was correct in his ideology. In the immediate aftermath of the October 7 attack, Vaturi also made incendiary comments calling for the Israeli military to “separate the children and women and kill the adults in Gaza” and publicly called to “burn Gaza” to the ground. Political analysts have noted that Vaturi’s open endorsement of population transfer, a policy widely classified as ethnic cleansing under international law, demonstrates how extreme ultranationalist views that were once on the fringe of Israeli politics have become fully mainstream within the ruling Likud party, indistinguishable from the ideology of far-right factions like Otzma Yehudit.