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  • American flown to a New Zealand hospital in a rare midwinter Antarctic rescue mission

    American flown to a New Zealand hospital in a rare midwinter Antarctic rescue mission

    A rare and high-stakes midwinter medical rescue has successfully extracted a seriously ill American researcher from a remote U.S. Antarctic base, delivering the patient to a New Zealand hospital in a mission that pushed aircraft and crew to their operational limits.

    Melbourne-based aviation firm Skytraders, which holds a contract with the Australian Antarctic Program, confirmed that its Airbus A319 Long Range jet, operating under the call sign Snowbird 1, departed the southern Australian city of Hobart on July 31 to answer an urgent request for medical assistance from the U.S. National Science Foundation, which manages McMurdo Station, the largest research base on the southern continent.

    The 5.5-hour flight to Phoenix Airfield, located just 3 kilometers from McMurdo on the Ross Ice Shelf, ended with a challenging landing in complete polar winter darkness, where temperatures plummeted to minus 43 degrees Celsius (minus 45.4 degrees Fahrenheit). With conditions at the remote airstrip deteriorating rapidly after landing, the medical evacuation team immediately loaded the patient onto the jet and departed for Christchurch, New Zealand the same day.

    The U.S. National Science Foundation confirmed to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation that the patient was admitted to Christchurch Hospital in serious condition. New Zealand’s Ministry of Health declined repeated requests for comment Friday, refusing to confirm the patient’s current status or whether they remain in care.

    Speaking after the mission, copilot Louise Robertson described the operation as one of the most demanding of her career, noting that conditions pushed the aircraft to the edge of its certified operating capabilities. “We had what’s called nautical twilight, which is barely any light at all — it’s essentially pitch blackness, paired with extreme cold that put us right on the verge of the aircraft’s temperature limits,” Robertson told ABC. “It got down to minus 43 Celsius, which is the coldest environment I’ve ever operated in. With 8 knots of wind, the wind chill made it even more brutal.”

    Robertson added that an initial attempt to launch the rescue a day earlier had to be scrapped entirely due to a severe blizzard that closed the airfield, leaving only a tiny window of acceptable weather to complete the mission. “There was such a narrow window of opportunity to get this done,” she said. “To carry out a landing here in complete darkness at these extreme temperatures is extremely rare — I don’t believe it’s ever been done before.”

    Midwinter operations in Antarctica are exceptionally uncommon due to the months-long polar night. The sun set at the geographic South Pole on March 23 this year, and will not rise above the horizon again until September 21. Most overwintering research teams stay at their bases with limited emergency support, and evacuations are only attempted for life-threatening medical cases.

    Prior medical evacuations from McMurdo during the Antarctic winter have relied on larger four-engine C-130 Hercules turboprop transport aircraft. In April, which falls in the Southern Hemisphere’s autumn, the New Zealand Air Force used a C-130 to evacuate a New Zealand citizen working with the U.S. Antarctic Program from Phoenix Airfield. A similar mission in August last year, the final month of Southern Hemisphere winter, evacuated three people from McMurdo for urgent medical care using the same aircraft type. This rescue marked the first time a civilian long-range jet has completed a midwinter landing and evacuation at McMurdo’s Phoenix Airfield, setting a new precedent for emergency response in the world’s harshest climate.

  • Student shoots multiple people at a high school in Thailand, authorities say

    Student shoots multiple people at a high school in Thailand, authorities say

    BANGKOK – Law enforcement agencies have deployed to the scene of a Friday shooting at a Thai high school located on the outskirts of Bangkok, with multiple fatalities and injuries confirmed in the early stages of the response. The incident unfolded at Debsirin Nonthaburi School, situated in Nonthaburi province just northwest of Thailand’s capital, according to Royal Thai Police spokesperson Trairong Piwpan, who shared the initial details with The Associated Press.

    Arsit Sampantharat, permanent secretary for Thailand’s Ministry of the Interior, told local broadcaster PPTV that the suspected perpetrator is a current student at the school, who remained inside the building as of the first official updates. As emergency and law enforcement teams worked to secure the site, senior officials have not yet released a full count of casualties or additional context about the possible motivation for the attack.

    Amateur footage and photos captured from the perimeter of the campus show groups of people gathered outside the school, gathering emotional support from one another in the immediate aftermath of the violence. The shooting marks the second serious act of gun violence at a Thai secondary school this year, echoing a February incident in southern Thailand that left one person dead and two others injured. In that earlier attack, a 17-year-old suspect stole a firearm from a police officer before opening fire at a local public high school, then took several civilians hostage during a two-hour standoff with authorities.

  • US polysilicon tariffs to move solar makers to domestic materials

    US polysilicon tariffs to move solar makers to domestic materials

    In a sweeping new move to force solar manufacturing supply chains onto U.S. soil, the Trump administration has formally proposed a 15% tariff and mandatory minimum import prices on polysilicon and all its derivative solar products, capping a 14-year U.S. effort to erode China’s decades-long dominance of the global clean energy sector. The new trade restrictions grow out of a national security investigation launched by Washington in July 2025 under Section 232 of the 1962 Trade Expansion Act, a legal framework that allows the U.S. to impose trade barriers on imports deemed a threat to national security.

    The proposal marks the final pillar of a long-running U.S. strategy that stretches back 14 years to reshape the global solar industry. Since 2012, successive U.S. administrations have deployed anti-dumping probes, escalating tariffs, and targeted tax incentives to gradually push Chinese solar manufacturers out of their home production bases and toward establishing operations in the United States. The new tariffs are explicitly designed to close the remaining loophole: forcing firms that have already built U.S. assembly plants to source raw polysilicon and core components domestically, creating a fully integrated solar supply chain within U.S. borders.

    According to a Thursday Reuters report citing anonymous administration sources, the new restrictions will apply across the entire solar production chain, covering polysilicon, wafers, cells, modules, and finished solar panels. The 15% tariff will specifically target polysilicon derivatives, while binding price floors will set a minimum cost for all imported solar inputs.

    Beijing has already issued fierce pushback against the measure. In a formal statement, the Chinese Embassy in Washington called on the U.S. to immediately abandon the Section 232 tariff plan and resolve trade disagreements through equal, constructive dialogue. “China firmly opposes the U.S. overstretching the concept of national security and abusing state power to unjustifiably suppress Chinese companies,” a embassy spokesperson said. “Protectionism will not enhance U.S. competitiveness. What the U.S. has done seriously impedes normal economic and trade exchanges between Chinese and American companies and serves the interests of no party, including American businesses and consumers. China will continue to firmly safeguard the lawful and legitimate rights and interests of Chinese companies.”

    Chinese industry analysts and commentators have been equally critical, with many framing the sequence of shifting U.S. solar policies as a predatory “pig-butchering scam” — a term borrowed from a common online fraud scheme where scammers lure victims into investing before cutting off contact and seizing their assets. Critics argue the Biden administration first used generous federal tax credits under the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act to lure major Chinese solar manufacturers into investing billions of dollars to build new factories on U.S. soil, only for the subsequent Trump administration to abruptly slash those credits, tighten eligibility rules, and impose new tariffs that effectively trap Chinese firms into selling their assets at a loss.

    This policy shift is codified in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law by Trump on July 4, 2025. The legislation sets strict new rules for solar manufacturers to access federal tax credits: to lock in the full benefit, companies must have broken ground on their U.S. factories before July 4, 2026, with a four-year grace period to complete construction. It also enforces rising domestic content requirements: for modules to qualify for credits, 50% of components must be U.S.-sourced in 2026, rising to 60% in 2027, 70% in 2028, and 80% in 2029. Inverters follow a similar schedule, starting at 50% domestic content in 2026 and increasing 5 percentage points annually to 65% by 2029. Most notably, the act bars tax credits entirely for any U.S.-based entity that is classified as a Prohibited Foreign Entity, a designation that applies to any firm where Chinese, Russian, Iranian, or North Korean interests hold 25% or more equity, directly or indirectly.

    Chinese industry experts warn the new measures will not deliver the domestic growth the U.S. is seeking, while raising costs for U.S. consumers and manufacturers. Huo Jianguo, vice chairperson of the China Society for World Trade Organization Studies, told state-affiliated newspaper the Global Times that the Trump administration has grossly overextended the national security justification for tariffs. He argued that rash protectionist moves disrupt global supply chains, fail to boost U.S. competitiveness, and harm the interests of all parties involved. Lu Jinbiao, a member of the expert committee at the China Photovoltaic Industry Association, added that the policy will do little to increase U.S. polysilicon production, but will significantly raise input costs for American solar manufacturers. He noted that the impact on major Chinese producers will be relatively limited, as most have already shifted their primary export focus to markets in India, Vietnam, and other Southeast Asian nations.

    Still, many Chinese observers acknowledge that 14 years of escalating U.S. trade pressure has started to erode China’s dominant position in the global solar sector. A Shaanxi-based columnist writing under the pen name Clear Mind documented that since 2025, leading Chinese solar firms including Trina Solar, JinkoSolar, and Boviet Solar have been scaling back and exiting their newly built U.S. operations, with some facilities put up for sale just one week after starting production. While the physical production lines and equipment remain in place, high operating costs and lost tax credits have left the facilities unprofitable, forcing Chinese firms to sell at steep discounts. The core issue, Clear Mind explained, is the abrupt phase-out of tax credits: prior U.S. policy offered hundreds of millions of dollars in annual tax savings for large U.S.-based module plants, enough to offset the higher cost of domestic production, but the new 2025 legislation accelerated the phase-out and locked out most foreign-invested firms.

    A timeline of 14 years of U.S. policy shows a deliberate incremental strategy to shift solar production away from China. After China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, local government support helped Chinese solar firms rapidly expand, capturing 50% to 60% of global cell and module production by 2012. That same year, the Obama administration imposed the first round of anti-dumping tariffs on Chinese solar products, but a major regulatory loophole allowed Chinese firms to easily bypass the restrictions by routing production through third countries. In 2018, the first Trump administration imposed broader tariffs that forced most Chinese manufacturers to shift assembly operations to Southeast Asia. In 2022, the Biden administration passed the Inflation Reduction Act, which offered generous subsidies to encourage Chinese firms to relocate production to the U.S. By 2025, China still controlled 95% to 98% of global wafer production, 85% to 92% of global cell output, and 80% to 85% of global panel assembly. After returning to office, the second Trump administration rejected the Inflation Reduction Act as a waste of public funds, imposed new tariffs on panels made in Southeast Asia, and implemented the strict new construction deadline and domestic content rules in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act.

    Guangdong-based commentator Tanshuo Renjian noted that U.S. trade enforcement has effectively chased Chinese producers across the globe over the past decade and a half. After U.S. tariffs pushed manufacturers out of Southeast Asia, many shifted production to Ethiopia, where solar exports to the U.S. surged from near zero to roughly $300 million in the second half of 2025 — only for the U.S. to extend anti-dumping investigations to the East African nation shortly after. Despite the persistent pressure, Tanshuo Renjian noted that Chinese firms have consistently adapted and found new pathways to operate.

    The U.S. tariff announcement coincided with China’s implementation of new tightened exit-entry regulations, set to take effect September 15, which some outside commentators initially misinterpreted as a broad restriction on citizen travel. In reality, the new rules are specifically targeted at stemming the outflow of highly skilled engineers with expertise in advanced clean energy technologies, including cutting-edge N-type solar cell production. Under the new regulations, any individual deemed to pose a risk to China’s national industrial or technological security can be barred from exiting the country. Industry analysts note that the rules mean Chinese solar technicians who take jobs with U.S. solar firms could be barred from re-entering China after temporary trips home, effectively forcing them to leave their positions in the U.S.

  • Young activists in the Maldives confront climate threats to their island nation

    Young activists in the Maldives confront climate threats to their island nation

    Scattered across the low-lying Indian Ocean archipelago of the Maldives, a new wave of youth-led environmental activism is pushing back against unregulated development and accelerating ecological damage, as young citizens confront the reality that climate collapse is not a distant future, but an immediate threat to their island homes.

    In Addu City, a southern Maldivian community situated within a protected UNESCO Biosphere Reserve, nonprofit organization Project ThimaaVeshi – whose name translates to “self and surroundings” – has led high-profile direct action against a controversial land reclamation project that is clearing critical mangrove wetlands. In June 2026, a cohort of young activists paddled kayaks to the construction site and spray-painted the word “ECOCIDE” across a section of newly reclaimed land, drawing global attention to the destruction of a habitat that protects coastlines from erosion, supports endangered marine life, and stores carbon at rates far higher than most terrestrial forests.

    What began as a small group of high school friends collaborating with the Addu City council has grown into a registered nonprofit movement. Twenty-one-year-old co-founder Yameen Maumoon recalled that the group started with nothing more than shared passion and collective ambition. Project ThimaaVeshi has since partnered with Veshi Saafu, a group of older local women also active in environmental advocacy, to amplify their campaign during World Environmental Day, documenting how unplanned development is degrading Addu’s wetlands and coral reefs.

    Parallel movements have emerged in the crowded capital city of Male and its neighboring Hulhumale, where youth organizers are tackling the pervasive plastic waste that clogs public spaces, coastlines and nearshore waters. Ripple, a youth group currently pursuing formal registration, began when a circle of friends noticed trash piling up in their favorite gathering spots. Co-founder Mariyam Maasha Waheed recalled that the idea grew from a casual joke while playing Minecraft: the group decided to post cleanup content on TikTok, and their videos quickly went viral, turning a small informal initiative into a sustained movement. Today, Ripple hosts weekly community cleanups, partners with local surfing groups to remove discarded fishing gear and plastic from coral reefs, and runs recycling programs for the waste they collect.

    The newest of these youth-led groups, Barnacles – also working toward official registration – centers its work on climate education and building youth leadership. Co-founder Yania Hussain Ishan first became engaged with environmental issues while researching a school presentation on nature protection. Ishan notes that widespread discourse around the climate emergency has left many young people feeling disempowered, so Barnacles works to frame environmental action as accessible, communal, and meaningful for all participants.

    Across all three groups, a shared unifying belief drives their work: unlike previous generations, young Maldivians see firsthand that sea level rise, coastal erosion, plastic pollution, and development-driven ecosystem damage are not abstract threats – they are daily realities reshaping their country. Climate scientists project that 80% of the Maldives, a nation located south of India and Sri Lanka with an average elevation of just 1.5 meters above sea level, could become uninhabitable within 50 years due to rising ocean waters.

    While the Maldivian government has publicly positioned itself as a global advocate for climate action given the country’s extreme vulnerability to sea level rise, officials have argued that short-term sacrifices are sometimes necessary to support economic development. Activists counter that existing environmental protections are being implemented far too slowly to save the country’s fragile ecosystems.

    The youth activists have faced pushback from establishment figures, including government officials who have dismissed their work as naive and futile, arguing that their youth makes them too emotional to contribute meaningfully to environmental decision-making. Last year, Maldivian Climate Change Minister Ali Shareef publicly claimed at a forum that young people cannot be trusted with governance due to emotional bias.

    Unfazed by the criticism, the activists acknowledge that small-scale cleanups and local protests cannot single-handedly solve the Maldives’ massive climate and development challenges. But they reject the idea that they must wait for large-scale systemic solutions to act, instead focusing on building a culture of environmental stewardship that will carry forward to future generations.

    “We are deciding what kind of ancestors we will be,” Ishan said. “We are defending our home, our heritage and the right of every Maldivian child yet to be born to stand on these shores, look out at the sea and feel the same wonder and security that defines who we are.”

    This reporting from the Associated Press is supported by funding from private philanthropic foundations, with AP retaining full editorial independence over all content.

  • Trump imposes 15% tariff on key chip and solar panel material

    Trump imposes 15% tariff on key chip and solar panel material

    In a sharp new escalation of trade and tech rivalry between the world’s two largest economies, former U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order Thursday introducing sweeping new trade restrictions on imported polysilicon — the critical raw material at the heart of both semiconductor manufacturing and solar energy production.

    The new measures, which will go into effect this coming December, include a 15% across-the-board tariff on polysilicon and its related downstream products, alongside mandatory minimum import pricing for all incoming shipments of the material. The action was framed as a national security response following a months-long investigation into overseas polysilicon production, and comes as the U.S. continues to ramp up efforts to counter growing Chinese dominance in advanced technology supply chains.

    Trump confirmed he approved the recommendations put forward by Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, who first proposed the combination of tariff and minimum pricing rules. Alongside the import restrictions, the administration also announced it will roll out new financial incentives designed to stimulate domestic polysilicon production, in a bid to reverse decades of declining U.S. market share in the sector.

    In justifying the policy, Trump argued that decades of open trade policies have allowed foreign competitors to erode the position of American polysilicon manufacturers. He noted that U.S. global production share plummeted from 50% in 2005 to less than 2% by 2024, even as the material has grown increasingly critical to both military technology and consumer electronics. Today, China controls nearly the entire global supply of polysilicon, holding a near-monopoly position that the Trump administration argues poses a profound national security and economic risk.

    China currently stands as the world’s top polysilicon producer, with the sector serving as a foundational pillar for both its booming chip manufacturing industry and its fast-growing renewable energy sector. The new restrictions are explicitly designed to shield U.S. domestic manufacturers from intensifying competition from Chinese chip and polysilicon firms, a core point of ongoing friction between Washington and Beijing.

    The policy is expected to deliver immediate benefits to the two major U.S.-based polysilicon producers: Hemlock Semiconductor and German-headquartered Wacker Chemie, which operates large production facilities within the U.S. As global competition for leadership in artificial intelligence intensifies, control over semiconductor supply chains — starting with core materials like polysilicon — has become a central battleground for both the U.S. and China.

    In an official statement following the signing of the order, the Chinese Embassy in Washington condemned the move, accusing the U.S. of abusing state power to target legitimate Chinese businesses. The embassy emphasized that the new restrictions seriously disrupt bilateral trade relations, and warned that Beijing will take all necessary measures to protect the interests of its domestic companies. It also pushed back against the U.S. protectionist approach, noting that trade barriers will do nothing to improve American long-term competitiveness.

    Analysts interviewed by China’s *Global Times* framed the new tariff as the latest step in a steady escalation of U.S. efforts to cut China out of global critical technology supply chains. The move comes on the heels of a series of prior U.S. restrictions targeting Chinese tech imports, including bans and limitations on drones, humanoid robots and a wide range of other advanced technology products originating from China.

  • US Senator Fetterman struggles to defend support for Israel as progressives win big

    US Senator Fetterman struggles to defend support for Israel as progressives win big

    A high-profile interview between staunchly pro-Israel Democratic Senator John Fetterman and comedian-podcaster Jon Stewart has reignited debate over the growing ideological divide within the U.S. Democratic Party regarding U.S. policy toward Israel, as progressive voices calling for accountability for Israeli actions in Gaza gain electoral traction across the nation.

    In the recorded Tuesday conversation, Fetterman, who represents the critical swing state of Pennsylvania in the Senate, made clear that he is willing to sacrifice intra-party support rather than soften his unwavering backing for Israel, a stance that has put him sharply at odds with a rising wave of progressive Democrats who advocate for Palestinian rights. The Pennsylvania senator acknowledged that his unapologetic support for Israel following the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led attacks on southern Israel has made him increasingly unpopular among members of his own party, but emphasized that this was a deliberate choice he stands by.

    Fetterman’s hardline position emerges at a moment of notable shift within the Democratic coalition. Just one day after the interview, on Wednesday, progressive candidate Abdul El-Sayed defeated a pro-Israel opponent funded by the powerful pro-Israel lobbying group American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in Michigan’s Democratic primary, bringing him one step closer to becoming the first Muslim U.S. senator in American history. Even former Obama advisor Rahm Emanuel, whose father was a member of the 1948 Irgun militia linked to violence against Palestinian civilians, has publicly acknowledged that the Democratic Party must move away from its longstanding posture of unconditional support for Israel.

    Though Fetterman aligns with most Democratic policy priorities, he has been an ideological outlier on all matters related to Israel since taking office in January 2023. The 56-year-old senator has publicly condemned the widespread 2024 college campus protests calling for an end to Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, a campaign that multiple holocaust experts and the United Nations have labeled a genocide. He has also backed former President Donald Trump’s hardline policy toward Iran and remains fully committed to sending unlimited U.S. foreign aid to Israel, which he describes as an irreplaceable “special ally.”

    When Stewart pressed Fetterman on whether there was any action by Israel he would criticize, Fetterman replied simply: “No.” He pushed back on claims that Israel’s actions in Gaza constitute genocide, arguing that only the Jewish people have experienced a “true genocide” and claiming that if Israel sought to eliminate all Palestinians, it would have done so already. When Stewart noted that more than 22,000 Palestinian children have been killed in the campaign and asked if actions such as displacing 2 million Gazans into a fraction of their original territory and imposing a crippling siege can be justified as self-defense, Fetterman focused solely on the violence of the October 7 attacks, repeating unsubstantiated claims that Hamas fighters raped Israeli civilians — a claim that no international organization has ever documented with direct first-person or eyewitness evidence.

    The conversation also saw Stewart push back against Fetterman’s conflation of antisemitism in the U.S. and criticism of the Israeli state. Stewart, who is Jewish, pointed out to Fetterman that “The Jewish community and Israel are not the same thing.” Fetterman also complained that the term “Zionist” is now used as a slur by some within the Democratic Party and questioned why student protesters do not target Iran for its domestic crackdowns on dissent — a point Stewart countered by noting that the U.S. does not send billions of dollars in annual military aid to Iran, instead imposing harsh sanctions on the regime.

    Fetterman repeated the common claim that Hamas steals all humanitarian aid bound for Gaza, a claim that contradicts public statements from the former Republican head of the World Food Programme, who confirmed last year there is no evidence of Hamas systematically stealing or attacking aid convoys entering the enclave.

    Observers noted multiple unusual moments during the 75-minute interview, where Fetterman struggled to recall talking points and often veered off-topic, appearing unable to fully structure responses to Stewart’s questions. These difficulties align with well-documented health challenges Fetterman has faced: three months before his 2022 Senate election victory against celebrity candidate Mehmet Oz, Fetterman suffered a major stroke. During the campaign, he struggled with verbal articulation in public appearances and his high-profile debate with Oz. Despite these challenges, he won the seat with 51% of the vote. A month after his 2023 swearing-in, Fetterman revealed he was suffering from clinical depression and spent two months in inpatient care, a decision widely praised by both parties as a courageous step in destigmatizing men’s mental health struggles.

    The interview also covered broader tensions within the Democratic Party, with roughly half of the conversation focused on the growing unpopularity of the Democratic establishment, the rise of progressive democratic socialists who have energized young and working-class voters, and the economic status quo that has alienated many swing voters from centrist candidates. Fetterman argued that candidates embracing democratic socialist platforms cannot win general elections in key swing states, a framing Stewart pushed back on by pointing to El-Sayed’s policy platform — which includes banning corporate money from politics, raising taxes on billionaires to fund housing, education and universal healthcare — calling Fetterman’s labeling of progressive candidates as communist or socialist sympathizers a “caricature.”

    Fetterman denied labeling all progressives communists, but singled out popular left-wing political commentator Hassan Piker, who has endorsed El-Sayed and appeared at campaign rallies with him, arguing that Piker’s support for Palestinian rights amounts to being “pro-Hamas.” Fetterman concluded by arguing that the party has a responsibility to “police its own ranks” to avoid nominating candidates who will cost Democrats winnable swing state seats in upcoming national elections.

  • UK: Nearly one in five Prevent referrals had autism, new Home Office figures reveal

    UK: Nearly one in five Prevent referrals had autism, new Home Office figures reveal

    Fresh official data from the UK Home Office has reignited serious concerns about the discriminatory impact of the country’s divisive Prevent counter-extremism strategy, after revealing that nearly one in five people referred to the programme between October 2024 and September 2025 had recorded autism diagnoses or suspected cases.

    An independent analysis of the newly released dataset shows that 1,833 of the total 9,957 referrals logged over the 12-month period were linked to autism: 1,199 were confirmed diagnoses, while an additional 634 were marked as suspected cases. The annual referral total itself marks a historic high, the highest recorded since the programme began tracking national data in 2015, representing a 39% jump from the previous year’s figures for England and Wales. Overall, 36% of all people referred to Prevent during the reporting period had at least one recorded mental health or neurodivergent condition, with autism the most frequently documented neurodiverse trait across all cases.

    Jacob Smith, a policy and advocacy officer at human rights group Rights and Security International, told Middle East Eye that the sharp rise in autistic people entering the Prevent system is “particularly concerning” and lays bare long-standing structural flaws embedded in the government’s counter-extremism framework. “We’ve known for years that autistic people are overrepresented in Prevent referrals, but the scale of this increase over the last 12 months is especially worrying,” Smith explained. He added that Prevent has faced accusations of systemic bias and discrimination since its launch: the programme initially disproportionately targeted British Muslim communities, and while demographic patterns have shifted over time, Black and Asian people are still vastly overrepresented in referral data, a trend that has now spread to neurodivergent groups including autistic people.

    Alongside the autism findings, the data revealed a 20% year-on-year rise in referrals linked to far-right extremism. Demographic breakdowns confirm that Asian people account for 18% of referrals where ethnicity is recorded – twice their share of the general population of England and Wales. Black people are also overrepresented, making up 8% of referrals compared to just 4% of the overall population. Despite repeated government warnings that “Islamist extremism” remains the UK’s top domestic security threat, referrals categorized under this label have fallen to just 8% of all active Prevent cases.

    Smith argued that the overrepresentation of marginalized groups stems directly from the programme’s vague, subjective referral structure. Public sector workers across the UK are legally required to refer any individual to Prevent if they are deemed to pose a potential terrorism risk, a mandate that leaves huge room for implicit bias to shape decisions. “Prevent is designed in an extremely vague way that leans almost entirely on referrers’ gut instinct,” he said. “This effectively encourages bias, whether intentional or unconscious, to creep into decision-making. That, to me, is the core reason we consistently see certain groups overrepresented in the system.”

    The Home Office data also shows that the share of cases involving autism actually rises as cases move deeper into the Prevent process. Roughly 23% of cases reviewed by the multi-agency Channel panels – the bodies that assess radicalisation risk and approve de-radicalisation support – involved recorded autism, and that figure climbs to 24% for cases formally accepted into the government’s de-radicalisation programme.

    These statistics are the second set of official Prevent data to include mental health and neurodiversity tracking, following the rollout of the new Prevent Case Management Tracker (PCMT) system in 2024. The Home Office acknowledged that the new system has improved how conditions are recorded, but cautioned that data quality is still evolving. The department also stressed that the figures do not prove any causal link between neurodivergence and susceptibility to radicalisation. “It is important to note that these findings describe associations within the data rather than causal relationships,” the official report reads. “The analysis does not indicate that being neurodiverse or having a particular mental health condition increases or decreases the likelihood of progressing through the Prevent or Channel process.”

    Even so, Smith warned that the current system actively reinforces harmful, criminalizing stereotypes about autistic people. “A lot of the framing used by Prevent points to core autistic traits – for example, hyperfixation – and implies that these characteristics make autistic people more likely to pose a security risk,” he explained. “Instead of addressing the underlying bias in the system, they are doubling down by using autism diagnoses themselves as an explanation for overrepresentation.”

    Under Prevent’s operating structure, after an initial screening and assessment, referrals deemed to carry a risk of radicalisation are passed to a multi-agency Channel panel, chaired by local authorities. These panels are tasked with evaluating an individual’s risk and deciding whether to approve a tailored support package to address perceived radicalisation. Of the 1,100 Channel cases accepted in the year to September 2025 with recorded ethnicity, 76% were white, 14% were Asian, 5% were Black, and 4% were categorized as other ethnicity.

    Crucially, Smith added, even referrals that do not result in any further action can leave people facing long-term negative consequences. “As we documented in our 2024 report *Caught in the Web*, information about Prevent referrals – including cases that are dropped, found to be mistaken, or made with malicious intent – is shared widely across policing bodies, security services, immigration authorities and other public sector agencies,” he said. “While much of Prevent’s work operates behind closed doors, there is a very real risk of lasting harm for people who are referred, affecting not just their interactions with police but their access to all kinds of public services.”

  • Saudi Arabia’s last major oil route comes under Houthi pressure

    Saudi Arabia’s last major oil route comes under Houthi pressure

    In a significant escalation of maritime hostilities against Saudi Arabia, the Houthi movement announced Wednesday it had launched ballistic missiles targeting the Saudi-flagged oil tanker NCC Wafaa off the coast of Yanbu, Saudi Arabia’s key northern Red Sea export hub. This assault marks the northernmost attack the Yemeni militant group has carried out since it declared a full blockade of Saudi shipping on July 22, a strategic shift that analysts warn could amplify economic pressure on Riyadh and disrupt critical global trade lanes.

    Prior to this strike, Houthi attacks on maritime traffic were almost entirely concentrated off Yemen’s own coast, spanning the southern Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. The group claims the NCC Wafaa violated blockade terms and ignored multiple pre-strike warnings before coming under fire.

    The attack comes amid a wider regional crisis triggered by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz earlier this year, which forced Saudi Arabia to reroute the vast majority of its oil exports through the Bab al-Mandab strait and Red Sea, en route to the Suez Canal for delivery to its primary Asian market. Ibrahim Jalal, a prominent Yemen-based analyst, framed the northern strike as a deliberate attempt to close off this alternative export corridor that Riyadh has become increasingly dependent on.

    Jalal outlined two core drivers behind the Houthi’s northward expansion: externally, the move bolsters Iran’s bargaining power in negotiations surrounding the Strait of Hormuz standoff; internally, it aims to reassert the group’s coercive leverage over the Saudi government.

    Maritime security analysts warn the situation has reached its most severe point since the crisis began. Matthew Wright, an analyst at leading ship-tracking firm Kpler, noted this week that threats to global crude trade have never been higher since the Houthi blockade was implemented. To date, the Houthis claim to have struck eight commercial tankers since July 22: five Saudi-flagged vessels and one Indian-flagged tanker that sank near Bab al-Mandab on August 4. Only four of these strikes have been independently verified by the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations Centre (UKMTO), the global authoritative body for maritime security incident reporting, and Saudi government officials have yet to publicly confirm any of the attacks.

    Houthi military spokesperson Yahya Saree claimed on August 5 that at least 29 Saudi commercial vessels have already diverted away from Bab al-Mandab in the first two weeks of the blockade. Framing the campaign as “blockade for blockade”, Saree reiterated the group’s commitment to matching any Saudi escalation with proportional counteraction.

    Salah Ali Salah, a security researcher at the Sanaa Centre, warned that the Houthi movement remains on a clear escalatory trajectory, and has not yet deployed the full scope of its maritime strike capabilities against Saudi shipping. As the threat grows, shipping operators are adapting in uneven ways: Bloomberg reports that while some Saudi tankers have chosen to take the far longer route around the Cape of Good Hope in southern Africa (six vessels took this alternative route this week alone), others have disabled their onboard transponders to cross Bab al-Mandab undetected.

    The strategic importance of this waterway can hardly be overstated: Saudi oil shipments typically make up roughly 66 percent of all commercial traffic passing through Bab al-Mandab, and the Red Sea as a whole carries 10 to 12 percent of all global traded goods.

    Ryan Bohl, senior Middle East and North Africa analyst at global risk intelligence firm RANE, noted that it is unlikely the Houthis can fully block all commercial traffic in the northern Red Sea. Instead, their strategy is to establish themselves as a credible persistent threat to shipping near Egypt and the Suez Canal, forcing Saudi shipping firms to adopt costly risk-mitigation measures that cut into their bottom line. These measures include disabling transponders, paying substantial hazard pay to crew members, and absorbing the full cost of war risk insurance for all transits.

    Rerouting around the Cape of Good Hope also introduces major logistical hurdles: tankers sailing for Asia must still pass through the Suez Canal to reach Yanbu, adding a minimum of four weeks to total voyage time. Furthermore, the Suez Canal’s limited depth restrictions prevent fully loaded Very Large Crude Carriers (VLCCs) – the standard vessel for Saudi crude exports, which carry roughly 2 million barrels of oil – from transiting fully loaded. Instead, Saudi exporters must use smaller Suezmax vessels (with 1 million barrel capacity) or sail VLCCs partially loaded, drastically reducing export efficiency. Bohl explained that this means more voyages are required to deliver the same total volume of crude, adding approximately $1.6 million in extra fuel costs plus a $1 million Suez Canal toll per transit.

    Salah emphasized that the core challenge for Saudi Arabia is not simply finding an alternative route for exports, but finding one that can match the scale, cost efficiency, and reliability of its pre-crisis export network. Partial workarounds do exist: the Egyptian Sumed pipeline allows exporters to offload part of a VLCC’s cargo in deep water off Egypt’s northern coast, transit the Suez Canal with a reduced load, then reload the cargo onto the same vessel on the other side, partially offsetting the capacity losses from Suez restrictions. Saudi Arabia also uses its domestic East-West pipeline to move crude from the Persian Gulf across the country to Red Sea export terminals, and Bloomberg data shows that export volumes out of Yanbu have tripled since the Strait of Hormuz closed.

    Some analysts warn the strike on the NCC Wafaa could signal a coming expansion of Houthi targeting beyond oil tankers to include non-tanker commercial vessels and import cargo, a shift that would set a dangerous precedent for wider regional maritime disruption. Bohl, however, argues that such a move would run counter to the Houthis’ own strategic interests, as it would likely trigger a major new Saudi offensive against Houthi-held territory in Yemen, specifically targeting Hodeidah – the group’s own critical Red Sea supply lifeline.

    To date, the Houthi blockade of Bab al-Mandab has had a less severe impact on Saudi oil exports than the March 4 closure of the Strait of Hormuz. After the Hormuz closure, Riyadh rapidly shifted almost all its export capacity to Red Sea terminals, leading to an eightfold increase in traffic through Bab al-Mandab, according to Kpler data. On August 1, Yanbu recorded one of its busiest single days on record, with five supertankers simultaneously positioned for loading.

    Despite the escalating threat, Saudi state oil giant Aramco reported a 33 percent surge in second-quarter profits this week, driven by elevated global energy prices tied to the regional crisis and the efficiency of Saudi Arabia’s pipeline network for rerouting exports. Aramco CEO Amin Nasser also confirmed that previous Houthi attacks on Aramco infrastructure in July had no material impact on the company’s operations or financial performance.

    This week, emerging hopes of an Iran-Oman agreement to reopen the Strait of Hormuz led Saudi Arabia to cut its official crude price for Asian buyers by between 50 cents and $2 per barrel, a signal that Riyadh does not currently view the Houthi Red Sea blockade as an existential threat to its export capacity. Still, Salah noted that even a reopening of the Strait of Hormuz would not resolve the underlying Houthi threat to Red Sea shipping, leaving continued uncertainty for global energy markets.

  • Japan’s remarks trigger alarm

    Japan’s remarks trigger alarm

    As Japan gathered in Hiroshima on Thursday to mark 81 years since the 1945 U.S. atomic bombing, the somber commemoration was overshadowed by growing public and global pushback against controversial pro-nuclear remarks from senior Japanese government officials.

    Held at Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park, the annual memorial brought renewed attention to a dramatic shift in Japan’s long-standing post-war security posture, which has been anchored since 1971 by the Three Non-Nuclear Principles — a framework that bans Japan from possessing, manufacturing, or allowing the entry of nuclear weapons into its territory. In recent months, top ruling officials have broken decades of taboo to openly call for unrestricted debate over revising these principles, triggering widespread alarm.

    Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, who attended the ceremony, struck a familiar public note, stating that as the only nation to have suffered wartime nuclear attacks, Japan bears a unique mission to work toward global nuclear disarmament. But when pressed by reporters on whether the Three Non-Nuclear Principles would be revised during this year’s update of the country’s three core national security documents, Takaichi refused to give a clear denial, telling *The Asahi Shimbun* that it would be inappropriate to prejudge the final wording of the documents. Neither Takaichi nor Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui — who used his address to highlight the catastrophic human cost of nuclear weapons and called for multilateral nonproliferation efforts — acknowledged the full historical context of the 1945 bombings that ended World War II.

    Political analysts say the incremental string of provocative nuclear-related statements from Japanese officials is a deliberate strategy to test public opinion and lay groundwork for abandoning the country’s post-war pacifist security commitments. “The government is gradually reshaping Japan’s deep-rooted domestic anti-nuclear sentiment through these small, repeated shifts in rhetoric,” explained Hiroshi Shiratori, a political science professor at Tokyo’s Hosei University. Last month, Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi went as far as stating that Japan should debate all aspects of nuclear policy “without taboos,” including a rewrite of the decades-old Non-Nuclear Principles. Late last year, a senior security and defense advisor to the Prime Minister’s Office publicly stated Japan should acquire its own nuclear weapons.

    Since taking office in October last year, the Takaichi administration has already advanced revisions to Japan’s core national security documents and repeatedly raised the prospect of rolling back the Three Non-Nuclear Principles’ “no introduction” rule. Proponents of the change argue it would strengthen the credibility of the U.S. nuclear “extended deterrence” arrangement, under which Washington commits to defending Japan using its full military arsenal, including nuclear weapons. But critics warn the shift puts Japan at greater, not reduced, risk. “Japan-U.S. consultations on nuclear deterrence do not lower Japan’s risk of nuclear attack,” said Ukeru Magosaki, a former Japanese foreign ministry official and current director of the Tokyo-based East Asian Community Institute. “Instead, these talks expand Washington’s nuclear strike options against other nuclear-armed states, which makes Japan far more likely to become a target itself.”

    The Takaichi administration’s increasingly assertive pro-nuclear security agenda stands in stark opposition to the strong anti-nuclear and anti-war sentiment held by the majority of the Japanese public. *The Tokyo Shimbun* reported that since Takaichi took office, at least 128 local assemblies across 36 of Japan’s prefectures have submitted formal written petitions to the national parliament urging the government to preserve the Three Non-Nuclear Principles — a record high for such advocacy. Magosaki added that upholding the principles is not just a symbolic commitment: it is the foundation of Japan’s own security, because a non-nuclear Japan poses no threat to neighboring countries, strengthening regional stability.

    The shift has also drawn sharp criticism from China, which condemned Japanese right-wing forces for exploiting the country’s status as a nuclear attack victim to gain international sympathy while advancing plans to acquire nuclear capabilities. “Japanese right-wing forces have long distorted historical fact and deliberately downplayed Japan’s wartime invasion, which killed and wounded tens of millions of people in neighboring Asian countries, all to escape accountability for their war crimes,” said Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian in an online statement Thursday. Lin added that the Japanese government has recently accelerated large-scale military buildup, sought enhanced nuclear protection from the U.S., and actively worked to break free from the constraints of the Three Non-Nuclear Principles. China urged Tokyo to honor its binding nuclear nonproliferation obligations under international law and abandon its moves to erode post-war security commitments.

    Shiratori added that the Takaichi administration’s broader policy shifts — including easing restrictions on arms exports under Japan’s Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology — make clear that the current government no longer prioritizes Japan’s long-standing pacifist principles, signaling a historic break from the post-war order that has shaped East Asia for nearly 80 years.

  • India is a nation of walkers – but its cities forgot them

    India is a nation of walkers – but its cities forgot them

    For generations, navigating Indian cities on foot has never been a straightforward, guaranteed right—it has been a daily battle through a chaotic obstacle course. This personal experience, shared by millions across the country, frames a long-simmering crisis of urban planning that has only recently been thrust into the national spotlight by a landmark Supreme Court ruling.

    Growing up in Kolkata, the author navigated sidewalks swallowed entirely by rows of street vendors. A move to Delhi revealed a road network built almost exclusively for private motor vehicles. Now based in Gurugram, the pattern holds: footpaths are often reduced to rubble heaps and garbage dumps, blocked abruptly by parked cars or construction work, or built so high above street level that they are unusable for most people. It was against this backdrop that India’s Supreme Court ruled in June that the right to walk safely on designated footpaths qualifies as a fundamental right—a decision that felt less like overreach and more like common sense arriving 40 years too late.

    What makes this systemic neglect particularly striking is that India remains first and foremost a nation of walkers. Census-based estimates put the number of people who commute to work on foot at roughly 45 million, compared to just 5.4 million who travel in private cars, jeeps, or vans. Nearly one in three urban workers walks to their job, and every public transit journey—from bus to metro—begins and ends on foot. When including school trips, daily errands, and shopping runs, walking accounts for the majority of urban mobility: a 2019 survey of major Indian cities found that 63% of all daily journeys are made on foot, making pedestrians the single largest group of road users in the country.

    Most of these pedestrians are what researchers term “captive walkers”: people who do not choose to walk out of preference, but because they cannot afford any other mode of transport. Women, low-income workers, and young people are disproportionately dependent on walking, yet this group—who contribute the least to traffic congestion and urban air pollution—faces the highest risk of harm on India’s roads.

    The scale of unsafe infrastructure for pedestrians is sobering. Even when formal footpaths exist, they are often cracked, overly narrow, and completely inaccessible to older adults, children, and people with disabilities. They are routinely blocked by parked motorcycles, occupied by informal encroachments, or dug up for utility work with no temporary alternative route. Faded, poorly maintained zebra crossings are largely ignored by motorists, and elevated flyovers speed up car traffic while forcing pedestrians to take dangerous, circuitous detours at ground level.

    A landmark 2011 study of six major Indian cities confirmed what pedestrians have long known: India’s streets systematically fail walkers due to consistently poor and unsafe infrastructure. The *Walkability in Indian Cities* report, published by the Clean Air Initiative for Asian Cities (CAI-Asia), awarded surveyed cities a median walkability score of just 47 out of 100. The worst conditions were found around public transport hubs—ironically, the very locations where most walking trips begin and end.

    As Geetam Tiwari, a leading transport scholar at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Delhi, puts it: pedestrians have been “pushed to the margins of the road networks”, forcing them to compete for limited space alongside fast-moving motor vehicles. This neglect has a deadly human cost. Official data records pedestrians as accounting for roughly one-fifth of all road deaths in India, but independent research cited by Tiwari puts the actual share closer to 30% to 40%. Pedestrians are already the second-largest group of road accident fatalities, behind only two-wheeler riders, and in major metro areas including Delhi and Mumbai, they make up more than half of all annual road deaths. A World Bank analysis estimates that road crashes cost India between 3% and 5% of its GDP every year, through lost productivity, emergency healthcare costs, and permanent disability.

    The Supreme Court case that led to the ruling grew out of an unthinkable tragedy: a five-year-old boy was crushed by a truck while walking to school alongside his father. In response, the court delivered an unusually impassioned judgment. “Walking is the simplest of the simple human activity, inextricably connected to life,” wrote Justice PS Narasimha. He added that the state carries a core duty to provide safe footpaths as part of its road network, declaring: “The fundamental right to walk on demarcated footpaths shall override the privilege of a motorised vehicle.”

    The judgment directly challenges decades of conventional urban planning in India, where progress has long been measured by the number of kilometers of new expressways, flyovers, and elevated corridors built. For generations, streets have been engineered to move motor vehicles as quickly as possible, while the pedestrian— a role every single citizen shares—has been largely erased from urban planning priorities. “People know about the latest cars, but walking has become invisible,” explains Rishi Aggarwal, a Mumbai-based activist who has spent more than a decade working to shift public and policy mindsets.

    Through his advocacy group the Walking Project, Aggarwal organizes community walks and public discussions to encourage city residents to re-examine the neglected spaces around them: broken sidewalks, blocked crossings, and unsafe junctions that have become normalized over time. “When people become apathetic, they stop observing the street,” he says. In Mumbai alone, an estimated 15 million walking trips happen every day, and Aggarwal argues that both the footpaths and the millions of dependent pedestrians have been rendered invisible by car-centric planning.

    For Rahul Goel, a transportation researcher at IIT Delhi, the root of the crisis lies in broken governance. “Are footpaths maintained and cleaned? Does the city ensure they aren’t encroached upon?” he asks, noting that even in Delhi where many roads are formally built with footpaths, poor upkeep and mismanagement leave most unusable. Poor design exacerbates the problem: cars parked perpendicular to the curb often block or conceal sidewalks, and parking directly on footpaths is a common sight across the country. Many footpaths are too narrow to accommodate peak pedestrian volumes, others are built too high above the road for people with limited mobility to access, and many end abruptly, forcing walkers out onto busy vehicle carriageways. “If the footpath is discontinuous, it’s simply more convenient to keep walking on the road,” Goel notes.

    The deeper issue, he argues, is a long-standing misalignment of policy priorities. “Urban transport governance is still centred on moving vehicles. Reducing congestion and maximising road space for motor traffic take precedence over pedestrians,” he says. Civic agencies are often reluctant to widen footpaths because they view existing vehicle lane space as untouchable, a mindset reinforced by public discourse that frames traffic jams as the top urban mobility crisis. Traffic congestion dominates newspaper headlines and social media conversation, pushing authorities to prioritize keeping vehicles moving at all costs. In Delhi, for example, many mid-block pedestrian crossings have been removed and replaced with U-turns to cut vehicle stoppages, forcing pedestrians to use narrow, often poorly maintained foot overbridges to cross the road. “People don’t just need to walk along a road,” says Goel. “They need to be able to cross it safely too.”

    This systemic bias has created stark urban inequality. In Gurugram, a high-speed arterial road cuts through dense residential neighborhoods with almost no safe pedestrian crossings, forcing domestic workers, daily wage laborers, and other low-income pedestrians to dodge speeding traffic. Dozens were killed before authorities finally approved construction of footbridges in response to public outcry. Across Indian cities, those who cannot afford private motor vehicles are forced to risk their lives on roads that barely accommodate walking, while car owners claim an ever-growing share of public road space. Walking has increasingly been rebranded as a leisure activity, confined to gated residential communities, urban parks, or gym treadmills—a shift that carries major public health consequences at a time when India is grappling with rising rates of obesity and lifestyle-related disease.

    It is clear that transforming walking from a fundamental right on paper to a safe daily reality will require far more than a single court order. “Walking as a fundamental right should lead to pedestrian-friendly cities, not just pedestrian-friendly streets,” Tiwari says. That means a complete rethink of how Indian cities are designed. Many high-income countries have adopted default urban speed limits of 30km/h (20mph) to protect pedestrians, a policy that requires redesigning streets to narrow traffic lanes, alter road surfaces, and add other traffic-calming measures. Tiwari also argues that walking infrastructure needs to accommodate more than just movement: it should include space for street vendors, shaded rest spots for older adults, and even small play areas for children.

    In its judgment, the Supreme Court also highlighted the unique cultural and historical role of walking in India, noting that it is far more than just a way to get from one place to another. It can be “necessity for the poor, meditation for some, an act of resistance for others and a path to discovery”. The court also noted that walking was central to India’s freedom struggle—a point echoed by writer Sumana Roy, who points out that India’s modern political history has often unfolded on foot, from Mahatma Gandhi’s iconic Salt March to Dandi to Subhas Chandra Bose’s “Delhi Chalo” movement and countless protest marches that shaped the nation.

    For decades, Indian cities have centered their planning around a single question: how do we move more vehicles, faster? The Supreme Court’s landmark ruling has forced urban leaders and residents to ask a far simpler, more fundamental question: how do we let people walk safely? For millions of captive pedestrians across the country, the ask is not extravagant: just an unbroken, usable footpath that can carry them from one end of the street to the other, without risking their lives.