标签: Africa

非洲

  • Kenya battles to stop the ‘goons and guns’ as fears of political violence grow

    Kenya battles to stop the ‘goons and guns’ as fears of political violence grow

    NAIROBI, Kenya — On a mild Wednesday last month in Kisumu, a lakeside western Kenyan city, Senator Godfrey Osotsi stepped out of a barbershop and stopped for a routine coffee break. What came next was anything but ordinary: a mob of hooded young men launched an unprovoked, brutal assault, beating the senator with punches and kicks, stealing his phones and personal valuables before melting into the busy surrounding streets.

    Surveillance camera footage of the attack spread across Kenyan social media and traditional news outlets within hours, sparking national outrage that forced parliament to summon the country’s top security leaders for urgent questioning. For Osotsi, the attack was no random robbery — he alleges it was politically motivated, saying his attackers explicitly questioned why he refused to back President William Ruto’s 2027 re-election campaign. For millions of Kenyans, the high-profile assault was not an isolated shocking incident, but confirmation of a growing, deeply feared trend: the country is once again sliding toward the cycles of deadly political violence that have scarred its modern democratic history.

    Kenya’s pattern of political parties patronizing criminal youth gangs stretches back to the early 1990s, when multiparty democracy was reintroduced after decades of one-party rule. Politicians across the ideological spectrum have long hired unemployed young people as tools of electoral intimidation, a practice that escalated into the catastrophic nationwide post-election violence of 2007, when clashes linked to these groups killed an estimated 1,500 people and displaced hundreds of thousands.

    Fifteen months out from the next mandatory general election, scheduled for August 2027 at the latest, political tensions are already rising faster than many observers expected. The assassination of veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga in October 2024 triggered a major political realignment, splitting Odinga’s long-dominant Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) into two feuding camps split over whether to back Ruto’s re-election. Most notably, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who was impeached and removed from office in 2024, is running for president against Ruto bearing a deep public grudge, opening a damaging rift within the ruling Kenya Kwanza coalition.

    Against this fragmented political landscape, attacks by hired youth gangs — widely known locally as “goons” — have grown more open and brazen. Testifying before a parliamentary committee this month, Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen acknowledged that the government is struggling to rein in the groups, which have evolved from disorganized street gangs into what he described as “sophisticated and decentralized networks.” Murkomen, appearing alongside other top security officials, confirmed that more than 104 active criminal gangs operate across the country, the vast majority of which are backed and funded by sitting politicians.

    “These gangs are owned by political leaders who play a central role in mobilizing them. The situation is chaotic, and an irresponsible leader is a direct threat to national security,” Murkomen told lawmakers, declining to name specific politicians linked to the groups. Authorities have launched a widespread crackdown, arresting at least 300 suspected gang members, seizing illegal weapons and seizing communications devices during raids — but no politicians have been taken into custody so far. Successive Kenyan administrations have repeatedly banned these groups ahead of elections, but the problem has persisted: gangs simply rebrand, mutate their structures, and reemerge under new names ahead of each electoral cycle. A senior anonymous security source told the BBC that the groups have now become permanent, formally structured organizations rather than temporary election-era mobilizations.

    Gachagua, the former deputy president and 2027 presidential challenger, has been a repeated target of this violence. Since his impeachment, he has faced more than two dozen targeted attacks by armed gangs at campaign events and church appearances, with Gachagua and his allies blaming state-sponsored criminal networks for trying to derail his presidential bid before the official campaign begins. Opposition leaders and civil society groups have long accused Kenya’s police force of either colluding with politically linked gangs or intentionally turning a blind eye to their attacks, many of which unfold in plain sight of uniformed officers. In February, a 28-year-old supporter of the anti-Ruto ODM faction was shot and killed during clashes between police and rally attendees, leading the faction to condemn what it called “state-sponsored acts of violence by police and hired goons.”

    Government spokesperson Isaac Mwaura rejected all claims of state sponsorship of gang violence, saying “the use of criminal gangs to intimidate or silence individuals undermines our democracy and will not be tolerated. Anyone found financing, supporting, or engaging in such acts will be held fully accountable under the law.”

    Attacks are not limited to opposition figures, either. In February, a senatorial candidate aligned with the ruling Kenya Kwanza alliance was forcibly dragged out of a church service and attacked by a mob in Kakamega, another western Kenyan city. During November 2024 by-elections in western and central Kenya, voting was marred by widespread violence: polling agents were assaulted, armed gang factions clashed during vote counting, and police fired tear gas to disperse crowds of voters.

    Security analysts warn that the growing frequency of these attacks is pushing Kenya toward a crisis it has barely survived once before. “These incidents paint a troubling picture of a country where political rivalry increasingly spills into organised street violence executed by hired gangs operating with precision and impunity,” said Robert Chege, a Nairobi-based security analyst. Taken individually, single attacks can sometimes be dismissed as isolated crime, but collectively they point to a nation edging back toward the violence that traumatized the country in 2007.

    Makau Mutua, a prominent legal scholar and advisor to President Ruto, wrote that the normalization of political gang violence has become a systemic problem, noting “the worrying problem in Kenya is that this is now a near norm carried out by all major political parties. It is, to wit, a Kenyan culture, an epidemic.” A 2024 report from Kenya’s state-funded National Crime Research Centre backed this assessment, finding that hundreds of criminal gangs are active nationwide, with more than 120 directly linked to politicians. Unlike the temporary election formations of the 1990s and 2000s, the report found that these groups are now deeply entrenched, permanent institutions within their local communities.

    Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja told parliament that security forces have made progress identifying the political leaders funding and directing the gangs, promising that “this issue of goons and guns is going to stop soon. We have clearly investigated. We have seen where they come from, who funds, who does what, who is the grassroots organiser and so forth.” Responding to longstanding allegations of police complicity and inaction, Interior Minister Murkomen acknowledged that “operational challenges” including corruption and repeated information leaks have hampered enforcement, saying the government takes all allegations of officer misconduct seriously.

    Critics argue that the government’s response has been heavy on rhetoric but weak on enforcement, pointing to the lack of any arrests of politically connected gang backers despite hundreds of detentions of low-level youth. Chege described Kenya’s current security crisis as self-inflicted, sustained by decades of political patronage networks and state systems “that thrive on violence and inequality.” He added, “The question is no longer who the goons are, but who sends them, funds them and protects them? The real architects of Kenya’s rising wave of organised violence remain in the shadows.”

    As Kenya counts down to next year’s general election, ordinary citizens and civil society groups are calling for urgent action to rein in political violence before tensions escalate even further, hoping authorities can hold the powerful architects of this violence accountable before the country repeats the mistakes of its past.

  • Oil tanker hijacked off coast of Yemen and taken towards Somalia

    Oil tanker hijacked off coast of Yemen and taken towards Somalia

    A new act of maritime piracy has roiled the strategically critical Gulf of Aden, with multiple Somali security sources confirming to the BBC that armed Somali pirates have seized control of a foreign-flagged oil tanker off Yemen’s coastline. This incident marks the fourth successful large vessel hijacking in just a 14-day window, marking a sharp resurgence of pirate activity that had been largely suppressed for more than a decade.

    The targeted vessel, identified as the MT Eureka, was sailing under the flag of West African nation Togo when pirates overran the ship at approximately 5:00 a.m. local time, which corresponds to 03:00 British Summer Time. The hijacking unfolded in international waters close to Yemen’s port of Qana, before the hijackers steered the captured tanker toward Somali territorial waters. Three independent security officials from Somalia’s semi-autonomous Puntland region confirmed the pirate group departed from a remote, unpatrolled stretch of coastline near the coastal town of Qandala, which sits on the Gulf of Aden shoreline. Regional maritime observers expect the MT Eureka to anchor in Somali waters within hours of the hijacking.

    This hijacking comes only 10 days after the same group of pirate operatives seized another oil tanker, the Honor 25, in the same general area. The Honor 25 was carrying 18,500 barrels of crude oil en route to Somalia’s capital Mogadishu when it was overtaken.

    In a separate, related incident just days prior, the United Kingdom Maritime Transportation Operation (UKMTO) issued a public warning on Friday about an attempted hijacking of a bulk carrier near Yemen’s Al-Mukala port. According to three senior security sources, the armed actors behind that attempted attack launched from a remote coastal zone near the fishing town of Caluula, located just 209 kilometers (130 miles) north of the departure point for the MT Eureka hijacking.

    The spread of coordinated pirate attacks across two distinct coastal zones 200 kilometers apart confirms a worrying trend: piracy is expanding rapidly across Somalia’s 3,333-kilometer coastline, the longest continuous shoreline on the African mainland. As of Monday morning, neither Somali national nor regional authorities, nor the European Union Naval Force (EUNAVFOR) which leads official anti-piracy operations in the region, have released an official statement addressing the latest hijacking incident.

    Regional security analysts trace this dramatic resurgence back to late 2023, when Houthi rebel attacks on commercial shipping in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden shifted international naval priorities. Once focused heavily on countering Somali piracy — a threat that had fallen to near-zero levels after a decade of coordinated patrols starting in 2011 — global maritime forces have redirected their assets to counter Houthi attacks on commercial shipping. This security gap along Somalia’s coastline has allowed armed pirate groups to reorganize, rearm, and resume large-scale hijackings for ransom.

    One senior Puntland security official, speaking anonymously to the BBC, warned that the scale of the crisis is far greater than most international observers acknowledge. “The on-going crisis with the pirates is much worse than many realize. There are increasing movements of armed groups all over the coast,” the official said.

  • Rights summit in Zambia is canceled after Chinese pressure to exclude Taiwanese activists

    Rights summit in Zambia is canceled after Chinese pressure to exclude Taiwanese activists

    Just days before RightsCon 2026, a major annual international human rights and digital freedom summit, was set to open its doors in Lusaka, Zambia, U.S.-based organizers announced the full cancellation of the event, citing foreign interference and pressure from Beijing that forced Zambian officials to bar Taiwanese civil society delegates from participating.

    Access Now, the New York-headquartered digital rights advocacy group that hosts the yearly summit, confirmed the cancellation late Friday, reversing months of planning that was expected to draw more than 3,700 in-person and online attendees from over 150 countries around the globe. The organization said the cancellation followed a last-minute announcement from the Zambian government that the summit would be postponed, with informal communications later revealing the condition for lifting the postponement: Access Now would have to censor specific discussion topics and bar at-risk communities, including Taiwanese participants, from joining both in-person and virtually.

    “We believe foreign interference is the reason RightsCon 2026 won’t proceed in Zambia,” Access Now said in its official statement. The group added that it repeatedly rejected any demands to exclude delegates based on political pressure, making the summit unable to move forward.

    Initially, the Zambian government framed its move as a routine check to ensure the summit’s themes aligned with the country’s “national values, policy priorities and broader public interest considerations.” But the context of Zambia’s deep political and economic ties to China, rooted in large-scale Chinese investment in the country’s lucrative mining sector, makes the reported pressure consistent with Beijing’s long-standing diplomatic position on Taiwan.

    China adheres to the one-China principle, which claims the self-governing island of Taiwan as an inalienable part of its territory, and requires all countries that maintain formal diplomatic relations with Beijing to cut off official and formal engagements with Taipei. China has built extensive economic and diplomatic influence across the African continent over the past two decades, giving it significant leverage over policy decisions in many African nations.

    The cancellation of RightsCon marks the second high-profile incident involving Chinese diplomatic pressure on Taiwan in southern Africa in less than two weeks. Just one week prior, Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te’s planned official visit to Eswatini — the only African country that maintains formal diplomatic relations with Taipei — was derailed after China pressured Madagascar, Mauritius and Seychelles to withdraw overflight clearance for Lai’s aircraft. After that initial setback, Lai announced a surprise, unannounced arrival in Eswatini on Saturday, posting on social media platform X that “Taiwan will never be deterred by external pressures.”

    Taiwan’s Digital Minister Lin Yi-jing linked the two incidents, saying in a Facebook statement Saturday that the cancellation of RightsCon, which was hosted last year in Taipei, exposes Beijing’s discomfort with the values of freedom, democracy and rule of law that both Taiwan and the summit represent. RightsCon has built a reputation over its years of operation as a leading global forum to discuss pressing digital rights issues including internet censorship, electronic mass surveillance, the global rise of cyberwarfare, and digital exclusion of marginalized communities.

    Human Rights Watch, the leading global non-profit human rights organization, has called on Zambian authorities to issue a full public explanation for their decision to postpone and ultimately scuttle the summit. As of Sunday, the Zambian government has not issued any further comment responding to the allegations of pressure from China.

  • Taiwan’s president lands in Eswatini in a trip delayed by lack of overflight clearance

    Taiwan’s president lands in Eswatini in a trip delayed by lack of overflight clearance

    After a weeks-long delay driven by cross-border pressure from Beijing, Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te announced his arrival in Eswatini on Saturday, marking the completion of a trip that became a high-stakes symbol of Taipei’s efforts to maintain international diplomatic space.

    Lai’s journey to Eswatini — Taiwan’s last remaining formal diplomatic ally on the African continent — was originally scheduled to begin on April 22, but the trip was put on hold after three regional nations, Seychelles, Mauritius and Madagascar, withdrew prior approval for Lai’s aircraft to cross their airspace. Taiwanese officials attributed the permit revocations directly to heavy political and economic coercion from Chinese authorities, who have long demanded that no country grant official access to Taiwanese leaders.

    In a public post on the social platform X following his arrival, Lai emphasized the purpose of his visit: to reaffirm the deep, decades-long diplomatic friendship between Taipei and Mbabane. “Taipei is a self-governing democracy that Beijing claims as its own territory, but we will never be deterred by external pressure,” Lai wrote. In an additional Facebook post, he credited his diplomatic and national security teams with the careful behind-the-scenes planning that made the visit possible, noting that the trip would deepen bilateral cooperation across key sectors including economic development, agriculture, cultural exchange and education. “Our resolve and commitment are rooted in one core truth: Taiwan will continue engaging with the global community, no matter what obstacles we face,” he added. Notably, Taiwanese authorities chose not to pre-announce the final itinerary of Lai’s trip for security reasons, keeping the revised travel plans confidential until he landed in Eswatini.

    Beijing responded quickly and sharply to the news of Lai’s arrival. A spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs dismissed the visit as a “laughable stunt” staged for the global public, dismissing Lai’s journey as an act of “smuggling” out of Taiwan. The spokesperson reiterated Beijing’s longstanding position that Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory, stating that Lai’s “undignified” visit is a losing cause that can never alter that core fact. “We urge Eswatini and other individual countries to recognize the natural arc of history, and stop acting as props for ‘Taiwan independence’ separatist forces,” the statement read.

    For decades, China has leveraged economic and political influence to shrink Taipei’s network of formal diplomatic allies, and has not ruled out the use of military force to bring Taiwan under Beijing’s control. Currently, only 11 United Nations-recognized states maintain full official diplomatic ties with Taipei, down from 29 in 2000. Eswatini, a small landlocked southern African nation with a population of roughly 1.2 million, has held out as Taipei’s only ally on the African continent since 2018, when Burkina Faso switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing. In recent years, Eswatini has also faced economic consequences for its alliance with Taiwan: it is the only African country excluded from China’s duty-free market access program for developing nations.

    The visit comes amid a sharp recent escalation of cross-strait and Sino-U.S. tensions. Just one day before Lai’s arrival, Beijing warned Washington that the Taiwan issue remains the single biggest potential flashpoint for conflict between the two global powers, with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi telling newly confirmed U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio in a phone call that Taiwan is the “biggest risk” to bilateral relations. Taiwan’s government issued a formal statement of concern in response to Wang’s remarks.

    The last visit by a sitting Taiwanese president to Eswatini took place in 2023, when Lai’s predecessor Tsai Ing-wen traveled to the country for diplomatic talks.

  • Africa’s cellphone towers turn to solar as diesel costs surge

    Africa’s cellphone towers turn to solar as diesel costs surge

    Global market volatility triggered by the Iran conflict has sent diesel prices soaring across Africa, creating new urgency for an already unfolding transition in the continent’s telecommunications sector: moving hundreds of thousands of cellphone towers from fossil fuel-powered generators to solar energy systems.

    At present, roughly 500,000 telecommunications towers across Africa depend on diesel to stay operational. In recent weeks, global fuel supplies have tightened dramatically following the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, leaving many import-dependent African nations grappling with steep price hikes and intermittent supply shortages. These disruptions have forced both national governments and private telecom operators to reevaluate long-held energy strategies.

    While the move toward renewable energy for telecom infrastructure predates the latest price shocks, driven by years of steady cost pressures and global climate action commitments, industry leaders confirm the Iran conflict has drastically speed up the transition timeline. “Diesel has always been a major cost, but recent global events have made it even more volatile,” explained Lande Abudu, senior Africa energy specialist at GSMA, the global industry body representing mobile network operators. “That strengthens the case for solar and hybrid solutions immeasurably.”

    Across the continent, operators are rapidly rolling out hybrid energy systems that pair solar panels with large-scale battery storage, retaining only small diesel generators for rare, extended periods of low sunlight. Many providers have set long-term targets to transition all their rural and off-grid tower sites — where extending national power infrastructure is prohibitively expensive — to full solar operation.

    Unlike most developed markets, where the vast majority of telecom towers are connected to centralized national electricity grids (with diesel only reserved as backup for outages), Africa’s underdeveloped grid infrastructure has left the sector almost entirely dependent on standalone diesel generators for decades. These large industrial units require regular manual refueling, exposing operators to logistical challenges, theft, and maintenance costs. Similar diesel-reliant transitions are now underway in parts of Southeast Asia such as Indonesia, but Africa’s shift stands out for its scale and potential transformative impact.

    Recent major industry investments underscore the accelerating momentum. Last month, U.S.-owned Atlas Tower Kenya announced a $52.5 million investment to build 300 new purpose-built solar-powered telecom towers, serving leading regional operators including Safaricom, Airtel and Telkom Kenya. Currently, 82% of the firm’s existing 500 towers already run on solar, a benchmark many industry peers are now working to match.

    The economic case for transitioning has become increasingly compelling in recent years, even before the latest global price shock. For off-grid tower sites, energy costs can account for as much as 60% of total operating expenses, and diesel’s long-term price trend has consistently trended upward, compounded by local challenges from poor transport infrastructure to fuel theft.

    Vodacom Africa, which operates across six African nations and holds subsidiary stakes in Kenya and Ethiopia through Safaricom, reported a 5% year-over-year rise in total energy costs to $300 million in 2025, driven by higher fuel and electricity tariffs. In response, Safaricom raised $153.6 million in green bonds last year specifically to fund its tower transition to solar. In Nigeria, where government removed long-standing fuel subsidies in 2023, diesel prices have already jumped as much as 200% in a single year, leaving operators paying $400 million annually just to keep diesel-powered towers online. The latest price increases tied to the Iran conflict have added even more pressure to move quickly.

    Telecom firms across the continent are responding by scaling up clean energy deployment at an unprecedented rate. Local firm iSAT Africa is rolling out solar-powered towers supported by innovative green financing models, while regional giants including Orange, Vodacom, MTN Group and Airtel Africa are expanding solar and hybrid systems across their entire network footprints. “By replacing diesel-powered telecom towers with fully solar-powered infrastructure, we expect to reduce the carbon emissions associated with mobile network operations,” iSAT Africa CEO Rakesh Kukreja said in March while announcing new funding for the projects.

    Early data from completed transitions already shows significant cost and operational gains. MTN’s operations in South Africa have cut total fuel spending by roughly 30% after switching to solar, while Airtel Africa, in partnership with ENGIE Energy Access, has reduced diesel consumption by more than 50% at its tower sites in Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. For Vodacom Africa, connecting towers to national grids where possible and expanding solar and battery storage sits at the core of its 2025 sustainability and operational strategy, company documents show.

    Beyond cost savings, the transition delivers major improvements to network reliability, a critical benefit for underserved rural communities. Solar-powered systems are far less vulnerable to the fuel shortages and generator breakdowns that have long plagued diesel-reliant networks. Even before the latest conflict, regular outages tied to fuel shortages in parts of northern Nigeria and Congo disrupted everything from mobile money transactions to life-saving emergency communications.

    GSMA data estimates that the shift to solar could help close Africa’s persistent digital connectivity gap, where roughly 65% of people who could access life-changing mobile internet remain unconnected. “Renewable energy systems enable faster and more cost-effective expansion into underserved areas,” Abudu noted.

    On the ground in rural off-grid communities in northern Kenya, residents are already seeing tangible improvements. “Before this telecommunication mast was installed, we struggled to process mobile money payment or even call for help during medical emergencies,” said Martin Imwatok, a local teacher. “When these towers go off, business and life stop.”

    Africa’s uniquely high reliance on diesel, driven by underdeveloped grid infrastructure, makes the transition more complex than in other regions — but also means it carries far greater transformative potential. Regulators across the continent are now exploring ways to amplify the benefits of the shift; in Nigeria, the national telecom regulator has encouraged operators to integrate solar-powered towers into local solar minigrids that can supply electricity to nearby communities as well.

    “These telecom towers can act as anchor clients for solar minigrids, supplying electricity not only to the towers but also to nearby homes, businesses and public services,” explained Aminu Maida, head of the Nigerian Communications Commission.

    With global fuel prices set to remain volatile amid ongoing Middle East tensions, industry experts say the case for renewable energy for Africa’s telecom sector will only grow stronger. “This is no longer just about climate,” Abudu said. “It’s about resilience, cost and keeping Africa connected.”

    This reporting from The Associated Press on climate and environment receives financial support from multiple private foundations, with AP retaining full editorial control over all content.

  • ‘This tree was planted by my ancestor hundreds of years ago and my family settled here’

    ‘This tree was planted by my ancestor hundreds of years ago and my family settled here’

    On the windswept Atlantic coast of Ghana, in the quiet fishing town of Apam, an unassuming tree rises from rust-red clay, anchoring a story of migration, resilience, and intergenerational memory that stretches back further than most written records of the region. Tucked between two defining monuments of Ghana’s layered colonial and post-colonial history, the tree — called Santseo, meaning “Under” in the local Fanti language, for the shade it has offered communities for centuries — is barely noticed by daily passersby. But for one extended Ghanaian family, it is far more than a feature of the landscape: it is the living anchor of their identity.

    Oral tradition passed down through the Wilberforce family traces Santseo’s planting to the 13th century, when a small group of travelers led by Nana Asumbia, a royal spiritual leader from the Akwamu Kingdom’s historic capital of Akwamufie, set out on a westward journey along the coast. Though the exact cause of the group’s departure from Akwamufie has been lost to time, family accounts passed from generation to generation preserve the unique ritual Asumbia followed to choose the group’s new home: the travelers carried a sapling with them, and planted it wherever they paused. If the young tree took root and survived after several days, they knew they had found their permanent settlement. If it died, they continued onward.

    The tree species Asumbia chose was no accident. Today identified as *Piliostigma thonningii* — commonly called camel’s foot or monkey bread tree — it is a hardy, drought-resistant species native to much of sub-Saharan Africa, valued across the continent for its medicinal leaves and bark, its wide cooling canopy, and its ability to thrive in poor, harsh conditions where other species fail. For a nomadic community searching for a place to put down roots, the species’ legendary resilience made it the perfect symbol of their own journey.

    The group’s first stop after leaving Akwamufie was in what is now central Accra’s Otublohum neighborhood, around the site of the modern General Post Office. The sapling they planted there survived, and descendants of that first group still live in the area today. But the journey continued west, and the travelers next paused near Gomoa Buduburam along the Accra-Winneba highway, where they planted a second sapling. This time, the young tree did not survive. The group took this as a sign they had not yet reached their destination, and moved on once again.

    Their final stop came after a chance encounter in the coastal forest, according to oral history. A royal hunter named Inhune Akubuha from Gomoa Asin had wounded an elephant, which fled into the bush before collapsing. When he tracked the dead animal to its final resting place in what is now Apam, he called the traveling group to the spot. It was here that Asumbia planted her third sapling. Days later, when the tree sprouted new growth and took root in the red coastal soil, the group settled. Centuries later, the tree still stands, and the family built their home directly around it, naming the property Santsiwadzi in Santseo’s honor.

    Today, Santseo occupies a unique space between two eras of Ghana’s documented history: on one side sits Fort Patience, a Dutch trading fort completed in 1697 during the transatlantic gold and slave trade, when the region was known as the Gold Coast; on the other stands Apam’s Methodist Church, a monument to the spread of Christianity across Ghana’s coast in the centuries after European arrival. Yet according to family tradition, Santseo predates both structures by hundreds of years, making it a rare living marker of pre-colonial African history that outlasted the arrival of European powers and the transformation of local belief systems.

    As Christianity spread across Apam, the family that cares for Santseo donated the land on which the Methodist Church now stands. Over time, the tree’s traditional spiritual significance faded, as community members avoided being labeled idolaters for maintaining the old traditions. What remains is not a shrine, but a living memory: a connection to the ancestors who founded the community. Even so, tensions persist around preserving the tree: any extra care or maintenance is often misinterpreted as a return to old ritual practices, leaving the family to walk a careful line between honoring their history and adapting to modern beliefs.

    Roughly 40 years ago, members of the extended family reconnected with their ancestral roots in Akwamufie, making the journey east back to the kingdom their ancestors left centuries earlier. Oral tradition in Akwamufie had preserved the story of the traveling group for generations, with a repeated prophecy that they would one day return. The reunion was an emotional occasion, and a family member was installed as Nana Asumbia II, the new Queen Mother, mending the centuries-long divide between the two communities.

    Today, Apam’s rhythm is still shaped by the Atlantic Ocean that frames its coast. Fishermen haul nets to shore before dawn, children walk past Santseo on their way home from school along paths their grandparents and great-grandparents used, and every Tuesday, the town observes a long-held sacred tradition: no fishing boats leave the shore, and a gentle stillness falls over the coast, broken only by the quiet roll of the Atlantic.

    Santseo still stands through it all, its branches gnarled and shaped by centuries of salt wind and coastal storm, still rooted in the same red clay where Asumbia planted it so long ago. It has survived the rise and fall of kingdoms, the arrival of colonial powers, the transformation of local beliefs, and the slow passage of centuries. A guide for a displaced community, a source of shade and medicine, and a living archive of unwritten African history, the question Nana Asumbia asked when she planted the sapling all those years ago — will this tree take root? — still has the same clear answer, centuries later: yes.

  • Ghana becomes the latest African country to reject a US health deal, citing data sharing concerns

    Ghana becomes the latest African country to reject a US health deal, citing data sharing concerns

    On Friday, a senior Ghanaian official confirmed to the Associated Press that Accra has turned down a proposed bilateral health partnership with the United States, joining a growing list of African nations walking away from the agreement over unaddressed data privacy and national sovereignty risks. The core sticking point for Ghana was the deal’s provisions granting U.S. entities broad, unsupervised access to the country’s most sensitive health data without adequate regulatory safeguards, according to Arnold Kavaarpuo, executive director of Ghana’s Data Protection Commission, the government body directly involved in negotiation talks. Kavaarpuo emphasized that the scope of data access the U.S. demanded far exceeded the standard parameters aligned with the deal’s stated public health objectives.

    The U.S. State Department has not issued an immediate response to requests for comment on Kavaarpuo’s remarks. The framework of these health partnerships was first rolled out under the Trump administration’s “America First” global health strategy, which replaced a fragmented network of older health aid agreements overseen by the now-restructured U.S. Agency for International Development. To date, Washington has finalized similar deals with close to 24 African countries, offering hundreds of millions of dollars in funding to nations that previously faced U.S. aid cuts, with the stated goal of shoring up local public health systems and strengthening outbreak response capacity.

    Despite the financial incentives on offer, the agreements have sparked widespread criticism and pushback across the continent over long-standing concerns about data governance and national sovereignty. Zimbabwe became the first country to publicly reject the proposal back in February, citing identical worries around health data access, unfair terms, and threats to national sovereignty. Zambia has also pushed for revisions to problematic sections of the draft agreement, though it has not yet announced a final decision on whether to move forward.

    African privacy and public health activists have repeatedly flagged that most versions of the agreement lack sufficient guardrails for sensitive personal and population health data. In some cases, the deals also include restrictive provisions: for example, in Nigeria, the U.S. has committed to prioritizing funding exclusively for Christian faith-based healthcare providers, limiting access to support for broader public health infrastructure. Jean Kaseya, Director General of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, previously told reporters that the organization holds “huge concerns” about the deal’s terms around both health data and pathogen sharing between African nations and U.S. entities.

    For Ghana, the proposed $300 million total agreement would have allocated roughly $109 million in U.S. funding to the country over a five-year period, with matching supplemental investment from the Ghanaian government. Kavaarpuo outlined that the most problematic provision allowed U.S. entities to de-identify patient data at their own discretion, a policy that effectively amounted to outsourcing Ghana’s entire national health data governance infrastructure to a foreign power. The agreement would have granted access not just to aggregated health datasets, but also to underlying metadata, public health dashboards, national reporting tools, standardized data models, and official data dictionaries. Up to 10 separate U.S. entities would have been permitted to access this full suite of data with no requirement for prior approval from Ghanaian authorities, regardless of the intended use case.

    “We did not get any assurance that Ghana would retain meaningful governance and oversight over how this sensitive data would be used,” Kavaarpuo explained. “The agreement only required U.S. entities to notify Ghana after they had already completed a project involving data access, rather than establishing a mandatory prior approval framework.”

    Kavaarpuo confirmed that Ghana has formally communicated its rejection of the current draft agreement to U.S. officials, and has requested revised negotiations to address the country’s core concerns around data governance and sovereignty before any new deal can be reached.

  • Bright idea? UK firm pioneers mini data centres using lampposts

    Bright idea? UK firm pioneers mini data centres using lampposts

    For decades, innovators have experimented with placing data centres in increasingly unconventional locations: Microsoft sank an entire facility beneath the ocean surface, while Elon Musk has floated the idea of launching data infrastructure into orbit. Now, a United Kingdom-based technology firm is pioneering a new approach that turns ubiquitous street infrastructure into a network of distributed computing power, with a landmark deal to roll out 50,000 units in a Nigerian state already sealed.

    Warwickshire-headquartered Conflow Power Group (CPG) has developed the iLamp, a solar-powered connected smart lamppost designed to operate both as standard street lighting and a revenue-generating node in a decentralized AI data centre. When thousands of iLamps are networked together, the company says their combined low-power processing capacity can deliver the functional equivalent of a traditional centralized data centre, while cutting emissions by avoiding draws on fossil-fuel powered national electricity grids.

    Each unit is fitted with a cylindrical solar panel that charges an on-board battery, which in turn powers an energy-efficient AI-capable processor. CPG chairman Edward Fitzpatrick explained to the BBC’s Tech Life programme that recent advances from chip giant NVIDIA have made the concept feasible. “NVIDIA is the company that’s created a small enough chip, powered with 15 watts of power, so it can be powered by solar, and we can put that inside a street light,” Fitzpatrick said.

    Beyond their AI computing function, the smart lampposts integrate AI-powered surveillance capabilities that expand their use cases. For the Nigerian deployment, each iLamp will come equipped with a camera able to identify parking violations, speeding motorists, and drivers who do not wear seatbelts. Smaller-scale trials of the technology are already underway in the car park of Warwick Hospital in the UK, where the units provide CCTV monitoring and automatic number plate recognition. Fitzpatrick added that the technology could eventually be used to locate wanted or missing persons via facial recognition, with final-stage negotiations ongoing to deploy the full feature set with public schools and local governments in Florida, U.S.

    The inclusion of facial recognition capabilities has already sparked potential privacy concerns, with critics highlighting longstanding risks of algorithmic bias, misuse of surveillance data, and erosion of personal privacy. In response, CPG emphasized that it will only roll out facial recognition functionality in formal partnership with relevant regulatory authorities, and in full alignment with all local and national privacy and security laws. Fitzpatrick even suggested the connected lampposts could open up new forms of public interaction, saying: “you could walk past the streetlight, put your two fingers up like a victory sign and that could be voting for something. That could be a poll which you could put out onto social media”.

    The project comes as rising energy and water consumption from AI systems has emerged as a major global environmental concern. Some estimates already put the total annual energy use of global AI infrastructure on par with the entire United Kingdom’s annual electricity consumption, with water use for data centre cooling also drawing growing scrutiny. CPG’s solar-powered distributed model aims to address this carbon footprint issue, but industry experts have cautioned that the technology is not a wholesale replacement for large-scale centralized data centres.

    John Booth, managing director of sustainability consultancy Carbon3IT Ltd and a member of BCS, the UK’s Chartered Institute for IT, noted that the iLamp model fills a specific niche rather than replacing traditional infrastructure. “The iLamps could have value as a relatively low-cost solution that can be used for small AI applications in conjunction with other larger sites,” Booth told the BBC.

    Veteran data centre industry academic Professor Ian Bitterlin echoed this assessment, pointing out that decentralized street-side nodes cannot match the performance of large facilities built for training cutting-edge large language models. A key limiting factor, Bitterlin explained, is the physical distance between individual lampposts, which creates latency that makes high-speed coordinated computing for large AI tasks unfeasible. He also flagged physical security as a major ongoing concern, a challenge that Fitzpatrick openly acknowledges. “If people realise that there’s a $2,000 unit inside there they might try and steal it,” Fitzpatrick said, adding that CPG has engineered the units to permanently disable (or “fry”) the processor if it is improperly removed from the lamppost.

    Despite their limitations for large-scale AI training, Bitterlin noted that the iLamps could fill a growing need for edge computing infrastructure. As more AI applications require processing power located close to end-users, the lampposts could act as accessible access points that connect users to larger, more powerful centralized data centres running big AI models, similar to how mobile phone masts support cellular networks.

    For the landmark Katsina State deployment in Nigeria, the state government will generate ongoing revenue by leasing the collective processing capacity of the iLamp network to AI companies. After an initial three-year period, CPG will take a 20% cut of all revenue generated by the network. Fitzpatrick described Africa as the company’s primary target market for scaling the technology, citing abundant solar resources, supportive regulatory frameworks, and strong demand for basic street lighting infrastructure as key advantages. “Africa is our prime target because there’s plenty of sunshine which is great, they’ve got more relaxed rules and regulations, they want us to put the street lights on the street,” he said.

    While the iLamps will be manufactured in Morocco, Taiwan and Latvia, CPG is also building a local assembly factory in Katsina to support the deployment. In a statement welcoming the deal, Dr Hafiz Ibrahim Ahmad, Special Adviser on Power and Energy to the Katsina State government, called the project a milestone for African tech innovation, saying the state is now “home to the only distributed AI data centre of its kind anywhere on the African continent”. He added that the project would deliver wide-ranging benefits beyond new tech infrastructure, including “safer streets, real-time crime and terrorism prevention, free public internet and a revenue stream that flows back into the state”.

  • Mali accuses military officers of working with jihadis to carry out attacks against government

    Mali accuses military officers of working with jihadis to carry out attacks against government

    In a stunning development that has deepened the security crisis across conflict-wracked Mali, Malian authorities confirmed late Friday that active and recently dismissed military officers colluded with jihadi and separatist insurgents to carry out the largest coordinated offensive the country has seen in more than 10 years. This wave of attacks has already forced government and allied Russian forces to retreat from strategic territory and claimed the life of the nation’s defense minister.

    The string of unprecedented assaults, which opened with near-simultaneous strikes targeting multiple population centers including Bamako’s main international airport, was launched earlier this month through a rare partnership between Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al-Qaida-affiliated jihadi group, and the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), a separatist movement fighting for northern Mali’s independence. Fighters carried out the raids using motorcycles and heavy trucks, striking at least 10 separate locations across the country in coordinated action.

    By the start of this week, the offensive delivered a major blow to Mali’s ruling military junta, which seized power in a 2020 coup: insurgents seized control of Kidal, a major northern city, in the retreat that followed the attacks. The violence also killed Malian Defense Minister Sadio Camara, marking one of the highest-profile casualties of the Sahel’s long-running extremist conflict.

    On Friday, separatist commander Achafghi Ag Bouhanda announced in a verified online video that FLA fighters had captured another critical strategic site: the military camp in Tessalit, a northern town located near the Algerian border and adjacent to a key regional airport. The announcement came after Malian army troops and fighters from Russia’s Africa Corps withdrew from the camp ahead of the separatist advance. The Associated Press has not been able to independently verify conditions on the ground at the camp, and Malian officials have not yet issued an official response to requests for comment on the fall of Tessalit.

    The most shocking revelation of the unfolding crisis came via an official statement read on Malian state television from the public prosecutor of Bamako’s Military Court. Investigations into the coordinated attacks have uncovered “solid evidence regarding the complicity of certain military personnel” – including both currently serving and recently discharged officers – in the assault, the prosecutor confirmed. The statement added that these officers directly participated in “the planning, coordination, and execution” of the attacks, and also named exiled prominent opposition politician Oumar Mariko as a co-conspirator in the plot.

    The collapse of government control across swathes of northern Mali comes as the capital Bamako faces mounting pressure from insurgent blockades. JNIM this week announced a full blockade of all four major road arteries leading into Bamako, expanding on a partial fuel and supply blockade that militants imposed on the city late last year. Traffic into the capital was severely disrupted on Friday, with multiple confirmed militant roadblocks along major routes. The persistent instability and blockades have already forced multiple travel agencies to suspend operations, leaving residents facing dangerous and restricted travel across the country. “These days, traveling by road is a dangerous undertaking,” said Aminata Traoré, a frequent traveler between Bamako and the southern Sikasso region.

    Mali’s junta leader Assimi Goita has pledged to press forward with counteroffensives to retake lost territory. “Military operations will continue until the armed groups involved have been completely neutralized and security has been sustainably restored throughout the country,” Goita said earlier this week. The Sahel region, a vast expanse of land south of the Sahara Desert spanning multiple West African nations, has become the global epicenter of violent extremist activity in recent years, with jihadi groups expanding their control across remote border areas as national governments struggle to contain the insurgency.

  • Athletics won’t strangle super-shoe innovation – Coe

    Athletics won’t strangle super-shoe innovation – Coe

    The world of long-distance running has been sent into a frenzy of debate following one of the most groundbreaking achievements in the sport’s modern history: 31-year-old Kenyan runner Sabastian Sawe becoming the first competitive athlete to complete a marathon in under two hours at the 2025 London Marathon. Sawe crossed the finish line with a time of 1 hour 59 minutes 30 seconds, breaking a barrier that experts and athletes alike once viewed as an unbreakable limit of human physical endurance. Not far behind him, Ethiopian runner Yomif Kejelcha also finished under the two-hour mark, just 10 seconds adrift of Sawe, while women’s winner Tigst Assefa set a new women’s marathon world record on the same day. All three athletes shared one common detail that has sparked global conversation: they all wore the new Adidas Adizero Adios Pro Evo 3, the latest iteration of the controversial “super shoe” technology that has redefined elite marathoning over the past decade.

    Speaking to BBC Sport Africa on the sidelines of the upcoming World Relays event in Gaborone, Botswana, World Athletics President Sebastian Coe pushed back against calls to restrict or ban advanced shoe technology, arguing that stifling innovation has never benefited any industry or society. “I don’t think any society, any civilisation, any sector of the economy has been served well if you try to strangle innovation,” Coe stated. He clarified that World Athletics’ role sits at the intersection of enabling technological progress and upholding fair competition, noting that the governing body carries a clear responsibility to regulate the space to prevent unfair advantages.

    The Adidas super shoe worn by the London podium finishers marks a new milestone in footwear innovation: it is the first elite racing shoe to weigh less than 100 grams, lighter than a standard bar of soap. Adidas claims the proprietary technology built into the shoe improves running efficiency by 1.6%, a small but potentially decisive margin in a race decided by seconds. Sawe himself has praised the design, calling it the best shoe he has ever raced in, highlighting its exceptional lightness and stability. However, cutting-edge technology comes at a steep price: consumers looking to purchase the shoe will pay roughly $500 for a pair, putting it out of reach for many recreational runners.

    Coe pushed back against the narrative that super shoes are the primary driver of recent record-breaking performances, arguing that athlete mentality, physical conditioning, high-level coaching and federation support programs remain the most critical factors behind improved results. Sawe’s own preparation backs this framing: he cut more than two minutes off his personal best at the London race, a gain he attributes largely to his rigorous training routine of 200 kilometers per week at altitude, as well as improved race fuelling strategies that saw him consume 115 grams of carbohydrates per hour during the event, after a pre-race breakfast of just two slices of bread with honey and tea. After returning to his home country of Kenya following his historic win, Sawe gifted one of his record-setting shoes to Kenyan President William Ruto during jubilant homecoming celebrations in Nairobi.

    The growing prevalence of super shoes has forced World Athletics to evolve its regulatory framework over the past decade. The first wave of widespread debate around the technology emerged at the 2016 Rio Olympics, where all three men’s marathon medallists wore prototype versions of the Nike Vaporfly 4%, which claimed a 4% improvement in running performance. By 2020, World Athletics introduced formal rules limiting sole thickness, carbon-fibre plate design, and requiring all shoe technology to be commercially available, in an effort to prevent sportswear brands from gaining an unfair edge through unapproved custom designs.

    As major brands continue to push the boundaries of current regulations, Coe confirmed that the rulebook will continue to evolve alongside technology. He described the regulatory process as an inherently evolutionary journey, noting that World Athletics only recently established a formal evaluation system for new footwear designs. “We work closely with the athletes, the coaches, the shoe companies. We don’t want them to go off and spend hundreds of millions of dollars on shoes that we’re going to find illegal. So there is a balance,” Coe explained. He also highlighted an often-overlooked benefit of advanced footwear design: much of the research that improves performance also leads to innovations in injury prevention, allowing athletes to train longer, compete longer, and sustain longer careers in the sport — an outcome Coe described as an unambiguous positive.

    Reflecting on his own legendary career as a two-time Olympic 1500-meter champion, Coe joked that even with modern super shoes, he would not have been capable of running a sub-two-hour marathon, though he acknowledged the technology would have helped him clock a faster time in his signature 800-meter event.

    Critics of super shoe technology argue that the issue goes beyond simple regulation, warning that excessive reliance on engineering could erode the core identity of distance running, turning record performances into a victory for lab technology rather than human grit and endurance. Coe acknowledged these concerns but said he believes World Athletics has struck the right balance so far. “Life is always about balances,” he said. “I think at World Athletics we have technical teams that are always going to be conscious of where that balance is. At the moment, I think we’re the right side of it.”