Phone tracking shows how Colombian mercenaries backed Sudan’s RSF – report

Three years into Sudan’s devastating civil war between the regular national army and the powerful Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary group, a groundbreaking new investigation has delivered the first definitive proof of direct United Arab Emirates (UAE) backing for the RSF through a network of Colombian mercenaries. A new report by the Conflict Insights Group (CIG), an independent security analysis organization, ties this mercenary network directly to the RSF’s brutal 2025 capture of the strategic North Darfur capital el-Fasher — a turning point in the conflict that triggered some of its worst atrocities.

CIG director Justin Lynch emphasized that while the organization has long tracked growing evidence of extensive Emirati military support to the RSF, this investigation marks the first time that link has been proven beyond doubt. “We are making public what governments have long known — that there is a direct, operational link between Abu Dhabi and the RSF’s war effort,” Lynch said in the report’s introduction.

To build its case, CIG combined multiple open-source intelligence methods, most notably tracking more than 50 mobile phones belonging to Colombian mercenary operatives active across Sudan between April 2025 and January 2026. The tracking relied on commercially available location technology originally built for targeted advertising, supplemented by flight logs, satellite imagery, social media content, and peer-reviewed academic research. The team traced mercenary movements through a clear logistical and training pipeline originating in Colombia and routed through UAE-controlled facilities.

One of the most striking pieces of evidence comes from the devices themselves, which were overwhelmingly configured to Spanish, Colombia’s official language. Investigators traced one device from Colombia to Abu Dhabi’s Zayed International Airport, then to a dedicated Emirati military training facility in Ghayathi, where four other Spanish-language devices were also detected. Two of these devices later traveled to Sudan’s South Darfur state, with one moving on to Nyala, the RSF’s de facto capital in the region. While in Nyala — already identified by analysts as a key hub for RSF drone operations and Colombian mercenary activity — the device connected to public Wi-Fi networks explicitly named “ANTIAEREO” (Spanish for “anti-aircraft”) and “AirDefense.” In total, CIG documented more than 40 Spanish-language devices linked to mercenaries across the Nyala area.

In another high-profile case, CIG tracked a Colombian mercenary’s device directly to el-Fasher during the final weeks of the RSF’s 18-month siege, which ended with the group seizing the city in October 2025. While operating inside el-Fasher, the device connected to a Wi-Fi network named “ATACADOR” — Spanish for “attacker.” Multiple other Colombian-linked devices were also detected in the city during the takeover, the report confirms.

The mercenary network operates under the banner of the Desert Wolves brigade, with fighters serving as drone pilots, artillery operators, and combat instructors for the RSF. Multiple devices linked to brigade members connected to Wi-Fi networks named “DRONES” and “LOBOS DEL DISIERTO” — a Spanish spelling of “Desert Wolves.” According to Colombian digital outlet La Silla Vacía, the brigade is led by retired Colombian army Colonel Alvaro Quijano, who is based in the UAE and already subject to U.S. and UK sanctions for his role recruiting Colombians to fight in Sudan. The CIG report confirms the Desert Wolves are employed and funded by a UAE-based company with documented direct ties to senior Emirati government officials, matching evidence obtained by La Silla Vacía.

Beyond Sudan, CIG also detected Spanish-language mercenary devices at two key regional logistics hubs tied to the UAE: a port in Somalia and a town in southeastern Libya that analysts have long identified as a key transit point for weapons flowing to the RSF, allegedly facilitated by the Emirates.

The capture of el-Fasher stands as one of the bloodiest episodes of Sudan’s three-year civil war, which has already spawned the world’s worst active humanitarian crisis. Tens of thousands of people have been killed across the country, and more than 10 million have been forced to flee their homes. After the fall of el-Fasher, International Criminal Court prosecutors categorized the accompanying mass violence as war crimes and crimes against humanity, while United Nations investigators found the atrocities bore the “hallmarks of genocide.”

“The scale of atrocities and the prolonged siege of el-Fasher would not have been possible without the specialized drone operations that these Colombian mercenaries provided to the RSF,” Lynch said, noting the mercenary network also directly supported the siege operation. The CIG report concludes that both the UAE and the Colombian mercenary network share responsibility for the war crimes committed in el-Fasher.

The UAE has long rejected all claims that it provides military backing to the RSF, describing previous allegations as “false and unfounded” and condemning el-Fasher atrocities in the strongest terms. The BBC has requested comment from the Emirati government on the CIG’s new findings, and no response has been issued as of publication.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro has previously condemned the recruitment of Colombian citizens to fight in Sudan, calling the mercenaries “spectres of death” and framing the recruitment network as a form of human trafficking. Estimates place the total number of Colombian mercenaries fighting for the RSF in the low hundreds. U.S. authorities have already imposed sanctions twice on Colombian nationals and linked firms for mercenary recruitment activity in Sudan — most recently just last week — and have confirmed Colombian fighters supported the RSF’s el-Fasher capture, but have not yet drawn a direct official link to the UAE.

Independent analysts have long agreed that sustained foreign military and financial support for both the RSF and Sudan’s regular army has been the single most critical factor allowing the civil war to continue and expand over the past three years.