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  • Brazen attack on Niger’s airport shows jihadis are expanding to cities in Africa’s Sahel

    Brazen attack on Niger’s airport shows jihadis are expanding to cities in Africa’s Sahel

    On Thursday, gunfire and deadly explosions tore through Diori Hamani International Airport, Niger’s primary international gateway in the capital Niamey, leaving 11 soldiers and two civilians dead. The al-Qaeda-affiliated militant group Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), widely recognized as the most powerful extremist faction operating in the Sahel region south of the Sahara, quickly claimed responsibility for the assault. This attack marks the second time this year the strategic airport has been targeted, a site that doubles as a command center for Niger’s ruling military junta, hosts the national air force base housing the bulk of the country’s drone and aircraft fleet, and serves as headquarters for the tripartite military alliance between Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso.

    The first assault on the airport back in January was carried out by motorcycle-riding militants aligned with the Islamic State Group’s Sahel Province (ISSP), with attackers specifically focusing on the facility’s high-value drone assets. Thursday’s attack comes on the heels of a large-scale incursion and an ongoing fuel blockade imposed by al-Qaeda-linked forces inside and around Mali’s capital Bamako, underscoring a rapid expansion of extremist activity across the region.

    Regional security analysts warn this string of high-profile attacks on major urban centers signals a dangerous shift in militant strategy across the Sahel, a region already labeled one of the world’s most active hotspots for terrorist activity. Both al-Qaeda and Islamic State-affiliated factions have ramped up offensive operations over the past 12 months, as the rival groups compete to seize control of territory and expand their regional influence.

    Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim, deputy project director for the International Crisis Group, a leading global think tank focused on conflict analysis, explained that where insurgent groups once confined their operations to remote, under-policed border communities, they are now increasingly targeting populated urban hubs to amplify their impact. “JNIM in Niger is trying to mark its territory. This is a message to the government but also to the Islamic State group,” Ibrahim noted, adding that while Thursday’s attack caused less disruption than January’s assault, it carries significant symbolic and strategic weight for the faction.

    Much of this escalating extremist activity is concentrated in three neighboring Sahel states: Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali, all of which are currently ruled by military juntas that seized power via coups driven by widespread public resentment of former democratic governments and longstanding Western security partnerships. After expelling French and American military forces from the region, the three juntas have turned to Russia as their primary security ally, opening the door for Russian military personnel to deploy across the three countries while creating a power vacuum that extremist groups have rushed to fill.

    Niger’s unique geographic position makes it a particularly coveted prize for competing extremist factions. It shares western borders with Mali and Burkina Faso, JNIM’s core strongholds, while its southern and eastern borders abut Nigeria and Chad, where Boko Haram and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) maintain a heavy presence. To the north, Niger’s territory stretches deep into the Sahara toward Libya and Algeria, creating ungoverned spaces ideal for militant movement and weapons trafficking.

    Analysts warn that ISSP and ISWAP are currently working to connect their respective operations by establishing a contiguous corridor along the Niger-Nigeria border, a move that would unite two of Africa’s deadliest extremist networks across a vast swath of territory. This consolidation effort is fiercely opposed by JNIM, which views the expansion of Islamic State influence in the region as an existential threat to its own dominance.

    “Niger is a territory of competition between them,” explained Wassim Nasr, a senior research fellow at the Soufan Center. “If JNIM loses the upper hand in Niger against the Islamic State, it will jeopardize its upper hand in Mali and Burkina Faso. … You have an open space like the Wild West, where each is looking to mark its territory.”

    This report was compiled with contributions from Associated Press writer Chinedu Asadu based in Abuja, Nigeria.

  • Six-year-old Ebola patient taken from DR Congo hospital found and ‘doing well’

    Six-year-old Ebola patient taken from DR Congo hospital found and ‘doing well’

    An ongoing Ebola outbreak in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) took an unexpected turn earlier this week, when a 6-year-old confirmed Ebola patient—abducted from her treatment ward by armed men alongside her mother—has been located and is reported to be in stable condition. Local health official Dr. Lubambo Maboko Gaston confirmed the update to the BBC on Friday, two days after he first announced the abduction that drew international attention to growing unrest around Ebola response efforts in the region.

    According to Dr. Gaston, the pair were taken by a group of armed, angry men from a hospital in Butembo, a major city in eastern DRC, on Monday. It remains unclear whether the abductors had prior personal connections to the child or her family, but the abduction fits a pattern of rising hostility toward Ebola treatment facilities that has hampered outbreak response for weeks. On Friday, the girl and her mother voluntarily arrived at an alternative Ebola treatment center located roughly 18 kilometers outside Butembo, where medical teams have since assessed the child’s condition as stable and improving. “Her condition is currently considered stable,” Dr. Gaston confirmed in a statement to reporters.

    Hostility toward outbreak response teams is not a new development during this outbreak. To date, the event has killed more than 230 people and recorded 890 confirmed cases across eastern DRC, with treatment centers facing repeated attacks from local communities driven by fear and misinformation. Just last month, police in Mongbwalu were forced to fire warning shots into the air to disperse angry crowds that attempted to seize the bodies of Ebola victims from a local health facility. Days prior, residents of Rwampara, a small town 85 kilometers southeast of Mongbwalu, set fire to hospital isolation tents after officials blocked them from retrieving the body of a man who had died from suspected Ebola.

    Public health experts stress that the bodies of Ebola victims carry extremely high viral loads, and unsanctioned burial preparations are a major driver of new transmission. Safe, regulated burial protocols are one of the most critical tools for containing spread, but deep-rooted misinformation has left many local residents distrustful of these measures. “People are not properly informed or sensitised about what is happening,” local politician Luc Malembe explained to the BBC last month. “For a certain segment of the population, especially in remote areas, Ebola is an invention by outsiders – it does not exist. They believe it is the NGOs and hospitals creating this to make money, and this is tragic.”

    The outbreak was officially declared by DRC authorities on May 15, though public health officials later confirmed that transmission had gone undetected in remote communities for weeks before the declaration. A complicating factor for response teams is that the outbreak is caused by Bundibugyo, a rare strain of Ebola that currently has no approved vaccine. The World Health Organization (WHO) has projected it could take months to develop and deploy an effective vaccine for this strain.

    The scale of the outbreak has already drawn grim projections from global health leaders. This week, the head of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention warned that the outbreak could become one of the largest Ebola events in recorded history, echoing an earlier assessment from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Cross-border spread has already been recorded in neighboring Uganda, which has confirmed 19 cases and two deaths since the outbreak began. However, the WHO reported this week that Uganda has not recorded any new confirmed cases since June 5, a hopeful sign that containment measures there are working.

    In DRC, the national ministry of health has said it is ramping up core response measures, including expanding community surveillance, scaling up contact tracing, and building out dedicated treatment infrastructure across affected towns. The WHO has committed $3.9 million to response efforts, while Africa CDC has approved a $319 million budget to support coordinated action across the region.

    Nearly all confirmed cases are concentrated in three eastern DRC provinces: Ituri, South Kivu and North Kivu—the same region where the 6-year-old patient was abducted. Ituri remains the epicenter of transmission, accounting for more than 90% of all confirmed infections. Ongoing armed conflict in the region has created additional barriers to effective response, the WHO has warned. The M23 rebel group currently controls large swathes of both North and South Kivu, leaving response teams unable to access many remote communities where transmission may be spreading undetected.

  • Italy’s Meloni says Trump ‘made up’ story that she ‘begged’ him for photo at G7

    Italy’s Meloni says Trump ‘made up’ story that she ‘begged’ him for photo at G7

    A high-profile diplomatic dispute between Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and former U.S. President Donald Trump has burst into the open following a baseless anecdote Trump shared in an Italian television interview, triggering swift backlash across Italy’s political landscape and upending once-closed political ties between the two leaders.

    In a phone interview with Italy’s La7 TV network, Trump made the unsubstantiated claim that Meloni had “begged” him for a photograph during their recent meeting at the G7 summit hosted in Evian-les-Bains, France. “She begged me to take a photo with her; I felt sorry for her,” Trump told the outlet, adding that he believed Meloni was happy he had taken the time to speak with her. Multiple video and photo records from the G7 summit show the two leaders holding an extended, cordial-looking conversation on a small sofa, with Meloni smiling throughout the interaction. La7 did not release the original English audio of Trump’s comments, only airing a dubbed Italian translation.

    Meloni issued a sharp, public rebuke of Trump’s claims just hours later, addressing the incident directly to her 7 million Instagram followers. She said she was “frankly stunned” by the fabricated story, questioning why the U.S. president would choose to target a close ally with such falsehoods. “I can only say it is regrettable he does not show the same determination towards the enemies of the West and towards the enemies of the US – [enemies] whose leaders he instead appears to be far more accommodating with,” she wrote. In a striking closing rebuke that emphasized Italian national dignity, she added: “But there is one thing he needs to remember: neither I nor Italy ever beg.”

    In response to the escalating row, Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani has canceled a planned trip to the United States scheduled for early next week. The BBC has reached out to the White House to request official comment on the incident, but no response has been issued as of yet.

    This public confrontation is the latest sign that the once-close political alignment between Trump and Meloni has fractured badly in recent months, rooted in deep disagreements over Trump’s decision to launch a military conflict with Iran. Meloni, who was elected Italy’s prime minister in 2022, made history as the only European leader to attend Trump’s 2025 inauguration, and was widely viewed by European Union officials as a potential diplomatic bridge between Brussels and the new U.S. administration. But the relationship began to unravel after Meloni took a firm public stance opposing the Iran war. In April, Trump hit back at her criticism during an interview with Italian daily Corriere della Sera, saying “I thought she had courage, but I was wrong.” Tensions rose further when Meloni publicly rejected Trump’s critical remarks about Pope Leo XIV, calling his comments labeling the Pope “weak on crime and terrible on foreign policy” completely unacceptable.

    In the wake of Trump’s latest remarks, Meloni has received unified support from across Italy’s political spectrum. Italian President Sergio Mattarella placed an immediate phone call to the prime minister to express his full backing. Filippo Sensi, a left-wing opposition senator from the Democratic Party, said no leader had the right to speak to an Italian prime minister in such an arrogant tone. Giuseppe Conte, leader of the Five Star Movement, added that Italy had been subjected to unnecessary humiliation, arguing that pursuing better relations with Washington should never come at the cost of national dignity or core national interests.

    From Meloni’s own Brothers of Italy party, Senate group leader Lucio Malan framed the incident as part of a wider pattern of offensive remarks Trump has directed at multiple European leaders. He noted that the G7 footage tells a far different story than Trump’s false account, suggesting that the U.S. president’s anger actually stems from Meloni’s willingness to push back against Washington when Italian interests demand it. “Trump’s words damage his own image and authority above all,” Malan added. Matteo Salvini, leader of the League and a key government ally, issued a blunt statement of solidarity: “Whoever attacks Giorgia, attacks all of us.”

  • UK law enforcement destroyed my reputation and integrity, ex-Nigerian oil minister tells BBC

    UK law enforcement destroyed my reputation and integrity, ex-Nigerian oil minister tells BBC

    More than a decade of high-stakes anti-corruption investigation ended in acquittal this week, leaving a trail of damaged careers, unproven allegations, and sharp criticism of British law enforcement from one of the oil and gas industry’s most prominent female leaders. Diezani Alison-Madueke, 65, who made history as the first woman to serve as Nigeria’s oil minister and as president of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), was cleared of all five bribery and conspiracy charges Wednesday at London’s Southwark Crown Court after a months-long trial.

    In her first public interview following the verdict, the ex-minister told the BBC the 13-year probe carried out by the UK’s National Crime Agency (NCA) devastated her personal and professional life, leaving her with a permanently tarnished reputation that can never be repaired. The case was not just a legal battle, she said, but a traumatic experience that upended every part of her life. For years, she was barred from international travel and blocked from working in any professional capacity. When your personal freedom is restricted for so long, Alison-Madueke explained, it inflicts deep, long-lasting psychological harm. She has maintained her complete innocence from the start, emphasizing she never committed any of the serious misdeeds prosecutors alleged against her.

    The case against Alison-Madueke dated back to her 2015 arrest, though formal charges were not brought until 2023. Prosecutors claimed she accepted hundreds of thousands of dollars in improper kickbacks from wealthy Nigerian oil tycoons who secured lucrative government oil contracts during her tenure. Prosecutors alleged these payments funded a lavish lifestyle, including more than £2 million ($2.65 million) in luxury goods purchased from London’s Harrods, access to private chauffeur-driven cars, and the use of multi-million-pound properties across London and Buckinghamshire. Two other co-defendants – Alison-Madueke’s brother Doye Agamas, a 69-year-old Pentecostal archbishop based in Manchester, and oil industry executive Olatimbo Ayinde, 54 – were also cleared of all related charges. Ayinde’s acquittal carried extra weight: she had been prosecuted despite acting as a cooperating informant for Nigerian anti-corruption officials.

    From the opening of the trial in January, Alison-Madueke’s defense team challenged the validity and fairness of the prosecution’s case, arguing that critical documents that would have proven her innocence went missing under mysterious circumstances in Nigeria. The ex-mininger confirmed those missing records included boxes of receipts that proved she had fully reimbursed the oil tycoons for any payments they made on her behalf. She told the BBC that Nigerian intelligence forces seized those documents from her Abuja home back in 2015, and she has had no knowledge of their fate ever since. Former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, who appointed Alison-Madueke to her cabinet post, submitted a letter to the court backing her account, noting that it was common practice for third parties to cover travel and accommodation costs for Nigerian cabinet members conducting official overseas business.

    When asked who bears responsibility for the failed prosecution, Alison-Madueke said blame is shared across multiple parties. She called on Nigerian authorities to conduct a full review of the procedures and practices they use in cross-border corruption cases. For the NCA, she argued the agency lacked sensitivity when pursuing a case rooted in another country’s political context, suggesting the investigation into her was at least partially politically motivated. She claims the NCA targeted her as easy, high-profile “low-hanging fruit,” ignoring two key facts: her own record of pushing anti-corruption reform in Nigeria’s oil sector – the heart of the country’s economy, as Africa’s largest oil producer – and the fact that she had made powerful political enemies during her time in office. As a woman breaking barriers in a deeply misogynistic political culture, she said, she was already an outsider target.

    Alison-Madueke said the NCA should have paused to conduct a deeper, more thorough investigation into the on-ground context of the claims before moving forward with prosecution. In the wake of the not-guilty verdict, an NCA spokesperson confirmed the agency respects the jury’s final verdict. The BBC has requested additional comment from the agency, and has not yet received a response.

    The verdict comes after years of related asset recovery actions by international law enforcement. In 2023, the U.S. Department of Justice seized $53 million (£40 million) in assets from two of the oil tycoons named in the London trial. At the time, a department spokesperson claimed Alison-Madueke had abused her position to steer profitable oil contracts to the tycoons’ companies. Alison-Madueke pushed back on that claim in her interview, noting she was never given an opportunity to defend herself against those allegations because she was never charged in the U.S. case. She added that all contracts awarded during her tenure went through the full, required due diligence process as mandated by law.

    Nigeria’s leading anti-graft body, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), also has had prior actions against Alison-Madueke: in 2022, the agency said it recovered roughly $153 million and more than 80 properties linked to the ex-minister. When asked about those forfeited assets, Alison-Madueke said the assets were never directly traced to her, and she has had no clear updates on the status of that case. Now that she has been acquitted in London, she says she will finally have the freedom to investigate what actually happened with those assets to clear her name further.

  • Australia beats Bangladesh by 7 runs in high-scoring 2nd T20 to win series

    Australia beats Bangladesh by 7 runs in high-scoring 2nd T20 to win series

    CHATTOGRAM, Bangladesh – Australia has locked in an unbeatable 2-0 lead in its three-match Twenty20 series against Bangladesh, clinching a nail-biting seven-run win in the second fixture on Friday thanks to a standout all-round performance from Matt Renshaw, who notched a personal best 89 not out.

    Renshaw’s masterclass with the bat propelled Australia to a commanding total of 196 runs for the loss of five wickets – the highest T20 score Australia has ever recorded against Bangladesh. The left-hander, who faced 52 deliveries and hammered four fours and five maximums, combined with Tim David for a 97-run fourth-wicket stand off just 50 balls to set up the visitors’ big total. David chipped in with a quickfire 45 off 26 balls, including two boundaries and four sixes, before he was cleanly deceived by Abdul Gaffar’s slower delivery.

    Australia’s innings got off to a steady start after captain Mitchell Marsh won the toss and opted to bat first, with Marsh and wicketkeeper-batter Josh Inglis putting on early runs. Left-arm spinner Nasum Ahmed broke the opening partnership when he trapped Inglis (11) leg before wicket. Debut-tier fast bowler Nahid Rana, playing just his second career T20, then removed Marsh for 20, leaving Australia reeling at 44 runs for three wickets in the sixth over. Renshaw’s steady batting then anchored the rest of the innings, guiding the lower order to push Australia close to the 200-run mark. The all-rounder also delivered when given the ball, finishing with impressive figures of one wicket for just 13 runs.

    In their chase, Bangladesh made a flying start, reaching 72 runs for the loss of one wicket in the mandatory six-over power play – their highest power play total against Australia in T20 history. Opener Tanzid Hasan led the early charge, but Renshaw claimed his key wicket with a sharp return catch, removing Hasan for 31 runs off 15 balls to grab the crucial breakthrough. Saif Hassan followed with a solid 42 off 33 deliveries, but Australia’s spin attack choked Bangladesh’s run rate through the middle overs, slowing the hosts’ momentum.

    Bangladesh finished their innings at 189 runs for six wickets, falling just seven runs short of the target. All-rounder Aaron Hardie was another standout for Australia, finishing with two wickets for 40 runs from his four overs. Bangladesh, which suffered a four-wicket defeat in the series opener, will look to avoid a whitewash in the third and final T20, scheduled to be played this Sunday at the same Chattogram venue.

  • The maths whizz turned teen star who chose Morocco over France

    The maths whizz turned teen star who chose Morocco over France

    Eighteen-year-old midfielder Ayyoub Bouaddi has become one of the most talked-about young talents at the 2026 FIFA World Cup after his masterclass performance against Brazil, drawing transfer interest from top European sides including Arsenal, Paris Saint-Germain and Liverpool. But for those who have watched the teenager grow from a youth prospect in northern France to a global stage standout, his dramatic rise is no surprise at all.

    World Cup-winning striker and Bouaddi’s current Lille teammate Olivier Giroud is among the talent’s biggest admirers, drawing a striking parallel between the teen and Kylian Mbappé. “I played with Kylian Mbappe when he was 18,” Giroud, now a BBC Sport pundit, shared. “He was so mature for his age and I have the same feeling with Ayyoub.” This is not a bandwagon take following Bouaddi’s breakout, either; Giroud has watched the midfielder’s relentless work ethic up close on a daily basis, and says his sudden fame is far from an overnight success.

    That consensus is echoed across every stage of Bouaddi’s early career. Growing up in the northern French town of Creil, Bouaddi stood out not just for his on-pitch ability, but for a discipline and focus rare for a young player. “No one is shocked here,” said his former youth coach Sofiane Khair. “For us, it’s logical.” Khair recalled that even as a child, Bouaddi rejected the typical hobbies of kids his age: no video games, no fast food. When he wasn’t training, he would stay home reading or studying. “He’s the same now as he was when he was 10,” Khair added.

    Off the pitch, that intellectual discipline translates to pursuits far beyond football: Bouaddi is currently completing a mathematics degree in his spare time, and previously won a national oratory competition after delivering a speech at the Élysée Palace, the official residence of the French President. That reflective, self-critical mindset has shaped his football development too. When Bouaddi moved up to Lille’s under-17 side at 15, coach Mickael Delestrez said the teen’s first question was, “What do you expect from me?”

    “His reflective nature leads to him constantly questioning his game – what could he have done better or what should he have done differently?” Delestrez explained. “He possesses this analytical ability that allows him to continually challenge himself.” Former Creil coach Armand Doue echoed that assessment, noting Bouaddi remains a perfectionist who still works closely with his early coaches to refine his game. Even as his career has skyrocketed, Bouaddi has never stopped pushing to improve.

    A quick look at his senior career already confirms his extraordinary trajectory. Just days after his 16th birthday in 2023, he became the youngest player to ever make a senior debut for Lille. On his 17th birthday, he helped the club secure a landmark Champions League win over Real Madrid, earning a serenade from the home crowd at Stade Pierre-Mauroy. Earlier this year, he broke a 20-year record previously held by club icon Eden Hazard, becoming the youngest player in Lille history to hit 50 Ligue 1 appearances at 18.

    One of the biggest talking points of Bouaddi’s young career came long before his World Cup breakout: his choice to represent Morocco at senior level, rather than France, the country of his birth where he featured for every French youth national side. The decision came despite gentle persistent encouragement from Giroud, who joked and “teased him the whole year regarding picking France.”

    For Bouaddi, the choice was always rooted in family and identity. To announce his decision, he shared a decade-old photo on Instagram: 10-year-old him, wearing a Morocco national team shirt, watching the 2018 World Cup from the stands. “I am aware of the privilege I have to defend these colours and I will give everything to best represent my country,” he wrote in the post. It is a commitment he backed up with his performance against Brazil at the New York New Jersey Stadium in Morocco’s recent 2026 World Cup group stage match.

    Against a star-studded Brazilian side, the 18-year-old was unflappable. He finished the 1-1 draw with more touches (87) and more completed passes (60) than any other Moroccan player on the pitch. As temperatures rose and older players faded late in the match, Bouaddi kept pushing forward, repeatedly dribbling past Brazil defenders to drive his team up the pitch. He was equally tenacious in the tackle, winning nine duels — a physicality that caught the attention of Brazil’s veteran midfield leader Casemiro, who was substituted at half time after being outplayed by the teen. Morocco captain Achraf Hakimi summed up the performance as a “masterclass.”

    To those who know him best, however, this level of play is standard. “He does this kind of match every weekend on the pitches of Ligue 1,” Doue noted. Now, as Bouaddi prepares to face Scotland in Morocco’s next World Cup group fixture this Friday, all eyes will be on the teen prodigy who has drawn comparisons to Mbappé, attracted interest from Europe’s biggest clubs, and built his career on relentless self-improvement. While he has yet to score his first senior goal, all signs point to Bouaddi becoming one of the most exciting players to watch in this World Cup — and for decades to come.

  • A conflict over cattle in Brazil’s Amazon highlights tensions for Indigenous peoples

    A conflict over cattle in Brazil’s Amazon highlights tensions for Indigenous peoples

    Nestled between the Javae and Araguaia rivers in northern Brazil, Bananal Island — the world’s largest river island — has become the epicenter of a contentious national debate that encapsulates the complex tradeoffs between environmental protection, Indigenous sovereignty and the economic power of Brazil’s massive agribusiness sector.

    Last year, federal environmental authorities ordered all commercial cattle herds removed from the island’s legally protected Indigenous territory. The order argued that the land is permanently reserved for Indigenous communities and biodiversity conservation, and that unregulated cattle grazing by non-Indigenous ranchers was not only illegal under Brazilian law, but also a major driver of widespread habitat degradation across the island.

    Wranglers successfully moved more than 100,000 cattle off the island during a period of low river levels to comply with the ruling, but the removal has triggered unforeseen economic upheaval for Indigenous residents who had become dependent on revenue from leasing tribal land to outside ranchers for decades.

    The situation lays bare the persistent challenge of reconciling three competing priorities that define environmental policy in Brazil: curbing Amazon deforestation, upholding Indigenous territorial rights, and accommodating the demands of agribusiness — one of the country’s most politically influential economic sectors. As the world’s top beef exporter, Brazil accounts for roughly 20% of global beef production, with the industry contributing 6% to the nation’s total gross domestic product.

    Conservation researchers widely recognize protected Indigenous territories as one of the most effective tools to reduce deforestation in the Amazon, the world’s largest rainforest and a critical global climate regulator. Even as Brazil has made notable progress cutting overall deforestation rates in recent years, cattle ranching remains the single largest driver of forest loss across the country. To create new grazing pastures, ranchers clear large swathes of native forest, replacing carbon-absorbing trees with methane-emitting cattle — a dynamic that accelerates global climate change while threatening native biodiversity. Data from MapBiomas, a non-profit land use tracking organization, shows Tocantins state, where Bananal Island is located, recorded among the highest deforestation rates in Brazil in 2025.

    Brazilian law strictly prohibits large-scale commercial activity on designated Indigenous lands, allowing cattle rearing only for small-scale subsidence use by tribal communities. For decades, however, an informal leasing system operated openly on parts of Bananal Island. Non-Indigenous ranchers paid village leaders roughly 15 reais ($3) per head of cattle monthly — a fraction of the 60 reais ($12) per head typical for grazing leases outside the territory. At its peak, when more than 100,000 cattle grazed on the island, monthly leasing revenue reached 1.5 million reais ($290,000), which was distributed through tribal leadership to local community associations.

    “Cattle, over the years, have covered many of our community’s expenses,” explained Cleiton Javae, chief of the Txuiri village, one of more than 40 Indigenous communities on the island home to roughly 5,000 total residents. Javae noted the revenue funded critical local needs including school supplies, medical care, transportation and traditional cultural festivals. But critics of the informal system point to deep structural inequities: much of the revenue was concentrated among a small group of tribal leaders, leaving many community members in poverty. “The law requires consultation and shared benefits,” said Leandro Milhomem, head of IBAMA, Brazil’s federal environmental agency, in Tocantins. “Instead, some chiefs had significant resources while, in the same community, children died of malnutrition.”

    Indigenous residents also told the Associated Press that ranchers fenced off large sections of the island to contain their herds, blocking communal access to traditional subsistence farming areas. Even leaders who supported the original leasing agreements acknowledge the system spiraled out of control, with ranchers bringing far more cattle onto the island than they initially declared. “The situation became unsustainable, and removing the cattle was the only alternative,” Javae said.

    Beyond economic inequality, unregulated cattle ranching caused severe environmental harm to the island. IBAMA investigations linked grazing activity to soil acidification and increased wildfire risk, as ranchers regularly use controlled burns to clear brush and refresh pasture land. Many of these blazes spread beyond grazing areas, destroying native habitat.

    Bananal Island’s modern conflict has deep historical roots. When European colonizers arrived in the region in the late 18th century, they found the island already inhabited by Indigenous groups and covered in wild banana groves, which gave the island its Portuguese name Ilha do Bananal. The region remained largely undeveloped and overlooked by the Brazilian government until the 1950s, when it was formally designated a protected Indigenous territory. At the same time, federal officials encouraged non-Indigenous ranching through informal leasing arrangements with local communities, setting the stage for the current crisis.

    Three Indigenous groups — the Javae, Karaja and Ava-Canoeiro — currently live on the island. The Javae, in particular, developed long-standing social and economic ties with non-Indigenous ranchers, with many outsiders settling on the island after marrying into local Indigenous communities. These connections allowed ranchers to gain access to develop commercial activity inside the legally protected territory, creating the mixed cultural landscape visible on the island today: modern brick homes stand alongside traditional thatched huts, children play with traditional bows and arrows near Protestant churches, and elderly tribal leaders prepare traditional meals while watching cooking tutorials on YouTube.

    Following the cattle removal, Indigenous leaders on Bananal Island are now rethinking their approach to economic development, working to craft a new model that balances income generation with territorial and environmental protection. The Javae community is partnering with The Nature Conservancy, a global non-profit conservation organization, to develop a comprehensive community-led land management plan that integrates the tribe’s social, economic and environmental priorities.

    In May 2026, Javae leaders traveled to the northern Amazon state of Roraima to study the successful model developed by the Macuxi people, who have become a national example of balancing collective economic development with land rights protection. Starting in the 1980s, the Macuxi developed a community-owned cattle operation to help reclaim their territory from encroachment by farmers, miners and land grabbers, decades before their land was officially demarcated as Indigenous territory in 2005. Today, the Macuxi collectively own more than 45,000 head of cattle, generating sustained shared revenue for the community while protecting their territorial sovereignty.

    The Macuxi and Bananal Island experiences reflect a growing national conversation among Indigenous communities across Brazil about how to balance sustainable economic activity with protection of territorial rights and natural ecosystems, a debate that has also extended to mining. In February 2026, Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Flávio Dino ruled that the Cinta Larga people, whose territory spans the Amazonian states of Mato Grosso and Rondonia, have the legal right to conduct mining operations within their own territory.

    Ivo Aureliano Macuxi, an Indigenous rights advocate and member of the Indigenous Council of Roraima, argues that there is no one-size-fits-all solution for Indigenous economic development. “You can’t apply a single model as a template for other Indigenous lands,” he said, emphasizing that frameworks must be tailored to “each region, each territory, each people.” What works for one community, he added, may not work for another, requiring flexible legal frameworks that respect the self-determination of Brazil’s 391 distinct Indigenous peoples.

    This coverage of climate and environmental issues from the Associated Press receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP maintains full editorial control over all content.

  • Police in Bali foil an attempt to trade protected 21 live green sea turtles and arrest a suspect

    Police in Bali foil an attempt to trade protected 21 live green sea turtles and arrest a suspect

    On Indonesia’s world-famous tourist island of Bali, law enforcement officials have successfully disrupted a large-scale illegal wildlife trafficking operation, seizing 21 live, protected green sea turtles and arresting one suspected ring member last week, Bali police announced publicly this Friday.

    The operation was launched after local residents tipped off authorities about suspicious activity linked to wildlife trade along the island’s remote Pegametan coast. Acting on the tip, law enforcement teams carried out a targeted raid on the area on June 10, recovering all 21 live turtles before they could enter the illegal market, explained Nanang Pri Hasmojo, chief of law enforcement for Bali’s police force.

    Officers took 67-year-old suspect—identified publicly only by his initials KS—into custody at the scene. Investigators say the man is accused of functioning as a storage point for the trafficked reptiles, holding them until they could be moved to other sellers for distribution to end buyers. During initial interrogation, the suspect allegedly told officials that the shipment of turtles was sent by a criminal associate who collected the animals from waters off Madura, an island off the coast of East Java province. Under the suspected trafficking chain, KS received the contraband directly on Pegametan Beach, where another co-conspirator was scheduled to pick the turtles up for resale.

    Hasmojo confirmed that the investigation is still actively ongoing. “We are continuing to map out the full network and pursue all other co-conspirators connected to this smuggling ring,” he stated. The arrested suspect has already been formally charged under Indonesia’s strict national wildlife protection legislation. If convicted on all counts, he faces a maximum sentence of 15 years in prison plus substantial financial penalties.

    All sea turtle species found in Indonesian waters have held formal protected status under the country’s conservation and fisheries laws since 1990. A 2018 regulation issued by the Ministry of Environment and Forestry further strengthened these protections, explicitly outlining prohibitions on harming or trading in six native sea turtle species, and additional government rules have fully banned all commercial trade of the animals nationwide.

    The global crisis facing sea turtles has been well-documented by conservation researchers. According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), targeted poaching of both turtles and their eggs—carried out by both local community actors and large transnational criminal networks—is one of the leading driving forces pushing six of the world’s seven recognized sea turtle species into threatened or endangered conservation status.

    A 2022 study conducted by researchers at Arizona State University, published in the peer-reviewed journal *Global Change Biology*, estimated that more than 1.1 million sea turtles were illegally killed across the globe between 1990 and 2020. Most of this killing is driven by demand for turtle meat, unproven claims that turtle products act as aphrodisiacs, and use of turtle parts in traditional cultural and spiritual practices. The study found that green sea turtles (scientific name *Chelonia mydas*), the same species rescued in the Bali raid, made up 56% of all sea turtles killed illegally during that 30-year period.

    Historically, Bali emerged as a major trafficking hub for green sea turtles, a trend shaped in part by long-standing local cultural practices: for generations, Balinese Hinduism—the dominant religion on the 4.5 million-person island—has used turtle meat in religious offerings. In recent years, however, conservation outreach and stricter enforcement have significantly reduced illegal turtle trade on the island, though smuggling rings continue to operate to meet remaining demand.

  • EU leaders squabble over outreach to Moscow as Ukraine war rages on

    EU leaders squabble over outreach to Moscow as Ukraine war rages on

    BRUSSELS – Deep internal divisions among European Union leaders have derailed a plan to open a discreet backchannel of communication with the Kremlin, a proposal designed to protect the bloc’s interests if any breakthrough emerges in ongoing talks aimed at ending Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, multiple senior leaders confirmed Friday.

    The initiative was spearheaded by newly appointed European Council President António Costa, who chaired the bloc’s two-day flagship summit in Brussels. Costa had already instructed his personal office to initiate outreach to Moscow and put forward a senior EU official to lead the contact, framing the effort as an complementary step, not an attempt to replace or compete with the stalled U.S.-led negotiation track that has yielded little tangible progress in recent months.

    For months, European capitals have debated the merits of appointing a dedicated EU mediator to reanimate talks between Moscow and Kyiv, but the idea has gained little traction among the 27 member states. A large bloc of countries argues that Russian President Vladimir Putin has shown no genuine willingness to negotiate a sustainable peace, making any overture premature at best and dangerous at worst. Instead, the EU’s unified position to date has centered on demanding key concessions from Russia as a precondition for any meaningful peace process.

    Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš told reporters Friday that overnight discussions failed to bridge the gap between competing camps. “Europe is unable to agree even on whether there will be negotiations or who will lead them,” Babiš said, laying bare the depth of the bloc’s disunity on the critical foreign policy issue.

    Not all leaders rejected the backchannel proposal, however. Irish Prime Minister Micheál Martin voiced support for Costa’s approach, noting that “opening up a channel is not a mistake in our view, and I trust António Costa.” He added that core principles remain intact: any final peace negotiations must be led directly by Ukraine and Russia, and right now there is no sign Russia is prepared to come to the negotiating table in good faith.

    The Kremlin, for its part, signaled openness to restarting dialogue with the EU Friday, on the condition that Brussels abandons what it calls a “position of force” toward Moscow. “We are ready for contact, we were not the ones who initiated cutting such contacts, terminating them completely,” Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov told reporters. “If forces emerge that realize the need to resume dialogue with Russia, not to lecturing it or, worse, to issue ultimatums … then President Putin and the Russian side would certainly be open to it.”

    Currently, Putin has prioritized direct negotiations with Washington over Ukraine’s future, intentionally sidelining both the EU and Kyiv from those discussions.

    As leaders wrapped up their summit late Thursday, Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever lightened the tense mood with a tongue-in-cheek joke nominating Costa himself as the EU’s envoy to Moscow. Laughing as he shook Costa’s hand, De Wever said, “I was just talking about you, António. I was full of praise, saying you are the only one who can represent us and that we will send you to Moscow.”

    Hardline opposition to the backchannel plan came from Estonia, one of the EU’s most hawkish eastern member states that shares a long border with Russia, has a history of Soviet occupation, and has repeatedly reported cross-border drone incursions linked to the war. Estonian Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna said, “Europe must not assume the role of a neutral mediator” and instead should continue strengthening Ukraine’s negotiating position to “force the Kremlin into serious negotiations.”

    The Associated Press contributed reporting from Prague, Czech Republic, with contributions from correspondents Karel Janicek and Stanislav Hodin.

  • Nicholls and Ravindra steady New Zealand and extend lead over England to 194 at The Oval

    Nicholls and Ravindra steady New Zealand and extend lead over England to 194 at The Oval

    On the third day of the second Test match between England and New Zealand at London’s iconic Oval ground, the Black Caps moved firmly into a commanding position against the host nation, thanks to a resilient, match-defining stand between batters Henry Nicholls and Rachin Ravindra on Friday.

    England entered the day’s play with a glimmer of momentum, sparked by a gritty 53-run last-wicket partnership between tailenders Matthew Fisher and Sonny Baker that carried the hosts to their first innings total before the lunch break. Buoyed by that late-run lift to team morale, England quickly got off to a promising start with the ball, dismissing both of New Zealand’s opening batters within the first seven overs.

    New Zealand captain Tom Latham fell for just 4 runs, edging a 140 kph (87 mph) delivery from pace bowler Jofra Archer behind to the wicketkeeper. That same over brought close calls for Henry Nicholls: Archer’s 147 kph delivery popped up into the outfield but fell safely between fielders, before a 145 kph fast yorker beat Nicholls’ inside edge and just missed the stumps.

    Devon Conway, New Zealand’s second opening batter, survived six more overs before he drove at a delivery from Josh Tongue and nicked a thick edge to second slip, out for 11 runs that left the Black Caps at 28 for 2. A dropped chance soon after could have turned the tide further in England’s favor: when Ravindra was on just 7, Tongue produced a good edge that wicketkeeper James Rew failed to hold on to a tough low chance diving to his left.

    After that missed opportunity, England failed to convert any further chances before the tea interval. Nicholls and Ravindra dug in, deflating England’s bowling attack and quieting the sun-bathed home crowd as they built a steady unbroken partnership. While the Oval pitch still offered purchase for bowlers—one Tongue delivery skidded along the ground barely above Ravindra’s shoelaces and slipped under his bat—the two batters kept their discipline and picked off scoring opportunities when they arose.

    Ravindra, an aggressive batter by nature who often takes risks to score, showed controlled aggression, clipping Baker off his toes for a boundary, one of seven boundaries he hit on his way to an unbeaten 35. As tea approached, Nicholls—who had been carefully building his innings across 64 deliveries—struck consecutive driven fours off part-time spinner Joe Root, England’s current leading wicket-taker with 73 career Test wickets, in a rare attacking outburst.

    By the tea break on day three, New Zealand had reached 94 for 2 after 25 overs, a cumulative lead of 194 runs that extended the Black Caps’ already substantial first innings advantage of 100 runs over England. The steady partnership restored New Zealand’s momentum after England’s morning recovery, which saw the hosts bat through the entire final session of day two after being 9 wickets down for 238 to close their first innings at 222.