分类： world

The Taliban regime in Afghanistan has implemented a sweeping nationwide shutdown of telecommunications, plunging the country into a total internet blackout. This drastic measure follows weeks of the group severing fiber-optic internet connections, citing concerns over ‘immorality.’ According to internet watchdog Netblocks, the blackout has disrupted mobile phone services, satellite TV, and mobile internet across the country. The international news agency AFP reported losing contact with its Kabul office, while residents in the capital confirmed the abrupt halt of fiber-optic internet services around 17:00 local time (12:30 GMT). The impact is expected to be felt more acutely on Tuesday morning, when banking and business operations resume. Fiber-optic cables, which enable high-speed data transfer, are a critical component of global internet infrastructure. Netblocks, in a post on Mastodon.social, described the blackout as a stepwise disconnection of multiple networks, with telephone services also affected. The Taliban had previously hinted at creating an alternative internet route but provided no specifics. Business leaders have warned of severe economic repercussions if the ban persists. Hamid Haidari, former editor-in-chief of Afghan news channel 1TV, lamented the isolation, stating that Afghanistan has now surpassed North Korea in internet disconnection. This blackout is the latest in a series of restrictive measures imposed by the Taliban since their return to power in 2021, including banning books by women from university curricula, outlawing human rights education, and restricting women’s access to education beyond the age of 12. The Taliban’s hardline interpretation of Islamic Sharia law continues to reshape Afghan society, with women and girls bearing the brunt of these policies.

Typhoon Bualoi has wreaked havoc across central and northern Vietnam, claiming at least 11 lives and causing widespread destruction. The storm, which made landfall on Sunday night, has left dozens missing or injured, flooded roads, washed away bridges, and torn roofs off buildings. After weakening, it moved into neighboring Laos, where its impact continues to be felt. This marks the latest in a series of devastating storms to hit the region, following Super Typhoon Ragasa, which claimed 28 lives in the Philippines and Taiwan last week. Bualoi, with initial wind speeds of 117 km/h (73 mph), has already killed over 20 people in the Philippines since Friday. In Vietnam, nearly 30,000 residents were evacuated preemptively, and dozens of flights were delayed or canceled. Rescue teams are currently searching for 17 missing fishermen whose boats were struck by massive waves. The central province of Ha Tinh experienced a blackout after power lines were downed, while torrential rains flooded crop fields. Authorities have warned of continued heavy rainfall, with some areas expected to receive up to 500 mm. Vietnamese Prime Minister Phan Minh Chinh has issued urgent directives to intensify rescue and relief efforts. Climate change is increasingly blamed for the intensification of such extreme weather events, with typhoons growing stronger and more frequent.

While U.S. President Donald Trump dismisses climate action as a ‘con job’ at the UN, China has strategically positioned itself as a ‘responsible power’ with modest emission reduction targets. Chinese President Xi Jinping’s pledge to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 7-10% from peak levels by 2035 marks China’s first absolute emissions target. However, this falls short of the 30% reduction experts deem necessary to align with 1.5°C pathways. The timing of Xi’s announcement, following Trump’s criticism of climate efforts, underscores China’s intent to contrast its approach with the U.S. retreat from global commitments. Beyond diplomatic optics, China’s real climate strategy lies in its industrial policy: dominating the supply chains of the post-carbon global economy. In the first five months of 2025, China added 46 gigawatts of wind capacity—enough to power 30 million homes—while simultaneously approving 25 gigawatts of new coal plants. This dual approach reflects China’s ambition to lead in renewable energy manufacturing while maintaining energy security through coal. Xi’s promise to scale wind and solar capacity sixfold from 2020 levels cements China’s role as the global supplier of clean energy hardware, producing over 80% of the world’s solar photovoltaic modules. However, China’s climate diplomacy masks a glaring contradiction: it continues to build more coal capacity than the rest of the world combined. In the first half of 2025, China and India accounted for 87% of new global coal capacity, with China alone starting construction on 46 gigawatts. The ‘from peak’ baseline in China’s emission target creates perverse incentives for local governments and firms to increase emissions, weakening the actual impact of the target. Without clarity on when emissions will peak, the 7-10% reduction becomes an accounting exercise rather than a meaningful decarbonization pathway. This ambiguity allows China to claim climate leadership while preserving policy flexibility. Trump’s UN performance, labeling climate change a ‘con job,’ handed China a diplomatic gift by positioning the U.S. as opposing the energy transition. This strategic misstep allowed China to emerge as the default ‘responsible actor’ despite its questionable climate performance. For Asia, the China-U.S. dynamic presents both opportunities and risks, with countries like Japan pursuing dual-track strategies to balance energy security and decarbonization. The real climate story in Asia is unfolding in manufacturing and supply chain decisions, not UN speeches. As China dominates clean energy hardware production, other Asian economies face the choice of technological dependence or building indigenous capacity. Renewable energy components, like fossil fuels before them, have become a strategic resource that can be weaponized. China’s climate gambit succeeds by operating in the realm of perception rather than performance, positioning itself as a reliable partner while maintaining a problematic emission trajectory. The unorthodox reality is that neither superpower treats climate as an existential crisis requiring economic transformation. China pursues industrial dominance through green technology exports while maintaining coal dependence; the U.S. abandons climate cooperation to protect fossil fuel interests. Both strategies prioritize short-term competitive advantage over long-term climate stability. For Asia, the lesson is clear: climate diplomacy has become a subset of industrial policy and technological competition. The countries that will thrive in the coming decades are those that treat decarbonization as an economic and strategic imperative, not a moral obligation. China’s climate pledge may be modest, but its manufacturing strategy is anything but—and that is where the real climate leadership will be decided.