分类: world

  • Islamic State militants kill at least 29 in an attack on a village ‌in northeastern Nigeria

    Islamic State militants kill at least 29 in an attack on a village ‌in northeastern Nigeria

    Nigeria is reeling from two back-to-back violent incidents that have underscored the long-running, deep-seated security crisis plaguing the West African nation, with at least 29 villagers confirmed dead following an overnight Islamic State militant attack in the country’s northeast, and eight young pupils still missing after armed gunmen abducted 23 children from a north-central orphanage.

    The first assault unfolded late Sunday in Guyaku, a small rural settlement located within Gombi Local Government Area of Adamawa State, senior state authorities confirmed on Monday. Shortly after the attack, the Islamic State group issued a claim of responsibility via a statement posted to the encrypted messaging platform Telegram.

    During an on-site visit to the impacted village Monday, Adamawa State Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri publicly condemned the violence, labeling the attack a tragic event that has no place in civilized society. Two main militant factions aligned with the Islamic State currently operate across Nigerian territory, but officials have not yet confirmed which cell carried out the Guyaku assault. The Islamic State West Africa Province, better known by its acronym ISWAP, maintains an active presence across northeastern states including Adamawa, while a second IS-linked faction, referred to locally as Lakurawa, typically stages attacks further west in the north-central states of Sokoto and Kebbi.

    The Guyaku attack coincided with a separate mass abduction in north-central Nigeria, where armed assailants stormed an orphanage operated by an unregistered school on the same Sunday. The raiders abducted 23 young pupils from the facility, located in an isolated district of Lokoja, the capital of Kogi State. Kogi State government spokesperson Kingsley Femi Fanwo confirmed in an official statement that the Dahallukitab Group of Schools, which ran the orphanage, was operating without legal authorization.

    Security forces have since launched intensive search and rescue operations, and have successfully rescued 15 of the 23 abducted children. Authorities said operations are ongoing to recover the remaining eight captives and apprehend the perpetrators behind the raid. While no militant or criminal group has stepped forward to claim responsibility for the abduction, the region has seen a sharp surge in kidnapping-for-ransom attacks in recent months. In Nigeria, the term “pupil” generally refers to children enrolled in kindergarten or primary school, meaning the captives are likely aged 12 or younger.

    Kidnappings targeting students and educational institutions have become one of the most visible markers of Nigeria’s ongoing insecurity. Regional security analysts note that armed gangs and militant networks deliberately target schools and children as strategic, high-impact targets, as such attacks draw widespread media and government attention and often yield large ransom payments.

    Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, has grappled with a persistent, multifaceted insurgency in its northern regions for more than 20 years, with overlapping conflicts involving IS-aligned insurgents, bandit gangs, and separatist militias that have killed tens of thousands of people and displaced millions. Earlier this year, the United States deployed a contingent of troops to Nigeria to provide advisory support to Nigerian military forces leading counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism operations across the country.

    This report was compiled with additional on-the-ground reporting from Sophie Banchereau, based in Dakar, Senegal.

  • Israeli press review: Teens murder of pizzeria worker sparks lawlessness fears

    Israeli press review: Teens murder of pizzeria worker sparks lawlessness fears

    Israel is currently grappling with three interconnected, deeply concerning crises that have laid bare deep-seated social, institutional, and geopolitical vulnerabilities across the nation.

    The first crisis erupted from a brutal fatal stabbing that has shaken public trust in law enforcement and reignited long-simmering accusations of institutional bias. On Independence Day evening last week, 21-year-old Yemanu Binyamin Zelka, a pizzeria employee of Ethiopian descent working in the central Israeli city of Petah Tikva, was murdered by a group of teenagers. The violence began after Zelka asked the group to stop using party foam spray inside the pizzeria, a minor request that ended with him stabbed to death.

    Days passed before law enforcement launched a formal investigation, and authorities ultimately arrested eight minors for questioning. At a meeting with Zelka’s family, Israeli Police Commissioner Danny Levy framed the killing as an inevitable outcome of years of societal disruption: “There was Covid, then war, and then another war. The children lacked stable frameworks, and in the end, it erupts.” Levy’s comment drew furious backlash from the victim’s family, who are calling for full prosecution of the suspects and have openly voiced widespread public frustration over law enforcement’s handling of the case.

    Activists and politicians have gone further, alleging that the delayed investigation stems from systemic bias against Israelis of Ethiopian origin. “It is unbelievable that dozens of youths carried out a lynching and murdered Binyamin Yimenu Zelka. No one tried to help. Hundreds of people were present, and not a single person stepped in. This horrifying case must shake the country,” Israeli-Ethiopian activist Avi Yalew wrote on social media platform X. Yalew also questioned why police took so long to make arrests when the entire incident was captured on camera. Ayman Odeh, leader of the left-wing Hadash party, pointed to a broader trend of spiraling violent crime: 2025 is on track to record the highest number of murder victims and the highest murder rate in Israeli history. Odeh blamed the current government for abandoning public safety and called the national police force “failing” at addressing rising criminal activity. Data from Haaretz supports this claim: 107 people have been murdered nationwide since the start of the year, a sharp increase that has coincided with Itamar Ben Gvir’s tenure as national security minister, with the vast majority of victims being Palestinian citizens of Israel.

    Alongside rising street violence, Israel is facing an unprecedented mental health crisis among its security forces, with suicide rates reaching 15-year highs. New reporting from Haaretz reveals that at least 12 active-duty Israeli soldiers and police officers have died by suicide since the start of 2025, with three additional non-active reservists also taking their own lives. This marks a continued surge in security personnel suicides that began after Israel launched its military campaign in Gaza in October 2023.

    Mental health professionals and serving military officers link the rising death toll to deep underfunding of mental health services for service members, and systemic failures to support at-risk personnel. One serving army mental health officer described the military’s current response to the crisis as “more like putting a Band-Aid on a bleeding main artery,” noting that current resourcing is nowhere near sufficient to meet demand. Critics add that the Israeli military continues to enlist personnel with pre-existing mental health conditions without providing adequate ongoing support. A former army mental health officer stressed that many recent deaths could have been prevented: “at least some of the recent deaths could have been saved if commanders would’ve paid attention to early warning signs.” “This is no longer just a warning – it is a real alarm,” the former officer added.

    Official army data confirms the severity of the crisis: 60 active-duty soldiers have died by suicide since the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack, including 22 in 2024, the highest annual count in 15 years. Crucially, official numbers exclude suicides by non-active duty personnel, meaning the actual death toll is even higher than reported. This crisis has spilled over into the broader Israeli public: Haaretz data shows 7% of all Israelis now live with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), compared to a global average of just 2%. Rates of depression, anxiety, and substance addiction have also jumped, with the resulting economic damage estimated to reach as much as 100 billion shekels annually.

    Compounding these domestic crises is a new geopolitical controversy: a Haaretz investigation has exposed that Israel has been importing stolen Ukrainian wheat from Russia since 2023, a trade that directly funds Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine. One year after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Israel began receiving shipments of wheat stolen from Ukrainian territories controlled by Russia, transported on Russian-flagged vessels. Haaretz confirms that more than 30 shipments of stolen Ukrainian grain have been delivered to Israeli buyers by Russian traders, with at least five additional shipments arriving since the start of 2025.

    To avoid detection, the vessels involved do not load the stolen grain at Russian ports. Instead, cargo is transferred between ships at sea in the Black Sea to conceal the wheat’s Ukrainian origin. Haaretz journalists successfully tracked two Russian vessels that loaded stolen grain in Ukraine before delivering directly to Israeli ports. One Israeli grain merchant told reporters that Russian suppliers intentionally misrepresented the cargo, claiming the grain originated in Siberia and was shipped west via rail. The merchant said the true origin only came to light after the Ukrainian embassy issued a warning. Israel’s foreign ministry has so far refused to comment on the findings of the investigation.

    For anyone experiencing mental health crisis or suicidal thoughts, support is available globally: In the UK, Samaritans can be contacted 24/7 on freephone 116 123. In the US, the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline provides free, confidential support 24 hours a day. Additional international helplines can be found via the Befrienders Worldwide website at www.befrienders.org.

  • The oil, gas and arms companies profiting from the war on Iran

    The oil, gas and arms companies profiting from the war on Iran

    Two months into the US-Israeli military campaign against Iran, a stark divide has emerged: as the death toll in Iran climbs above 3,500 and households across the globe face soaring energy costs, two powerful industries – fossil fuel production and arms manufacturing – have recorded explosive profit growth driven by regional instability.

    The ongoing standoff between Washington and Tehran in the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical energy chokepoints, has left 1,600 vessels and 20,000 seafarers stranded in the Gulf, pushing international Brent crude prices above $107 per barrel. This supply disruption has sent shockwaves through global energy markets, putting unprecedented financial strain on millions of households across Europe, Asia and beyond, while creating windfall gains for major energy and defense players.

    New data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (Sipri) underscores the long-term growth of the global defense sector: 2025 marked the 11th consecutive year of rising global military spending, which hit a record $2.887 trillion. For the fossil fuel industry, analysis from climate advocacy group Global Witness conducted for *The Guardian* reveals that major oil and gas conglomerates pulled in more than $30 million in excess profits every hour during the first full month of the Iran war.

    In the United Kingdom, the impact on household finances is already severe: projections indicate annual energy bills will jump by as much as £300 ($406) starting in July, driven by supply disruptions from the Strait of Hormuz. New polling shows 44% of UK households will be unable to afford these increases, and the crisis has also deepened global food insecurity, as higher energy and transportation costs push up food prices worldwide. Even as ordinary families struggle to heat their homes, top executives at the UK’s largest energy firms have seen their personal wealth surge by millions of pounds.

    For example, in the month following the launch of US-Israeli strikes in late February 2026, Harbour Energy CEO Linda Cook saw the value of her company shareholdings jump by more than £4 million, bringing her total stake to £26 million. Shell CEO Wael Sawan’s shares rose by nearly £1.8 million to £13.2 million, while Centrica chief Chris O’Shea gained more than £300,000 in share value and BP deputy CEO Carol Howle’s stake grew by over £500,000, according to data from the End Fuel Poverty coalition. Globally, the trend holds: Chevron CEO Michael Wirth saw his stake gain more than £44 million in value, while Norwegian energy giant Equinor, a major gas supplier to the UK, saw its share price climb by more than 45%.

    Jagannadha Pawan Tamvada, a business economics professor at Kingston University, explained that global oil and gas pricing works to the benefit of producers during supply shocks. “Disruptions in supply anywhere in the system raises prices everywhere,” Tamvada told Middle East Eye. Because consumer demand for energy is relatively inflexible, price increases directly translate to higher revenues and profits for energy producers, with all costs passed down to households.

    The same profit dynamic plays out in the defense sector. The United States is currently spending an average of $1.8 billion per day on its military involvement in the Iran war, and Lockheed Martin, the largest Pentagon contractor, has seen its stock price jump by nearly 40% since the start of 2026. Tamvada notes that expectations of future instability automatically lift defense stock values, as market actors price in increased government military spending. “The cost of such instability is not felt by these corporations but rather experienced as a benefit. In effect, risk is socialised downward to consumers while upside is concentrated upwards,” he said.

    Ruth London, a founding member of campaign group Fuel Poverty Action, argues that energy companies are not just passive beneficiaries of price shocks – they are exploiting the crisis to pad their bottom lines. “It is not that a shortage increases the companies’ costs. Instead they charge more because they can. They pocket the difference,” she said. She added that the fossil fuel industry, which already causes death through fuel poverty, oil conflict, pollution and climate change, has profited enormously from the Iran war while continuing to receive billions in government subsidies. In the UK alone, an estimated 10,000 excess deaths each year are linked to cold-related illness caused by fuel poverty, even as energy executives rake in windfall gains that deepen already extreme inequality.

    “Oil and gas price shocks are like Christmas for fossil fuel companies: they can sit back and watch as their profits multiply,” said Philip Evans, senior climate campaigner at Greenpeace UK. Evans called on governments to implement robust new taxes on the extraordinary profiteering occurring during the crisis to prevent ordinary households from bearing the entire economic burden.

    Forty leading UK civil society organizations have joined that call, sending an open letter to the British government through Tax Justice UK urging the chancellor to impose a strong windfall tax on corporate profiteering from the Iran war. “During these times of global crises, certain companies make record profits amidst human suffering in Iran and ordinary people in this country end up footing the bill,” said Caitlin Boswell, deputy director of Tax Justice UK. She explained that years of corporate lobbying have left the UK tax system structured to protect wealthy corporate interests, allowing firms to evade taxes while continuing to receive taxpayer-funded subsidies for fossil fuel production.

    The UK previously implemented a windfall tax on energy companies that raised £6.8 billion in 2022-2023 following the energy shock caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but widespread negative media coverage – shaped by the fossil fuel industry’s media influence – undermined public support for the policy. Today, polling from YouGov shows the cost of living crisis remains the top issue for UK voters, but the ruling Labour government has refused to impose new taxes on energy firms profiting from the current price spike. According to Boswell, this inaction “just goes to show the sheer power of these vested interest groups and these industries that have… too much political capture.”

    Patrick Galey, head of investigations at Global Witness, describes the fossil fuel industry as the richest and most powerful industry in human history, and also the most devious. After decades of denying the reality of human-caused climate change, Galey says the industry has continued to deliberately obfuscate and delay climate action even after the scientific consensus became undeniable. The Iran conflict marks the second major global energy shock in five years, following the 2022 shock from the Ukraine war, and forecasters warn the fallout from the current crisis will be far more severe.

    Galey argues the core lesson from this crisis is the urgent need for a permanent global transition away from fossil fuels to renewable energy – a shift that is critical not just for climate stability, but for global geopolitical freedom. “Energy independence engenders genuine geopolitical freedom and independence because you are not having to constantly tiptoe around the autocrats that you want to buy fossil fuels from,” he said, pointing to Spain as an example of a nation that has gained greater diplomatic leverage by reducing its reliance on imported fossil fuels. Galey says continued dependence on fossil fuels is a deliberate policy choice, noting that Labour ministers met with fossil fuel lobbyists more than 500 times in their first year in office, and new Labour MPs accepted more than £45,000 in campaign donations from oil and gas companies.

    Fossil fuel and arms manufacturing are already two of the most heavily subsidized industries in the UK: the government provides an estimated £17.5 billion in annual subsidies to oil and gas production, while BAE Systems, the UK’s largest arms contractor, receives £1 billion in annual government science subsidies. Andrew Feinstein, a former South African ANC MP and founding director of Shadow World Investigations, calls this system “corporate welfarism,” where public money is privatized for corporate gain through state subsidies and no-bid contracts.

    Feinstein notes that the arms trade accounts for an estimated 40% of all global corruption despite making up just 0.5% of total global trade, making it uniquely vulnerable to unethical profiteering. He points to evidence of brazen insider trading tied to the Iran war in the United States, including on prediction platform Polymarket, where former President Donald Trump’s son Donald Trump Jr. is an investor and sits on the advisory board. The *Financial Times* reports that more than $500 million in oil futures bets were placed just minutes before Trump announced a planned de-escalation with Iran, suggesting investors had advance insider knowledge of the announcement that allowed them to profit from market shifts.

    “I have never seen war and conflict manipulated so nakedly for short-term profiteering… that is an element which is quite unique to the assault on Iran,” Feinstein said. “Wars are being partly fought to enable insiders to play the stock market and to profiteer in the short term on national security announcements. There is little attempt to hide it.”

    The arms industry also benefits from built-in government secrecy, Feinstein explained. Though BAE Systems paid a $400 million fine for corrupt deals in 2010, the firm is still treated as an arm of the British state, and its executives receive extremely high levels of security clearance that give them unique access to sensitive government information and unparalleled policy influence. Anna Stavrianakis, an international relations professor at the University of Sussex, notes that while defense companies are privately owned, they receive massive taxpayer subsidies through government defense budgets, while all profits are kept private by corporate shareholders.

    Campaign Against Arms Trade has described the relationship between private defense firms and Western governments as far more than a revolving door between public and private roles – it is an “open plan office,” reflecting the complete integration of industry interests into government policy. For example, Israeli weapons manufacturer Elbit Systems has directly interfered in UK democratic politics by meeting with the Home Office during the government’s crackdown on Palestine Action, a grassroots activist group that targets Elbit’s UK facilities. “There is a shared set of assumptions between industry and government that protest needs to be contained and that direct action needs to be repressed,” Stavrianakis said.

  • What to know about the largest coordinated attack in Mali in over a decade

    What to know about the largest coordinated attack in Mali in over a decade

    DAKAR, Senegal — In a dramatic escalation of extremist violence that has already made the Sahel the world’s deadliest region for terror activity, an unprecedented coordinated assault by an alliance of al-Qaida-linked militants and Tuareg separatists has shaken Mali, delivering a direct challenge to the West African nation’s military government and its new security partner Russia.

    The weekend offensive, the largest coordinated attack the country has seen in more than a decade, hit targets across the breadth of Mali simultaneously, marking a new level of operational planning and ambition for the combined insurgent forces. While Malian authorities have yet to release an official casualty count, analysts confirmed on Monday that the scope of the operation — both in the number of targeted locations and the high-profile nature of the sites hit — has no recent parallel in the country’s long-running security crisis.

    Attackers struck the international airport in the capital Bamako, the adjacent military garrison town of Kati, and multiple population centers in northern and central Mali, including the contested cities of Kidal and Sevare. In a high-profile loss for the Bamako government, a car bomb targeting the defense minister’s residence just outside the capital killed him instantly. For the separatist Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), the weekend operation marked a symbolic and strategic victory: the group confirmed Monday it has retaken full control of Kidal, the northern city whose initial seizure by a similar insurgent alliance back in 2012 launched the decade-long cycle of instability that continues to engulf the Sahel.

    The Sahel, a vast arid belt stretching across Africa south of the Sahara Desert, has rapidly emerged as the global epicenter of extremist violence over the past two decades. Data from the 2023 Global Terrorism Index, published by the Institute for Economics and Peace, shows the region now accounts for 51% of all deaths from violent extremism worldwide — a staggering jump from just 1% 20 years ago. Since 2019 alone, fatalities from extremist attacks in the Sahel have risen nearly tenfold. For Mali, a landlocked country at the heart of the crisis, overlapping threats have persisted for more than a decade: al-Qaida and Islamic State-affiliated militant networks have expanded their hold across remote areas, while a long-running Tuareg separatist insurgency has fought for an independent state in the country’s north.

    This is not the first time separatist and jihadist forces have aligned against the Malian government. In 2012, a similar partnership seized most of northern Mali, collapsing central state authority and triggering a French military intervention to push insurgent forces back. Today, the leading jihadist actor in the alliance is Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al-Qaida-linked group that has expanded dramatically across the Sahel in recent years. The group now controls vast swathes of territory, and had already blockaded Mali’s capital for months to cut off fuel supplies before the weekend offensive. JNIM’s operations extend far beyond Mali’s borders: the group is active in neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger, and its attacks have reached into coastal West African states including Benin, Ivory Coast, and Togo.

    The group has built substantial funding to sustain its large-scale operations, analysts note. JNIM generates revenue through a range of illicit activities: it imposes informal taxes on local populations, steals cattle, controls lucrative artisanal gold mining operations, and uses sieges, kidnappings, and bombings to dominate key regional supply routes. Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel program at the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, told reporters the group entered the weekend offensive with a “full war chest” after reportedly collecting at least $50 million in ransom for the 2023 kidnapping of an Emirati member of the Dubai royal family and two of his business associates, who were abducted near Bamako.

    On the separatist side, decades of campaigning for an independent northern state of Azawad led separate Tuareg-led factions to merge in 2024 into the unified Azawad Liberation Front, which partnered with JNIM for the weekend assault. Despite clear ideological divides between the Salafi-jihadist vision of JNIM and the separatist nationalist goals of the FLA, the two groups share a core objective: pushing Malian government forces and their Russian allies out of the territories both movements claim in northern and central Mali. “Despite their different worldviews, their shared enemy unites them,” explained Rida Lyammouri, senior fellow at the Moroccan-based Policy Center for the New South.

    The offensive comes amid a dramatic shift in Mali’s foreign and security policy, after the country’s military junta — which seized power in 2020 — cut ties with long-time Western security partners including France and the United Nations, turning instead to Moscow for security support. The shift was driven by widespread popular discontent: after nearly a decade of French counter-terror deployments and UN peacekeeping operations, extremist attacks continued to multiply, government control over territory eroded steadily, and civilians bore the overwhelming brunt of the violence. Mali, along with neighboring Niger and Burkina Faso — all now ruled by military juntas that took power via coups — have formed their own regional bloc, the Alliance of Sahel States, and forced Western and UN forces to withdraw entirely from their territory.

    Today, Mali’s primary security partner is Russia’s newly formed Africa Corps, a defense ministry-affiliated military unit that an estimated 2,000 troops deployed across the country. But independent analysts warn the security situation across the Sahel has only deteriorated sharply since the juntas took power and Western forces withdrew. The region is now recording record numbers of attacks, with civilians killed by both insurgent groups and pro-government forces at all-time highs. Laessing argues that French and UN peacekeeping forces effectively filled the governance and security vacuum left by a chronically weak Malian state, particularly in the remote north and central regions. Their departure eliminated livelihood opportunities for many local residents, leaving young people vulnerable to jihadist recruitment, he added.

    Russian support has failed to fill that security gap, and the weekend offensive has exposed the weakness of Moscow’s position in Mali. Just two days after FLA spokespersons announced the group had seized full control of Kidal, the Africa Corps confirmed on its official Telegram channel that its forces had withdrawn from the strategic northern city. Kidal has long been symbolic of Mali’s security crisis: it was first seized by the 2012 jihadist-separatist alliance, and its recapture by Malian government forces and Russian Wagner Group mercenaries in 2023 was hailed as a major victory for the Bamako-Moscow partnership. The FLA said in a Saturday statement that it had negotiated a peaceful withdrawal agreement, with a convoy of remaining Russian and Malian troops departing the former UN peacekeeping base in Kidal under rebel escort.

    The weekend coordinated attack came well after Bamako was already weakened by months of JNIM pressure. For months before the offensive, the group carried out relentless attacks on fuel tankers traveling into Mali from neighboring Senegal and Ivory Coast, creating a crippling fuel shortage in the capital long before the Iran conflict tightened global energy supplies. Photos from Bamako showed long queues snaking around city gas stations, with the Malian army only able to provide partial relief by escorting small convoys into the capital. A fragile truce reached in late March collapsed shortly before the weekend attacks, with JNIM resuming its assault on supply routes.

    Analysts say the blockade and the latest large-scale offensive are aimed at undermining the legitimacy of Mali’s military government, pressuring businesses and ordinary residents to distance themselves from the junta. Unlike some extremist groups, JNIM does not appear to be aiming to seize direct control of the capital or establish formal rule over all of Mali, instead focusing on weakening the central state to expand its own control over rural and remote territories.

  • Mali’s defence minister killed as armed groups launch countrywide offensive

    Mali’s defence minister killed as armed groups launch countrywide offensive

    On Sunday, a wave of coordinated, large-scale attacks across Mali left the country’s defense minister dead and plunged multiple regions into heavy fighting, marking one of the most significant escalations of conflict in the Sahel nation in recent years.

    Sadio Camara, Mali’s top defense official, was killed after a suicide bomber rammed an explosive-laden vehicle into his private residence in Kati, a garrison town located just outside the capital Bamako. A violent gun battle erupted immediately following the blast, during which Camara engaged the attacking force, successfully neutralizing multiple assailants before succumbing to his injuries at a local hospital, an official government statement confirmed. The attack also claimed the lives of Camara’s second wife and two of his grandchildren. Mali’s government has since announced a two-day national period of mourning to honor the dead.

    The assassination of Camara was not an isolated incident: it formed a core component of a synchronized multi-front offensive launched jointly by two armed factions: the Tuareg-led separatist Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al-Qaeda-affiliated militant group. The coalition opened attacks across multiple strategic points spanning the country, from the Kati government stronghold near Bamako and Mopti’s Sévaré in central Mali, to the northern regional hubs of Gao and Kidal. Heavy fighting in Bamako’s Senou district forced a temporary closure of the capital’s international airport while security forces restored order.

    The highest-stakes confrontation of the weekend offensive unfolded around Kidal, a strategically critical northern city that was the FLA’s longtime stronghold before Malian government forces backed by Russia’s Wagner Group retook the city from separatist control in November 2023, ending a decade of insurgent rule. By Sunday evening, the status of Kidal remained contested: separatist spokespersons claimed the city had fallen to their forces after reaching an agreement to allow Russian paramilitary troops supporting the Malian government to withdraw from a besieged outpost on the city’s outskirts. Malian army chief of staff Oumar Diarra rejected the separatist claim, stating that government troops had carried out a tactical repositioning of forces and that active combat was still underway in the area.

    Mali has been mired in escalating instability since a 2020 military coup led by Assimi Goita ousted the country’s civilian government amid widespread public discontent over persistent insecurity. Goita’s junta pledged to crush the northern Tuareg rebellion and root out transnational militant groups, but more than four years later, large swathes of Mali remain outside central government control. Russian paramilitary support has been a cornerstone of the junta’s counterinsurgency strategy: after Wagner provided backing for the 2023 recapture of Kidal, the Moscow-aligned force was replaced by Africa Corps, a new paramilitary unit directly controlled by Russia’s ministry of defense, in mid-2025. According to Russian state broadcaster Vesti, Africa Corps fighters fought alongside Malian government troops over the weekend, repelling multiple insurgent attacks and preventing insurgents from seizing the presidential palace in Bamako. The outlet confirmed that several Africa Corps personnel suffered injuries in the fighting, but provided no additional details.

    The weekend offensive marks a major escalation in violence that has been building across Mali for years. JNIM, the al-Qaeda-aligned group, has steadily expanded its operations across the country in recent times: in September 2024, the group carried out a deadly attack on a paramilitary police training academy near Bamako’s airport that killed roughly 70 people. More recently, the group imposed a widespread fuel blockade that has cut off electricity and critical supplies to many residents and businesses in the capital.

    The coordinated attacks drew swift condemnation from the Alliance of Sahel States, the bloc made up of three West African nations all ruled by military juntas — Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. In a joint statement, the alliance described the offensive as “a monstrous plot backed by the enemies of the liberation of the Sahel”. All three bloc members have cut diplomatic and political ties with their former colonial ruler France and other Western powers in recent years, and have deepened their military and political alliances with Moscow.

  • At least four killed and dozens injured in Indonesia train crash

    At least four killed and dozens injured in Indonesia train crash

    A devastating rear-end train collision outside Indonesia’s capital Jakarta on Monday has left at least four people dead and dozens more injured, with emergency crews currently working to extract trapped passengers from the wreckage, Indonesian authorities confirmed.

    According to state media reports, the crash unfolded when an incoming long-distance commuter train struck a stationary commuter train that was idle on the same track near Bekasi Timur Station, roughly 25 kilometers (15.5 miles) from central Jakarta. Anne Purba, a spokesperson for Indonesia’s state-owned railway operator Kereta Api Indonesia (KAI), confirmed the initial fatality count and reported that 38 injured people have already been transported to local medical facilities for treatment.

    “KAI expresses its deepest condolences to the victims and their bereaved families,” Purba said in an official statement.

    Local media has broadcast footage from the crash site showing injured patients being moved on medical stretchers near the station, alongside images of rescue teams using specialized equipment to reach passengers still stuck inside damaged train carriages. Jakarta Police Chief Inspector General Asep Edi Suheri told reporters that six to seven people remain trapped in the wreckage as of the latest updates.

    Multiple eyewitnesses shared harrowing accounts of the collision with the BBC’s Indonesian service. One passenger recalled that commuters on board screamed hysterically immediately after impact, while other witnesses reported seeing large numbers of injured victims in the immediate aftermath of the crash.

    Sufmi Dasco Ahmad, Deputy Speaker of the Indonesian House of Representatives, who visited the crash site shortly after the incident, warned that the confirmed death toll could climb as rescue teams clear the wreckage and account for all passengers. Officials have not yet released a final count of total casualties, as operations to reach trapped passengers are still ongoing.

    This collision marks the latest major railway accident to hit Indonesia’s public transport network, which has long faced criticism for its high overall accident rate. Industry analysts and safety advocates have repeatedly linked the country’s poor railway safety record to chronically ageing infrastructure and insufficient systemic maintenance. In January 2024, a separate collision between two trains in a Cicalengka rice field killed multiple people and injured dozens more, leaving both trains’ carriages derailed and heavily damaged.

  • Separate goals, common enemy for Mali’s jihadists and separatists

    Separate goals, common enemy for Mali’s jihadists and separatists

    In a shocking escalation of instability in West Africa, coordinated unprecedented attacks across Mali carried out by an unlikely partnership of Al-Qaeda-linked jihadists and Tuareg separatists have left the country’s military leadership reeling, marking the first full-scale implementation of an alliance struck between the two rival groups one year ago. The assault, which resulted in the death of Mali’s defense minister and the capture of the strategic northern town of Kidal, has thrown the Sahel region’s already fragile security landscape into new turmoil.

    The joint operation was officially claimed Saturday by the Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM), Al-Qaeda’s regional affiliate in the African Sahel, which fought alongside the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), a 2024-founded ethnic Tuareg separatist movement pushing for full independence of Mali’s northern Azawad territory. Alongside seizing Kidal — a town Malian government forces backed by Russian paramilitary fighters had captured from rebel groups in November 2023 — the militants targeted government outposts in multiple major population centers and even launched strikes on the outskirts of the capital, Bamako. In addition to Defense Minister Sadio Camara, the head of Mali’s intelligence service Modibo Kone was wounded in gunfire during the attacks, and junta leader Assimi Goita has not been seen or made any public statement since the offensive began. Security sources also confirmed joint JNIM-FLA operations in the northern town of Gao, where government forces repelled the assault but the militant alliance retains a significant presence in surrounding areas.

    While the two groups hold fundamentally divergent core objectives, regional security experts emphasize their cooperation is rooted in a shared, urgent enemy: the military junta that has ruled Mali since a 2020 coup, and its Russian paramilitary backers, the current Africa Corps force that has replaced the earlier Wagner Group mercenaries. This is not the first time Tuareg separatists and Sahel jihadists have aligned: a 2012 alliance saw the two capture major northern hubs before their partnership collapsed into open conflict, with jihadists ousting the separatists from seized territory. For years after that split, relations remained deeply hostile, culminating in direct armed clashes between FLA and JNIM along the Mauritanian border in April 2024. But by the end of 2024, the two groups negotiated a new power-sharing partnership, according to Wassim Nasr, a jihadist movement researcher at the Soufan Center think tank.

    The terms of the new deal outline clear compromises from both sides: FLA has agreed to accept the application of sharia law in jointly held territory, and requires judicial appointments to receive approval from both organizations. In exchange, the agreement divvies up administrative control: the FLA will govern captured urban centers, while jihadists will oversee rural areas. The partnership also includes critical military knowledge sharing: Nasr notes that JNIM has agreed to share its specialized expertise in building and deploying improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and mortar fire, capabilities the FLA had long struggled to develop independently. Saturday’s offensive marks the first time the full terms of this agreement have been put into operational practice, Nasr explained.

    Jean-Herve Jezequel, Sahel project director at the International Crisis Group, pointed out that the coherence of the alliance depends entirely on its unifying opposition to the current Malian regime. “JNIM pursues a political-religious agenda, centred on the establishment of sharia law and the rejection of foreign forces, whilst the FLA champions a territorial and autonomist agenda, centred on Azawad,” Jezequel explained. “This convergence is based above all on the existence of common adversaries, namely the Malian authorities and their Russian partners.”

    For the Tuareg people, a historically nomadic ethnic group spread across Mali, Niger, Algeria, Libya and Burkina Faso, the push for autonomy stems from decades of documented political and economic marginalization, particularly in the Kidal region. Their alignment with JNIM reflects a growing desperation to reverse military gains made by the junta and its Russian allies over the past two years.

    Experts note that the alliance’s strategic objectives do not include an immediate push to capture Bamako and seize full national power. Instead, their near-term goal is to reassert control over northern Mali’s traditional rebel strongholds. The capture of Kidal, Nasr explained, was achieved by pinning Malian army forces in central Mali, delivering a paralyzing blow to junta leadership in the capital, and consolidating gains in the north. Going forward, the alliance may expand its offensive into central Mali to increase pressure on the junta, with the broader goal of accelerating the regime’s collapse and forcing regime change in Bamako.

    Jezequel added that the group’s strategy focuses on steadily eroding the junta’s legitimacy and capacity through sustained security pressure, rather than a direct assault on the capital, which would be logistically difficult in the short term. Unlike the 2012 alliance that fractured almost immediately, experts say the current partnership may prove more durable, though its long-term future remains uncertain. The true test of the alliance, Nasr argued, will come when the groups move into the post-offensive phase of governing captured cities like Kidal — a test that has yet to begin.

  • Germany: Trial of  ‘Ulm Five’ protesters accused of Elbit break-in postponed

    Germany: Trial of ‘Ulm Five’ protesters accused of Elbit break-in postponed

    A closely watched trial of five anti-occupation activists charged with damaging a site owned by Israel’s largest arms producer Elbit Systems in southern Germany has been delayed at the eleventh hour, after a disagreement over the defendants being isolated behind solid glass barriers that blocked confidential access to their legal teams.

    Dubbed the “Ulm Five” by supporters, the group stands accused of breaking into Elbit’s Ulm facility on September 8, 2025. Prosecutors allege the activists smashed a glass entrance to the site and destroyed on-site office equipment including desktop computers, display screens and communication devices. All five were taken into custody immediately after the incident, and have been held in separate pre-trial detention facilities across the southern German region ever since.

    The opening hearing was scheduled to kick off on the morning of the as-yet-undisclosed court date, but the proceeding ground to a halt before it could even get underway after defense teams raised formal objections to the seating arrangement. Images and accounts shared to the activist group’s official social media channels show that when lawyers arrived in the courtroom at the Stuttgart Correctional Facility, more commonly known as Stammheim Prison, they found their clients locked behind sealed glass partitions that cut off direct physical and private contact.

    Initial reports indicate defense teams first formally protested the unusual arrangement, but attempts to reach a compromise between legal representatives and the presiding judge fell through. No agreement could be reached on allowing the defendants to leave the glass enclosures to sit near their legal teams, and the judge ultimately made the call to postpone the entire hearing. A new opening session is now scheduled to take place next Monday, according to an official statement from the activists’ camp.

    The choice of Stammheim Prison as the venue for the trial has already drawn attention, given the site’s notorious history: it hosted the high-profile 1970s trial of members of the far-left Red Army Faction, a militant group labeled a terrorist organization by German authorities that carried out more than 30 killings over the course of its campaign.

    Beyond basic charges of trespassing and property damage, the five activists also face a far more serious allegation under Section 129 of the German penal code: membership in a criminal organization, specifically the German wing of Palestine Action, a protest group that opposes Israeli arms trade and occupation of Palestinian territory. This particular legal provision is most frequently used to prosecute cases linked to terrorism and organized crime, and a conviction on this count can carry a maximum prison sentence of up to five years.

    Cage International, a London-based advocacy organization that documents security and human rights issues, has found that Elbit Systems supplies roughly 86 percent of all weapons and surveillance technology used by the Israeli military in its operations in the Gaza Strip. In a public statement published on their official website, the Ulm Five pushed back against the charges, defending their actions as a moral stand against complicity in occupation.

    “We will not become complicit or resign ourselves to a system in which every available means is used to legitimize colonialism and occupation — and the unimaginable suffering they cause,” the statement reads. “It is our duty to put a stop to this and disrupt it until the truth comes to light and justice prevails.”

    Legal representatives for the group have also raised alarm over the conditions of the activists’ pre-trial detention, noting that the five have already been held in custody for more than seven months — exceeding the six-month maximum limit for pre-trial detention permitted under German law. The detainees include Daniel Tatlow-Devally from Ireland, Zo Hailu and Crow Tricks from the United Kingdom, Vi Kovarbasic from Germany, and Leandra Rollo, a Spanish-Argentine national.

    “The clients have been kept in custody for over seven months now, which effectively amounts to punishment without a final conviction,” defense attorney Nina Oner explained in a recent interview. Multiple reports from independent outlet Middle East Eye have detailed that the five are being held in extreme isolation, with strict constant monitoring that severely limits contact with friends and family. All incoming mail is read by authorities before it reaches the detainees, and all non-legal conversations are supervised and recorded by police.

  • French coastguard rescues more than 100 migrants crossing Channel

    French coastguard rescues more than 100 migrants crossing Channel

    Just five days after the United Kingdom and France formalized a new multi-million-pound agreement to curb dangerous smallboat crossings of the English Channel, French authorities have carried out three separate rescue operations that saved 119 migrants attempting the perilous journey.

  • Suspects in Scot’s murder in Kenya charged over attack on another man

    Suspects in Scot’s murder in Kenya charged over attack on another man

    A high-profile case linking four Kenyan men to the killing of a Scottish businessman has taken a new turn, as the quartet is now set to appear in court for an unrelated violent robbery charge against an American tourist.

    Campbell Scott Alistair, a 58-year-old businessperson hailing from Dunfermline, Fife, traveled to Nairobi, Kenya’s capital, for a professional conference in February 2025. Shortly after checking into his local hotel, Scott vanished without a trace. Days of frantic search efforts ended in tragedy when investigators located his body concealed inside a sack, dumped in a remote forest roughly 60 miles outside Nairobi.

    Earlier this month, Kenyan law enforcement announced the arrest of Bernard Mbusu, Isaac Kinoti Kobia, Evans Muthengi Mutaki and Kelvin Mwangi Njoroge, publicly naming the four as prime suspects in Scott’s murder. In an official social media statement shortly after the arrests, the Directorate of Criminal Investigations noted that the operation that took the suspects into custody was intelligence-driven and multi-agency, adding the men were tied not only to Scott’s abduction and killing but also to a string of violent robberies targeting foreign nationals.

    What has become a layered legal process now sees the four men facing separate charges for a violent armed robbery that took place on April 11 at a holiday apartment in the Nyali district of Mombasa, a coastal Kenyan tourist hub. Prosecutors allege the group attacked an American man staying at the property, stealing approximately £4,000 in cash alongside personal property including a laptop, smartphone and jewelry with a combined estimated value of £1,100. All four suspects have entered a plea of not guilty to the robbery charges.

    Notably, the Mombasa robbery case has no official connection to the ongoing investigation into Scott’s murder, according to court documents. In a recent ruling, the court granted bail to the four men, setting the total bail amount at 1,000,000 Kenyan shillings, equal to roughly £5,700. The robbery case is scheduled to resume in court on May 27.

    As of press time, Kenyan law enforcement officials have not responded to requests for comment on the current status of the Scott murder investigation, nor have they confirmed whether the four men still remain official suspects in his killing.