作者: admin

  • Prime Minister Anthony Albanese vows to defend hate group laws as neo-Nazis plan court fight

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese vows to defend hate group laws as neo-Nazis plan court fight

    In a landmark move to counter extremist white supremacist activity on Australian soil, the federal government has formally outlawed the National Socialist Network (NSN) and two linked extremist factions, White Australia and the European Australian Movement, designating them as prohibited terrorist hate groups under national counter-extremism legislation. The ban came into effect at midnight Friday, marking only the second time an organization has received this designation in Australia, following the 2024 ban of Islamist group Hizb ut-Tahrir.

    Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke told reporters Friday that any association with the banned group will now carry severe criminal consequences. Under the new designation, activities including supporting, financing, training new recruits, recruiting members, joining the group, or directing its operations all qualify as criminal offenses, carrying a maximum prison sentence of 15 years. Burke emphasized that the ban sends an unambiguous message that racial supremacist ideology has no tolerance in contemporary Australian society.

    The roots of this ban stretch back to earlier this year, when Australian parliament passed expanded counter-hate legislation in the aftermath of the fatal Bondi Junction terror attack. In response to that new legal framework, the NSN publicly announced it would disband. But Burke argued that the group simply carried out a so-called “phoenix” reorganization, rebranding under new names while continuing the same extremist activities that meet the legal threshold for a ban. “It doesn’t matter what they call themselves, or how they restructure their operations, these groups rely on the same thuggish, intimidating tactics that Nazis have always used to target Jewish communities and other marginalized groups,” Burke said.

    Within hours of the government’s ban announcement, current and former NSN members and supporters began a coordinated effort to erase their digital footprints across social media platforms. A warning message circulated widely among affiliated circles, urging supporters to exercise extreme caution online. The message instructs members to avoid praising the group, sharing its content or footage, and to exit all group chats that include former NSN members. “Please take this seriously,” the message reads. “Don’t allow yourself to become an example made by the state.”

    Thomas Sewell, the former leader of the NSN, has framed the ban as a politically motivated attack on his organizing efforts. In an online statement, Sewell claimed the government acted out of hatred for white Australians, and that the ban is retaliation for his attempt to register a new far-right political party. Sewell confirmed he has launched an appeal to Australia’s High Court challenging the constitutionality of the underlying hate group ban legislation.

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese dismissed the challenge on Saturday, saying the government remains completely confident the appeal will be rejected. Albanese reiterated that the ban targets the group’s violent, divisive ideology, not just its branding. “These neo-Nazis have changed their names multiple times, but their core policies have never shifted: policies of hatred, policies of antisemitism, policies that seek to divide Australians and target vulnerable communities,” Albanese said. “These are critical laws that protect all Australians, and we will stand by them and defend them vigorously in court.”

  • A record-breaking race and Catholic blessing highlight the role of faith for Kenyan runners

    A record-breaking race and Catholic blessing highlight the role of faith for Kenyan runners

    In the heart of Kenya’s Rift Valley, the small town of Eldoret has long been known as the global cradle of elite long-distance running, turning out dozens of the world’s top champions over decades. Now, this quiet running hub is drawing new global attention for an unexpected reason: a historic record-breaking win that has put the deep connection between Kenyan elite runners and their Christian faith front and center.

    Thirty-one-year-old Kenyan runner Sabastian Sawe entered the 2025 London Marathon as one to watch, but few predicted the magnitude of what he would achieve on April 26. Maintaining a searing, nearly unheard-of pace from start to finish, Sawe crossed the line in a stunning 1 hour, 59 minutes, and 30 seconds, making history as the first athlete ever to complete the official 26.2-mile marathon distance in under two hours. The feat shattered a milestone many in the running community had long considered unachievable in an official, mass-participation race. Ethiopian rival Yomif Kejelcha finished just 11 seconds behind Sawe, also clocking a sub-two-hour time. For Sawe, the historic win comes just months after his 2024 marathon debut in Valencia, Spain, where he claimed victory with an already impressive time of 2:02:05.

    News of Sawe’s groundbreaking win sparked widespread, joyful celebrations across Kenya, a nation that has dominated international middle- and long-distance running for generations, earning its reputation as the undisputed home of long-distance running. In the days following the win, new details about Sawe’s pre-race routine emerged that shifted the conversation to the role faith plays in many Kenyan runners’ success: the devout Catholic had stopped at his home parish, Holy Family Catholic Church in Eldoret’s St. Josephine Bakhita Lower Moiben Parish, to attend Mass and ask for prayers from his parish priest just before heading to London.

    Parish priest Rev. Pius Tuwei told Religion News Service that when he blessed Sawe ahead of the race, he had no idea the runner would pull off such a historic, world-altering victory. “I was just blessing him like any other athlete or any other person,” Tuwei said. “It was really a surprise for me when I heard he had won.”

    Sawe’s faith and commitment to his parish are well-known among his community. Tuwei added that Sawe has long been generous to the church, a trait he likely inherited from his grandmother, a deeply charitable and active member of the congregation. “That could have really given him a very strong foundation on morals, the church and discipline— this could have contributed to his success,” Tuwei explained. “I think giving back to society is also holding him to his faith.”

    This link between running success and spiritual belief is not unique to Sawe. Christianity is the dominant religion in Kenya, and public displays of faith are a common sight in international races, where Kenyan runners often make the sign of the cross before starting and after finishing competitions. Many of the nation’s most legendary running champions have openly spoken about how their faith shapes their training and competition. Eliud Kipchoge, the global running icon who first broke the two-hour marathon barrier in a 2019 custom-designed exhibition event in Vienna (a feat that was never ratified as an official marathon record), told a running blog in 2019 that his Catholic faith is a core part of his athletic life. “It keeps me from doing things that could keep me away from my goals. On Sundays, I go to church with my family and pray regularly, even in the morning before a race,” Kipchoge said.

    For years, sports analysts have attributed Kenya’s unmatched long-distance running success to a combination of natural genetic advantage, early childhood training on rugged rural terrain, and years of high-altitude intensive training. Now, after Sawe’s historic win, athletes and religious leaders are bringing the role of faith forward as an underdiscussed contributing factor to consistent championship success.

    Patrick Makau Musyoki, a former world marathon record holder from Kenya, says that while elite talent is the starting point, spiritual belief drives Christian athletes to push past their limits. “We are able to train very well, but at the end of the day, for us to manage to go to a race and a winner to run the world record, we should have faith in God, who gave us the talent,” Makau said. “And he helps you to keep on improving talent.”

    Tuwei echoed this perspective, noting that faith reinforces moral discipline and keeps runners connected to what many see as the divine source of their ability. “When I look at Sawe, it seems his talent is real — not acquired,” he said.

    Not all experts agree that faith plays a direct role in race outcomes, however. Brother Colm O’Connell, an Irish missionary and legendary athletics coach widely known as the “godfather of Kenyan running,” said he was not surprised to hear Sawe sought a priest’s blessing before the London Marathon, but argued spiritual intervention had little to do with his record win. “If that was the case, then marathon runners might spend more time in the church than on the road,” O’Connell told Religion News Service. “I think that God helps those who help themselves. So, you know, he gave you a talent, and then you have to get out and use it, and not hide it.”

    O’Connell added that incremental improvements to training methods, nutrition, and sports technology will continue to push marathon boundaries lower over time, regardless of spiritual belief. “It’s 1 hour, 59 (minutes) now,” he said. “Then it will be 1 hour, 58, and then it will be 1 hour, 57.”

    For his part, Sawe summed up his historic achievement simply after crossing the finish line in London: “Nothing is impossible.”

  • US charges Iraqi militia commander with terrorism offences

    US charges Iraqi militia commander with terrorism offences

    In a major counterterrorism operation that spans three continents, United States federal authorities have taken an Iraqi militia commander accused of orchestrating nearly two dozen terror plots across North America and Europe into custody to face prosecution. The U.S. Department of Justice unsealed a multi-count criminal complaint on Friday detailing the charges against 32-year-old Mohammad Baqer Saad Dawood al-Saadi, a senior commander in Kataib Hezbollah — an Iraqi armed group branded a foreign terrorist organization by Washington with long-standing ties to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

    According to court documents, al-Saadi was first apprehended by law enforcement in Turkey, before being extradited to FBI custody and transported to the United States. He made his initial appearance at Manhattan federal court, where a judge ordered him held without bail ahead of his upcoming trial. Prosecutors allege al-Saadi’s coordinated campaign of planned and executed attacks was launched explicitly in retaliation for the 2020 U.S. drone strike that killed Qasem Soleimani, the top IRGC commander, and to advance the violent ideological objectives of Kataib Hezbollah and the IRGC.

    Court records outline that since March 9 of this year, al-Saadi has been linked to 18 separate attacks across European countries and two additional plots in Canada, all targeting U.S. and Israeli civilian and institutional interests. The string of documented incidents began with an explosive attack on a synagogue in Liège, Belgium, followed just four days later by an arson attack at a synagogue in Rotterdam, Netherlands. The next day, an explosive device was detonated at a Jewish school in Amsterdam, with a subsequent attack targeting the Bank of New York Mellon’s Amsterdam office just 24 hours later. The wave of attacks continued through March and April, spreading to major European cities including London, Antwerp, Paris and Munich. On April 29, an attacker stabbed two Jewish men in an attack in London that authorities tie to al-Saadi’s direction.

    Beyond the attacks already carried out, prosecutors say al-Saadi actively plotted large-scale assaults inside the United States, specifically targeting Jewish community centers. He is accused of attempting to recruit an individual he believed to be a member of a Mexican drug cartel to carry out attacks on three high-profile locations: a prominent, undisclosed synagogue in New York City, a Jewish institution in Los Angeles, California, and a third facility in Scottsdale, Arizona. According to official accounts, al-Saadi provided the undercover would-be operative with site photos, detailed maps of all three targets, and asked for a cost estimate to bomb the locations and ignite coordinated fires across the three sites simultaneously. A phone call recording from April 1 captures al-Saadi explicitly asking about the cost of hiring someone to carry out a bombing operation targeting “a Jewish temple, a Jewish centre” in the U.S., prosecutors allege.

    Al-Saadi faces six terrorism-related criminal counts, including conspiracy to provide material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization, conspiracy to support transnational terrorist acts, and conspiracy to bomb a public facility. However, his defense attorney Andrew Dalack has pushed back against the charges, framing the case as a politically motivated prosecution. Dalack told U.S. broadcaster CBS News that al-Saadi is essentially a prisoner of war and should be classified as such rather than facing civilian criminal trial. The BBC has reached out to Dalack for additional comment on the case, but has not yet received a response.

    Acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche highlighted the arrest as a landmark success for American law enforcement, emphasizing the operation’s role in disrupting terrorist networks before they could carry out planned attacks inside U.S. borders. “As alleged in the complaint, Al-Saadi directed and urged others to attack U.S. and Israeli interests and to kill Americans and Jews in the U.S. and abroad, and in doing so advance the terrorist goals of Kata’ib Hizballah and Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps,” Blanche said in an official statement following the unsealing of the complaint.

  • What’s behind the latest fighting in Mali?

    What’s behind the latest fighting in Mali?

    More than a month after a joint surprise offensive by Tuareg separatist fighters and an al-Qaeda-linked militant coalition threw Mali into renewed large-scale conflict, fighting continues to rage across the vast West African Sahel nation, marking the most severe threat to the ruling military junta since it seized power in 2020.

    The coordinated assault, launched in late April by the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA, a Tuareg separatist grouping) and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM, the Sahel’s most powerful al-Qaeda-affiliated militant organization), has already yielded sweeping gains for the alliance. Rebel fighters have seized multiple population centers and military outposts, enforced a blockade of the capital Bamako, and assassinated Malian Defense Minister Sadio Camara in a suicide bombing targeting his residence in the key garrison town of Kati, just outside the capital.

    Rooted in decades of unresolved tension and a regional power vacuum created by the departure of Western and UN peacekeeping forces, the current crisis stretches back decades. A former French colony that gained independence in 1960, Mali has struggled to exert full control over its remote northern territories, which span more than 1,000 kilometers north of Bamako across the Sahara. Tuareg nationalist groups have demanded autonomy or independence from successive Malian governments since independence, launching repeated uprisings that culminated in a 2012 separatist rebellion that ignited the country’s ongoing interlocking civil conflict. That conflict has shifted and flared for 14 years, shaped by foreign intervention, military takeovers, and shifting regional alliances.

    Since August 2020, Mali has been ruled by a military junta led by Assimi Goita, a special forces officer who first led a coup against elected civilian president Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, then seized full power in a second 2021 coup after ousting the transitional civilian leadership he had installed. Under Goita’s authoritarian rule, Mali cut ties with long-time Western partners, expelled French counter-terrorism troops in 2022, and forced the decade-long UN peacekeeping mission to withdraw in 2023. In place of Western partners, Goita has deepened political and military ties to Moscow, which deployed first Wagner Group paramilitaries from 2021, then reorganized those forces into the state-run Africa Corps after Wagner’s collapse following Yevgeny Prigozhin’s 2023 mutiny and death. An estimated 2,000 Africa Corps mercenaries are currently deployed across Mali to support the junta’s counter-insurgency operations, though the force has been repeatedly accused of widespread human rights abuses against civilians alongside junta forces.

    The April 2025 offensive has already broken the status quo across the country. Within days of the initial attacks, FLA fighters captured Kidal, the strategic northern hub that is the heart of Tuareg separatist activity, forcing Africa Corps mercenaries to withdraw from the town on April 26. The Malian junta has responded with intense aerial bombardment of the occupied town, while JNIM advanced on the capital, releasing video footage on May 6 showing its fighters burning food trucks bound for blockaded Bamako. Three days after Camara’s assassination, Goita appointed himself interim defense minister and publicly claimed the security situation remained “under control,” but attacks have persisted. On May 6, JNIM fighters stormed Kenieroba Central Prison, a major maximum-security facility just outside Bamako that held more than 2,500 inmates, many of them detained insurgents and political prisoners.

    Human cost of the conflict continues to mount. Hundreds of people are estimated to have been killed across the country in the fighting, while junta forces have been accused of widespread forced disappearances of civilians accused of collaborating with rebel groups.

    To understand the unprecedented alliance between the FLA and JNIM, it is necessary to examine the distinct origins and goals of the two groups. JNIM, a Salafist jihadist organization formally affiliated with al-Qaeda, was formed in 2017 through the merger of four separate militant groups active across the Sahel. Designated a terrorist organization by the UN Security Council and governments worldwide including Mali and the United States, JNIM claims it seeks to expel Western influence from the region and impose strict Sharia law. With an estimated fighting force of 6,000 members drawn from multiple ethnic groups across the Sahel, JNIM is currently the strongest militant organization in the region, controlling swathes of territory in eastern Mali, northern Niger, and northern Burkina Faso, and has launched high-profile attacks as far south as coastal West African states including Benin, Togo, and Côte d’Ivoire. Since 2023, the group has enforced a partial blockade of the historic trading hub of Timbuktu, and launched a nationwide fuel blockade in November 2025 that has paralyzed economic activity across much of Mali.

    In contrast, the FLA is a Tuareg nationalist separatist group formed in 2024 through a merger of the long-standing Tuareg independence movement MNLA and smaller regional factions. The group seeks full independence for the northern Malian territory it calls Azawad, where Tuareg people make up the majority population and represent roughly 10 percent of Mali’s total national population. Led by veteran Tuareg commander Alghabass Ag Intalla, the FLA’s emergence followed the 2024 formal cancellation of decades of stalled peace negotiations between the junta and Tuareg separatist coalitions. The 2013 and 2015 Algiers peace accords, which were supposed to grant Tuareg regions broad autonomy, were never implemented by successive Malian governments, leading the FLA to abandon negotiations and renew armed struggle.

    While the two groups have sharply contrasting long-term goals—with the FLA focused on nationalist separatism and JNIM seeking a transnational Islamist state—regional analysts describe their current alliance as a pragmatic, temporary partnership united by a single shared enemy: the Goita junta. “This is a marriage of necessity from Azawad’s [FLA’s] perspective, and an operational arrangement from al-Qaeda’s [JNIM’s] perspective,” explained Jibrin Issa, a Sahel-based political analyst. “The aim is to distract the Malian army in the north while jihadist groups push southwards to encircle the capital and open multiple pressure fronts simultaneously.” Malian journalist Hamdi Jowara, based in Paris, echoed that analysis, noting that the coordination between the two groups takes the form of divided operational responsibilities rather than formal organizational integration, a dynamic that echoes a 2012 period of collaboration between the FLA’s predecessor MNLA and JNIM’s predecessor Ansar Dine that collapsed into violent infighting after Ansar Dine attempted to impose strict Sharia law on captured northern territories.

    The conflict has also drawn in multiple regional and global powers, reflecting the Sahel’s growing status as a site of great power competition. Russia’s Africa Corps, which has played a central role in the junta’s counter-insurgency efforts, has already suffered high-profile setbacks including the withdrawal from Kidal, with Algeria—long a key regional mediator with close ties to both Moscow and Mali—reportedly brokering the deal for the mercenary force’s exit from parts of the north. Beyond Russia, Turkey has expanded its influence in Mali in recent years, supplying drones to the junta and providing personal security for Goita through the Turkish private military firm Sadat. Ukraine, which has sought to counter Russia’s influence in the region, acknowledged in July 2024 that it had provided military support to Tuareg fighters battling Africa Corps, prompting the junta to sever full diplomatic relations with Kyiv that August; it remains unclear whether Ukrainian support for the rebels is ongoing.

    Regionally, the offensive comes as Mali leads the new Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a bloc formed by the three junta-ruled Sahel states of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger after they withdrew from the long-standing regional bloc ECOWAS in 2024. The AES inaugurated a 5,000-strong joint counter-terrorism force in December 2025, and has already condemned the FLA-JNIM offensive as a “monstrous plot backed by the enemies of the liberation of the Sahel.”

    Despite the junta’s promises of a sweeping crackdown to “neutralize” the rebel coalition, the FLA has openly announced plans for further territorial expansion. FLA spokesperson Mohamed Elmaouloud Ramadane confirmed to the BBC in late April that the group’s next targets are the major eastern Malian city of Gao, followed by the historic city of Timbuktu. “Timbuktu will be easy to take over once we fully control Gao and Kidal,” Ramadane said, signaling that the conflict is set to intensify in the coming weeks as rebels push to expand their control across northern Mali and JNIM continues to pressure the isolated capital.

  • From misfit to rap sensation: A ‘Reble’ storms into Indian hip-hop

    From misfit to rap sensation: A ‘Reble’ storms into Indian hip-hop

    At just 24 years old, Reble — born Daiaphi Lamare — has carved out an unprecedented space as one of the most distinct and captivating new voices in India’s rapidly evolving hip-hop scene. Hailing from the mist-shrouded hills of Meghalaya, a northeastern Indian state wedged between Bangladesh, China, and Myanmar, her art draws deeply from the cultural complexity of a region long sidelined as a cultural outsider within mainland India, and infuses that perspective into a sound wholly her own.

    Reble’s journey to mainstream recognition began far from the glitz of Mumbai’s entertainment industry. Growing up feeling like an outsider through years of boarding school, she recalled a childhood spent on the social margins: “Young Reble was always by herself. No friends. Sitting in one corner. Everybody was like, who’s that weird girl?” This early alienation shaped her stubborn, unapologetic artistic identity. She briefly pursued an engineering degree in Bengaluru’s tech hub, but always knew a conventional nine-to-five career would never fit. “I don’t like anybody telling me what to do,” she told the BBC, a mantra that has defined her career from its earliest days.

    Her stage name is more than a performance alias — it is a deliberate, personal rebellion. Rap became the perfect outlet for the tangled emotions of a lifelong misfit, she explains, turning her sense of disconnect into raw, intentional art. Unlike many of India’s high-energy, bombastic hip-hop artists, Reble’s style is defined by deliberate emotional restraint: she weaves verses thematically centered on distance, reinvention, and survival across three languages — English, Khasi, and her native Jaintia, the indigenous tongue that she calls her “emotional anchor.” This duality of being simultaneously local and global, rooted yet detached, sits at the core of her creative identity. A quirky irony defines her process: despite being lauded for her sharp lyricism, she openly admits she dislikes writing, leaving most of her verses as scattered, unfinished scribbles that take shape in performance.

    For years, Reble built her following within Shillong’s tight-knit local music community, a city far better known for its iconic rock bands, church choirs, and folk guitar traditions than hip-hop. Her breakout arrived unexpectedly through the soundtrack of the Bollywood action film *Dhurandhar*, where her cool, clipped verses cut through the movie’s chaotic, high-energy production to win over millions of new fans across the country. Her newly released single *Praying Mantis*, a dark, hypnotic track, has once again sparked widespread discussion, with fans dissecting every line across social media.

    Her rapid rise has not come without backlash. After her Bollywood breakthrough, some long-time fans accused her of “selling out” for pursuing mainstream commercial work. Others in her deeply religious home state, where Christian church culture dominates public life, have attacked her work as anti-Christian or even satanic over lyrical references to demons. Reble dismisses the outrage with characteristic cool: “When you get commercial success, people think you sold your soul.” For her, working on film projects is not compromise, but experimentation — and she remains selective about the work she takes on.

    Reble’s success is more than an individual success story: it reflects a sweeping shift underway in Indian popular culture, where regional artists from once-fringe regions are gaining national and global traction, breaking the long-held monopoly of big mainland cities over cultural relevance. Growing up in Shillong’s rich music ecosystem, where church choirs blend with teenage metal bands and blues bars, she absorbed both local tradition and global hip-hop influences. Early on, she connected deeply with Eminem’s work, particularly his ability to turn alienation into art — a theme that echoes through her own tracks. Yet her work remains unapologetically rooted in her identity: on *Opening Act*, she raps “I’m a Jaintia making moves/ I’m a tribal,” a proud declaration of heritage shaped by the village and the resilient women who raised her.

    Like many Indigenous northeastern Indians who have lived outside the region, Reble has faced systemic racism and concedes that artists from her part of India have never had the same opportunities as their mainland counterparts. But she frames her journey through pride, not resentment: “Coming out from a region like that, I feel very proud.” Back home, even when audiences do not always fully grasp every layer of her hip-hop sound, the reception has been deeply emotional. “They’re happy that someone is doing something. Like — that’s our girl,” she says.

    For those watching from the outside, Reble’s rise can feel sudden, but she frames it as the simple result of deliberate consistency. “The biggest lesson so far is that consistency is key,” she says. “More than talent, I believe in the discipline of getting better over time. If you’re not good at something, you need to get better. Be realistic enough to know how bad you are.” That grounded, unromantic approach to struggle is what makes her story stand out: even as she turns lifelong alienation and marginalization into art, she refuses to sensationalize hardship, letting the quiet power of her work speak for itself. As Indian culture continues to decentralize, with the most exciting creative energy emerging from once-overlooked regions, Reble got there first — and she’s only just getting started.

  • The US turns to Guyana’s bauxite in its latest push for Latin America’s resources

    The US turns to Guyana’s bauxite in its latest push for Latin America’s resources

    Amid a shifting global energy landscape and intensifying great power competition in the Western Hemisphere, the Trump administration has announced a new push to unlock business opportunities in Guyana’s rich bauxite and mineral sectors, expanding Washington’s growing focus on Latin American energy and raw material supplies. This diplomatic outreach, centered on high-level talks held earlier this week between U.S. Under Secretary for Economic Affairs Jacob Helberg and top Guyanese leadership including President Irfaan Ali, comes as the small South American nation undergoes an unprecedented oil boom that has upended its global standing.

    Over the past decade, massive offshore oil discoveries have catapulted Guyana from a relatively overlooked economy to a geopolitically critical player, a shift that has only gained urgency amid the ongoing global energy shortage triggered by the Iran conflict. Beyond its newfound oil wealth, Guyana holds substantial bauxite reserves – a core input for aluminum production that has drawn growing global demand from industrial sectors worldwide.

    In recent months, the Trump administration has ramped up its focus on extracting and developing Latin America’s natural resources: it has pushed to expand oil output in Venezuela following the U.S. military incursion in January, while also pursuing expanded critical mineral cooperation with Brazil. This renewed regional focus marks a clear reversal of decades of declining U.S. attention to Latin American energy production, experts note.

    “In times of global energy scarcity, there’s a great deal more focus on Latin America as an alternative stable source of supply,” explained Benjamin Gedan, senior fellow and director of the Latin America program at the Stimson Center. “And Guyana is the leader of that story.”

    A core undercurrent driving Helberg’s visit is growing anxiety within the U.S. government that Chinese state-backed firms have already secured billions of dollars in major infrastructure and resource contracts in Guyana, locking out U.S. competitors. Guyanese officials have long observed that U.S. firms have been far less proactive than their Chinese counterparts, who frequently offer tailored financing packages and accommodate local labor requirements to win large-scale projects. Currently, Chinese mining giant Bosai Minerals dominates Guyana’s bauxite sector, holding a near-monopoly over production in the country.

    Following the bilateral talks, Helberg noted that both sides acknowledged Guyana’s extraordinary endowment of natural resources, confirming that the U.S. sees untapped potential in Guyana’s already well-documented bauxite reserves. Beyond the bauxite sector, Helberg added that the U.S. is prepared to support Guyana with advanced geological survey technology to map and develop additional untapped mineral deposits across the country.

    Jason Marczak, vice president and senior director for the Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center at the Atlantic Council, said the visit reflects a deliberate shift by U.S. policymakers to correct past missteps that allowed China to build a strong economic foothold across Latin America. While Guyana has actively sought to diversify its international trade and investment partnerships – including maintaining strong ties with China – Marczak emphasized that the country remains a core U.S. partner in the region. “President Ali in particular is very close to the United States and in general recognizes the importance of the U.S. as a key partner for Guyana,” Marczak said. “That’s reflected by Helberg’s visit to Guyana.”

    Speaking to the Associated Press on Friday, Guyana’s Foreign Secretary Robert Persaud confirmed the country’s interest in attracting new U.S. investment across its oil, gas and mineral sectors in the coming months. “The U.S. is our strategic partner and we made that clear to them but we would want value added to bauxite and other products,” Persaud said. “We are interested in processing and with improvements in energy generation.”

  • ‘There is little which is Jewish about Israel’: Haim Bresheeth on antisemitism and Gaza

    ‘There is little which is Jewish about Israel’: Haim Bresheeth on antisemitism and Gaza

    On Saturday, thousands of demonstrators are set to gather in central London for two competing marches carrying starkly clashing ideological messages, as tensions over the Israel-Gaza conflict continue to roil British public life. The first, organized to mark the 76th anniversary of the Nakba — the 1948 displacement and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians that accompanied the founding of Israel — also demands an end to more than two and a half years of Israeli military action in Gaza that organizers describe as genocide. Leading the march will be 80-year-old Haim Bresheeth-Zabner, a British-Israeli author, filmmaker, and child of Holocaust survivors who has spent decades as a prominent pro-Palestine activist.

    Near the pro-Palestine rally, far-right figure Tommy Robinson will lead his “Unite the Kingdom” march, a gathering defined by its pro-Israel and anti-Muslim rhetoric. Public safety observers have warned of a heightened risk of violent clashes between the two opposing groups, adding a layer of urgency to policing plans across the capital.

    For Bresheeth, participation in this weekend’s march is a continuation of years of consistent advocacy. He is among a large, visible contingent of Jewish activists who have joined every major pro-Palestine protest in London since the escalation of conflict in Gaza, a presence that has been openly embraced by other demonstrators. “I have never felt more welcome,” Bresheeth told Middle East Eye in an interview. “Ask any Jews who took part in the marches, we are never more accepted, or more part of British public life than at those demonstrations, at which there is no violence whatsoever.”

    A former Israeli soldier who served in three wars before renouncing Zionism in the 1970s, Bresheeth brings unique personal context to his criticism of the Israeli state and Western policy toward the conflict. Born and raised in Israel, he is co-founder of the Jewish Network for Palestine, author of multiple acclaimed books including *Introduction to the Holocaust* (1997) and *An Army Like No Other: How the Israel Defence Forces Made a Nation* (2020), and director of the 1989 BBC documentary *State of Danger* covering the first Palestinian Intifada. Seventeen members of his mother’s family were murdered in the Holocaust, and his father survived imprisonment in Auschwitz, giving Bresheeth direct, intimate knowledge of the impact of systemic antisemitism.

    Against a backdrop of rising hate crime across the UK — where both antisemitic and Islamophobic attacks have spiked since the Gaza conflict escalated — Bresheeth has emerged as a vocal critic of the way discourse around antisemitism has been reshaped in Western politics. He argues that the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, adopted by the UK and most Western governments, incorrectly conflates legitimate criticism of the Israeli state with hatred of Jewish people, marking a dangerous break from earlier, clearer definitions.

    Bresheeth contextualizes modern antisemitism by contrasting it with the systemic, state-sanctioned persecution his family experienced in 1930s and 1940s Europe. “Antisemitism meant Jews were banned from any part of society, including sitting on a park bench or in a first-class train carriage,” he explained. “If you killed a Jew, you didn’t actually do anything wrong, because their life was not protected by the law. In a sense, it was allowed to kill them. This is the situation now of course in Israel towards Palestinians.”

    He accuses British political and media elites of weaponizing historic Jewish trauma for political gain, pointing to the response to the April stabbing of two Jewish men in London’s predominantly Jewish Golders Green neighborhood. The attack, in which a 45-year-old suspect with a history of psychiatric illness was charged with attempted murder (and also the stabbing of a Somali man earlier that day), was immediately designated a terrorist incident, prompting Prime Minister Keir Starmer to convene an emergency COBRA meeting and a high-profile government summit on antisemitism.

    Two years ago, Bresheeth predicted that unwavering support for Israel from mainstream British Jewish leadership groups and the country’s political elite would fuel a rise in antisemitism across the UK. He notes that most people critical of Israeli actions in Gaza distinguish the Israeli state from Jewish people globally. “The history and tradition of Judaism is obviously the best proof that there is little which is Jewish about Israel, and nothing in Judaism is supporting the genocide,” he said. But he warns that less informed members of the public, swayed by mainstream Jewish organizations’ denial of atrocities in Gaza, are more likely to connect the state’s actions to Jewish communities as a whole, driving anti-Jewish sentiment.

    Bresheeth also highlights a profound double standard in how attacks on different communities are covered and addressed by British institutions. He points to a stabbing at an anti-war protest outside Downing Street in April, where an Iranian protester was injured by pro-monarchist counter-protesters. Unlike the Golders Green attack, the stabbing received almost no mainstream media coverage, and Bresheeth claims police failed to intervene even after protesters warned of threats before the incident. “A member of the public had to stop him [the knifeman] because the police had not moved to stop him,” he said.

    A Metropolitan Police spokesperson told Middle East Eye that the force is aware of the impact of global conflict on London communities and takes all threats of violence seriously. But Bresheeth says the contrast in responses exposes a systemic bias that prioritizes the safety and concerns of pro-Israel groups over those of pro-Palestine and Muslim communities.

    Bresheeth has been a consistent presence at all but one of the major pro-Palestine marches held in London over the past two years, and he forcefully rejects claims that the demonstrations are inherently antisemitic or intentionally disruptive. He refutes Metropolitan Police Commissioner Mark Rowley’s unsubstantiated claim that march organizers intentionally route protests past synagogues to intimidate Jewish Londoners. “We never came near a synagogue, we never attacked anyone, everyone is peaceful… This is a very ugly and disgusting lie in order to stop our marches against the genocide,” he said.

    The veteran activist has himself been targeted in the UK government’s crackdown on pro-Gaza protests. In November 2024, he was arrested near the Israeli embassy after giving a speech quoting an Israeli former general who said Israel could not win its war against regional armed groups. Police detained him on suspicion of supporting a proscribed organization, a charge that was ultimately dropped with no further action. Bresheeth, who lives with cancer and heart disease, alleges police held him outside a police station for three hours without access to his medication, a violation of his medical needs that he says put his life at risk. A Met spokesperson says officers followed protocol, arranged for medication to be retrieved from his home, and provided access to healthcare after he was taken into custody. Bresheeth, who was questioned by counter-terrorism officers for more than two hours, calls the incident an example of the disproportionate targeting of peaceful pro-Palestine activists.

    He points to broader systemic inequities in policing of the conflict: more than 3,200 people have been arrested across the UK for protesting Gaza and supporting the proscribed activist group Palestine Action, while hundreds of young British Jewish men who have traveled to Israel to fight in Gaza face no official action from British authorities, despite widespread documentation of war crimes committed by Israeli forces. “What kind of democracy are we living in?” he asked.

    Bresheeth’s journey to anti-Zionist activism began during his own military service, which began with the 1967 Six-Day War, when he served as a 21-year-old communications officer. “I believed in the claim we were a moral army,” he recalled. He served again in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, an experience that confirmed his disillusionment: “I went there like an idiot and realised the minute I arrived it was a mistake. That war made me an anti-Zionist. I realised that Zionism cannot exist without war, cannot exist without chaos.”

    That disillusionment deepened as he witnessed firsthand the conduct of Israeli forces during his service. He recounts an incident during the 1967 war where he overheard a battalion commander report holding 200 Syrian prisoners of war, only for the brigade command to refuse to respond, implying the commander should kill the captives. While Middle East Eye cannot independently verify the incident, multiple documented cases of Israeli forces executing captured Arab troops during this period are part of the historical record. “It became clear to me that we are not a moral army, we are not keeping to international law,” Bresheeth said. “Each of those wars had numerous examples of immorality, illegality, the level of brutality is legend.”

    That brutality, he says, has reached an unprecedented peak in Gaza over the past two years. He points to a recent New York Times investigation confirming widespread sexual abuse of Palestinian detainees by Israeli forces, including reports that commanders allowed Palestinian prisoners to be raped by military dogs. “When an army is using torture daily, they are not even POWs – they are doctors, university professors – [who] are being raped by dogs under army commanders. I don’t remember in any other genocide reading about this,” he said.

    Bresheeth argues that the denial of the Gaza genocide by the British political and media establishment represents a growing crisis across the Western world, one that signals a broader erosion of commitment to international law and objective truth. “If you want to avoid reality you can hold your hand very close to your eyes and say there is no sun,” he said, referencing the British government’s refusal to label Israeli actions in Gaza as genocide. “We are in an upside down world, it’s an inversion of reality; our elite – the media – is supporting the breaking of international law, refusing to admit this genocide is taking place. This marks a new kind of political crisis in Britain and across the West,” he warns, “What we see are signs of social collapse, losing connection with reality, which is the same as what is happening in Israel – blaming the whole world as antisemitic.”

    As London prepares for Saturday’s demonstrations, Bresheeth remains committed to his advocacy, standing in solidarity with Palestinians alongside thousands of other Britons united in their call for an end to the violence.

  • Eurovision final: Sex, violins and seven other things to look out for

    Eurovision final: Sex, violins and seven other things to look out for

    The world’s most iconic live music competition, the Eurovision Song Contest, will crown its 2026 champion in a star-studded grand final this Saturday night, held this year in Vienna. With acts ranging from rags-to-riches underdogs to A-list pop stars, this year’s contest delivers everything Eurovision fans love: unexpected twists, dramatic stagecraft, viral controversies, and genre-defying music from 25 competing nations. For UK viewers, the full event will broadcast live starting at 20:00 BST across BBC One, BBC iPlayer, Radio 2 and BBC Sounds, with continuous live coverage hosted on the BBC News website. Below is an exclusive preview of the most anticipated acts and storylines to watch for on competition night.

    Few underdog stories hit harder this year than that of Greece’s entry Akylas. Just eight months ago, the 27-year-old singer was working as a waiter in Athens before quitting to busk on city streets to make ends meet. Speaking to the BBC, he recalled the constant doubt he faced while chasing his dream: “I had so many people telling me that I was wasting my time. People would bully me in the street [while] I was busking, trying to pay my rent and my bills. I was struggling – so it’s crazy that now I’m representing my country at Eurovision.” His competitive entry *Ferto* is a high-energy dance anthem that blends rave synths, retro video game sound effects, and traditional Greek string instrumentation like the lyra. Lyrically, the track reflects on his childhood growing up amid Greece’s prolonged financial crisis, honoring the sacrifices working parents make to give their children better opportunities. Bookmakers currently predict he will land a top three finish in Saturday’s voting.

    Australia has become a surprising staple of Eurovision ever since the nation fell in love with the contest following ABBA’s iconic 1974 win. Invited for a one-off wildcard entry for the contest’s 60th anniversary in 2015, the country’s overwhelming enthusiasm earned it a permanent invitation back every year. This year, after an unexpected semi-final elimination in 2025, Australia is pulling out all the stops to claim its first ever Eurovision win, sending platinum-selling global pop star Delta Goodrem to compete with her power ballad *Eclipse*. The track features a powerhouse chorus that rivals the iconic vocal delivery of Celine Dion, pairing a baroque piano interlude with a dramatic final key change that has wowed audiences and bookies alike. Following Goodrem’s smooth advance through the semi-finals, bookmakers drastically cut her odds of winning, elevating her to the ranks of top frontrunners. One lingering question hangs over an Australian victory, however: where would the 2027 contest be hosted, given the country’s location outside Europe? Speaking on the *Wanging On* podcast this week, long-time BBC Eurovision commentator Graham Norton shared insider gossip: Australian broadcasters have a prearranged deal to host the contest in a partner European country if Australia claims the win. When approached by the BBC for comment, European Broadcasting Union (EBU) organizers declined to confirm details, saying only that they are focused on the 2026 grand final, and discussions about 2027 hosting will begin after a winner is crowned on May 16.

    Heading into the final, Finland holds the position of overall favorite to win, with its dramatic love song *Liekenheiten*, performed by chart-topping Finnish pop star Pete Parkonnen and world-renowned classical violinist Linda Lampenius. Lampenius describes the unexpected collaboration as the Finnish equivalent of Harry Styles pairing up with elite classical violinist Nicola Benedetti. All pre-event buzz has centered around one death-defying stunt in the performance: Lampenius must sprint the full length of the stage catwalk in high heels while holding a priceless 1781 Gagliano violin, valued at roughly £500,000, before jumping onto a chair set next to a stage fire effect. “I run and jump up and down on a chair, and I’m standing next to a fire. So I’m quite nervous during those three minutes. I’m thinking about the violin all the time,” Lampenius admitted ahead of the final.

    Moldova is celebrating its return to the Eurovision grand final this year, after missing out on qualification for two consecutive years. The country’s entry, *Viva, Moldova!* performed by 27-year-old singer and amateur boxer Satoshi, is a boisterous patriotic party anthem written to mark the 35th anniversary of Moldova’s independence. Satoshi has an unusual pre-performance routine to prepare: 30 seconds before stepping on stage, he simulates jumping rope to boost his energy. The routine has become such a running gag backstage that a venue microphone handler gifted him his own jump rope to practice with. The track name-checks some of Moldova’s most beloved cultural icons, including poet Grigore Vieru, whose alphabet poetry collection taught generations of Moldovan children – including Satoshi – to read.

    This year’s contest has not been without controversy. Five countries have announced a full boycott of the 2026 event over Israel’s participation, amid the ongoing conflict in Gaza and rising civilian death toll. During Israel’s semi-final performance earlier this week, contestant Noam Bettan was met with a mix of cheers and booing from the live arena audience, and four protesters were removed from the venue by security. Bettan told the BBC he was surprised by the intensity of the reaction, though he added he had already practiced performing through boos during rehearsals, after Israeli contestants faced similar demonstrations in 2024 and 2025. Further protests are expected during Saturday’s grand final, but Bettan’s sincere, soulful ballad *Michelle* – which blends electronic production with traditional Middle Eastern instrumentation – is still predicted to earn a high placing in the final rankings.

    One of the most dramatic pre-final moments involved Sweden’s entry Felicia, who wears a custom protective face mask during performances to address body image insecurities, not public health concerns. During her semi-final performance, Felicia suffered a wardrobe malfunction that caused the mask to slip off unexpectedly. Within 24 hours, she lost her voice entirely and was ordered to undergo strict vocal rest to recover. “It’s a catastrophe for me because I hate being silent!” she shared on social media, adding that she was following doctor’s orders to rest and stay hydrated. Fortunately, Felicia’s voice had fully recovered in time for Friday’s final dress rehearsal. Her entry *My System* uses the metaphor of an infection to describe overwhelming emotion, and could make history if it wins: a Swedish victory would break the country’s current seven-way tie with Ireland, making Sweden the most successful nation in Eurovision history. When asked about the historic milestone, Felicia laughed and said simply, “No pressure. That would be crazy.”

    The UK is hoping to break its years-long dry spell at Eurovision this year, after a string of bottom-of-the-leaderboard finishes that have come despite sending major pop stars and accomplished vocal groups in recent competitions. This year’s hopeful is Sam Battle, better known by his stage name Look Mum No Computer – an inventor, popular YouTuber, and museum curator from Ramsgate with a famously quirky persona. His entry *Eins, Zwei, Drei* was composed on a custom synthesizer he built from scratch in his garage, and blends the raucous energy of British football chants with the minimal electronic sound of Kraftwerk. Battle acknowledges the track is divisive: “What we’re doing is Marmite – you either love it or hate it – but I think there’s a slot open for our sort of thing.” If the act fails to climb the leaderboard, Battle says he’s already prepared to lean into the joke with a custom “Look mum, no points” t-shirt.

    Norway’s entry Jonas Lovv was ordered to revise his raucous rock performance of *Ya Ya Ya* by contest organizers, after the singer did too many hip thrusting movements during early rehearsals. Lovv told reporters bluntly: “Without joking: too sexy.” Mads Tørklep, head of the Norwegian Eurovision delegation, confirmed that the team was ordered to tone down the act’s sex appeal to meet the contest’s family-friendly content guidelines, specifically calling for a reduction in overtly sexualized rhythmic movements. The performance has since been adjusted to meet PG content standards, though Lovv still adds a playful wink and small playful waggle to the camera for long-time fans.

    Beyond the frontrunners, this year’s grand final features a host of standout performances. Bulgarian singer Dara’s entry *Bangaranga* – a high-energy tropical pop track named for a Jamaican patois term meaning “joyful chaos” – features the most creative stage design of the competition, with dancers twitching and shaking on plastic chairs to the song’s shifting tempo, in a sequence that evokes a surreal mix of a twelve-step meeting and a psychological horror film. Romania’s Alexandra Căpitănescu has faced criticism from campaigners over her track *Choke Me*, which they argue glamorizes sexual violence; Căpitănescu counters that the song is actually a metaphor for feeling suffocated by unrealistic societal expectations, with a performance that finds her tethered to her guitarists by giant neon ropes. Ukraine’s gentle ballad *Ridnym* features the longest sustained high note in Eurovision history, clocking in at 30 seconds, while Serbia’s metalcore group Lavina closes their entry *Kraj Mene* with a chilling, audience-shaking scream. Closing out the standout acts is 17-year-old French singer Monroe, this year’s youngest competitor, whose pop-R&B track *Regarde!* features a showstopping operatic vocal. The song carries a message of universal calm, she says: “It’s about taking the busy moments in your life and just saying, ‘Shhhh, everything is going to be fine’.” After a week of covering the contest in Vienna, that quiet, hopeful message feels just as relevant to fans around the world as it does to the teams backstage.

  • What is a ‘safe death’? Mentally ill woman asks for assisted dying in Canada

    What is a ‘safe death’? Mentally ill woman asks for assisted dying in Canada

    For nearly 30 years, 49-year-old Toronto-based performer Claire Brosseau has navigated a devastating path of severe, treatment-resistant bipolar disorder and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A veteran stand-up comedian and actor who has worked across film, television, and theatre worldwide, Brosseau says she has tried every available intervention for her conditions—from talk therapy and pharmaceutical interventions to electroconvulsive brain stimulation. None have brought relief. Today, she is unable to work, leave her home unaccompanied, or maintain consistent connection with her loved ones, describing her own condition as “functionally terminal.” Now, she is at the center of a high-stakes national debate over whether Canada should expand its existing legal medically assisted dying (MAID) framework to include people whose only qualifying condition is untreatable mental illness.

    Currently, MAID is legal in Canada for patients with terminal illnesses and irreversible serious physical disabilities, but it explicitly excludes those whose sole diagnosis is mental illness. Brosseau, who has lived with debilitating mental illness since adolescence and received psychiatric care in four major North American cities over three decades, is now asking an Ontario court for a special exemption to access MAID immediately, arguing that the existing law is discriminatory and unconstitutional. She says she wakes every day consumed by overwhelming dread and crippling anxiety, and she wants a peaceful, controlled death rather than being forced to die by suicide.

    “Stigma is at the root of this exclusion,” Brosseau explained in an interview with the BBC. “If I were diagnosed with terminal cancer tomorrow, I would be immediately eligible for MAID even if I chose to stop treatment. But people like me, living with unbearable, incurable mental suffering, are denied the same right that is already a standard part of Canadian healthcare. I am not asking for special treatment—only equal treatment.”

    Canada first approved MAID for terminally ill patients in 2016, and expanded it to include non-terminal patients with irreversible serious medical conditions five years ago, following a successful legal challenge by disability advocates. The federal government had initially planned to extend eligibility to patients with treatment-resistant mental illness by 2024, but has twice delayed the expansion, most recently pushing any decision to 2026, amid widespread concerns that the Canadian healthcare system lacks the infrastructure, training, and regulatory frameworks to safely implement the change. Prime Minister Mark Carney has confirmed he will not make a decision until he receives the final recommendations from a joint parliamentary committee tasked with reviewing the proposed expansion. “I will base my position on the full evidence presented to the committee,” Carney told reporters recently.

    Over two months of hearings, the cross-party committee heard conflicting testimony from medical experts, disability advocates, and international commentators that laid bare the deep divides on this issue. Critics of expansion argue that expanding MAID to mentally ill patients risks turning assisted dying into a substitute for inadequate social and medical support. They point to reports of Canadian healthcare providers offering MAID to disabled patients who never requested it, arguing that systemic gaps in affordable housing, disability support, and specialized mental healthcare leave many vulnerable people with no other option to end unaddressed suffering. “We are currently investing in ending lives instead of investing in improving lives,” said Krista Orr, president of national disability advocacy group Inclusion Canada, who called on the committee not just to reject expansion but to roll MAID back to only terminal illness cases.

    Other critics warn that medical science still lacks a full understanding of many severe mental illnesses, making it impossible to definitively distinguish between temporary suicidal ideation and irreversible, untreatable suffering. Dr. Sonu Gaind, former chief of psychiatry at a major Toronto hospital, told the committee that none of the core safeguards and assessment questions have been resolved since the expansion was paused. “We now have even more evidence that we are not prepared to safely offer MAID for mental illness,” Gaind said.

    International experience, particularly from the Netherlands—one of the only countries that already allows MAID for patients suffering solely from mental illness—has added fuel to both sides of the debate. The Netherlands requires all patients seeking MAID for psychiatric reasons to undergo a full assessment by a qualified psychiatrist, and approvals for these cases remain relatively rare, accounting for only 2% of all assisted deaths in the country. However, the number of approved cases has skyrocketed from just 2 in 2010 to 219 in 2024. Dutch psychiatrist Dr. Jim van Os warned Canadian lawmakers that this growing trend reflects what he calls a “suicide contagion effect,” arguing the Dutch experience is a clear warning for Canada. But fellow Dutch psychiatrist Dr. Sisco Van Veen pushed back, noting that approved cases remain rare and MAID provides critical mercy to patients whose suffering is unbearable and untreatable.

    The committee itself has faced accusations of bias from supporters of expansion. Brosseau says she requested to testify before the committee multiple times but was denied a spot. One sitting member, Alberta Senator Kristopher Wells, has publicly called the review “one-sided” and says he has no confidence in the final report. Committee co-chairs Marcus Powlowski, a Liberal MP, and Conservative Senator Yonah Martin—both of whom have publicly opposed expanding MAID to mental illness—defended the process in statements, noting that limited hearing time meant prioritizing testimony from medical professionals and industry associations, and adding that the committee has “dutifully listened to both sides” of the debate. The committee’s final report is not expected to be delivered to parliament until as late as October 2025.

    For Brosseau, who says her condition is worsening by the month and cannot wait for years of parliamentary review, the delay is a matter of life and death. Confined to her home, with even short trips to the local grocery store triggering crippling panic attacks, she says her legal challenge is not a campaign for death—it is a fight for equal human rights. “I’m not campaigning for death. I’m campaigning to be seen as not a subsection of human,” she said. “We deserve the same autonomy over our bodies and our suffering that people with physical illness already have.”

    Public opinion polling shows a majority of Canadians support broad access to medically assisted dying, but public opinion becomes far more divided when the question is limited to mental illness. Currently, 96% of MAID approvals in Canada go to patients with reasonably foreseeable death, mostly terminal cancer patients, with only 4% going to non-terminal patients with irreversible serious conditions. As the country waits for the committee’s final recommendation, Brosseau’s legal case is pushing the judiciary to address a gap in the law that the federal government has so far been unwilling to fill.

  • Switzerland to open secret files on Auschwitz ‘Angel of Death’ Mengele

    Switzerland to open secret files on Auschwitz ‘Angel of Death’ Mengele

    For decades, sealed federal files holding clues about the post-war movements of notorious Nazi war criminal Josef Mengele – infamously known as the “Angel of Death” of Auschwitz – have sparked fierce debate among historians and fueled widespread conspiracy theories about Switzerland’s role in hiding one of the Holocaust’s most brutal perpetrators. Now, following a high-profile legal challenge by a determined historian, the Swiss Federal Intelligence Service has announced it will finally open the long-closed records – though it has yet to announce a firm timeline for public access.

    Mengele, a Waffen-SS doctor stationed at the Auschwitz extermination camp in Nazi-occupied Poland during World War II, bore responsibility for one of the worst chapters of Nazi atrocities. He personally selected more than 400,000 prisoners to be sent to the camp’s gas chambers, where an estimated 1.1 million people – 1 million of them Jewish – were murdered. Beyond his role in mass extermination, Mengele carried out grotesque, unscientific medical experiments on live prisoners, most often targeting children and twins, before killing the subjects of his research. When the war ended in 1945, Mengele escaped justice: he adopted a false identity, obtained fraudulent Red Cross travel documents from the organization’s Genoa, Italy consulate – a loophole the Red Cross later publicly apologized for allowing – and fled to South America, where he lived under an assumed name until his death in Brazil in 1979.

    It has long been confirmed that Mengele visited Switzerland once for a private alpine skiing trip with his son Rolf in 1956, seven years after he fled Europe. But lingering questions have persisted about whether he returned to the country after an international arrest warrant was issued for him in 1959. Swiss historian Regula Bochsler, who has researched Switzerland’s role as a transit country for fleeing Nazi war criminals, uncovered key clues pointing to a possible unreported return: in June 1961, Austrian intelligence warned Swiss authorities that Mengele was traveling under a fake name and may have entered Swiss territory. Around the same time, Mengele’s wife rented an apartment in a modest Zurich suburb, a location conveniently close to Zurich’s international airport, and applied for permanent Swiss residency. Local Zurich police records confirm the apartment was placed under surveillance in 1961, and officers once documented Mrs. Mengele driving through the area with an unidentified man – whose identity has never been confirmed.

    For decades, historians repeatedly requested access to federal intelligence files related to the case, but all requests were denied. The files were originally sealed until 2071, with authorities citing national security concerns and privacy protections for Mengele’s extended family. When Bochsler applied for access in 2019, she was turned away. In 2025, historian Gérard Wettstein made another attempt, and when his request was also rejected, he launched a legal challenge against the Swiss government, crowdfunding 18,000 Swiss francs ($23,000) to cover his legal costs. Just days after the public fundraising drive successfully hit its target, the Swiss Federal Intelligence Service reversed its longstanding position, announcing in an official statement that the appellant would be granted access to the file – though it added that access would be subject to unspecified terms and conditions that have not yet been finalized.

    Historians are divided over what the files will actually reveal. Sacha Zala, president of the Swiss Society for History, says he is convinced the files will not contain new evidence confirming Mengele’s presence in Switzerland after 1956. Instead, he suspects the records likely contain sensitive references to Israeli intelligence agency Mossad, which actively hunted Nazi fugitives across the globe in the 1950s and 1960s and may have coordinated with Swiss authorities. Zala argues that keeping 70-year-old references to a widely known Nazi manhunt sealed is unnecessary, and that the arbitrary secrecy has only fueled unnecessary conspiracy theories. “It shows the stupidity of the declassification process without historical knowledge,” Zala said. “In this way, the administration fueled conspiracy theories.”

    Other historians argue that the decades-long secrecy surrounding the files reveals more about Switzerland’s complicated relationship with its World War II history than it does about Mengele. Jakob Tanner, a historian who served on the 1990s Bergier Commission that investigated neutral Switzerland’s wartime relations with Nazi Germany, noted that the country has long grappled with public shame over its wartime actions: Swiss authorities turned away thousands of Jewish refugees at the border during the war, and Swiss banks held onto unclaimed assets from Jewish families murdered in the Holocaust for decades. “It’s a conflict between national security and historical transparency, and the former often prevails in Switzerland,” Tanner explained, adding that it is entirely plausible Mengele did visit Switzerland in 1961 – after Mossad captured another top Nazi fugitive, Adolf Eichmann, in Argentina in 1960, many Nazis hiding in South America feared they would be next, and may have fled to Europe to lay low.

    Even with the announcement that the files will be opened, historians remain cautious about how much new information will actually come to light. Wettstein says he fears the released files will be heavily redacted, leaving key details blacked out. Bochsler shares that skepticism, noting that the decades-long sealing of the records has already created deep distrust among researchers. “Why have these Mengele files been closed for so long?” she asked.

    Mengele never faced trial for his crimes, and his escape from justice has kept rumors and conspiracy theories about his post-war life alive for more than 75 years. While DNA testing confirmed in 1992 that the body buried under a false name in Brazil was indeed Mengele, the question of whether he secretly returned to Switzerland after 1956 remains unanswered. Even if the files are heavily redacted, historians say opening the records will at least bring much-needed transparency to a long-secret chapter of post-war history, and may help clear up decades of speculation.

    “Maybe we will never get to the real truth,” Wettstein said. “We will never know if he was here or not… but maybe we can have at least a clearer idea.”