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  • Greens’ question China sealane threat as AUKUS in-doubt

    Greens’ question China sealane threat as AUKUS in-doubt

    As debate over the future of the trilateral AUKUS security pact intensifies, a senior Australian Greens lawmaker has publicly cast doubt on official narratives surrounding the perceived military threat from China, while pushing back against Canberra’s deepening alignment with Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy. The controversial submarine component of the agreement has come under fresh pressure this week, following the revelation that the United States will supply Australia with three second-hand Virginia-class nuclear-powered submarines, a departure from earlier plans that included one newly built vessel alongside two used models.

    Greens Senator David Shoebridge, a longstanding vocal critic of AUKUS, used a Sunday interview with the Australian Broadcasting Corporation to call for a pragmatic, balanced approach to China that rejects what he frames as an unnecessary march toward a confrontational foreign policy aligned exclusively with U.S. interests. Acknowledging Beijing’s military expansion in the South China Sea, Shoebridge argued that aligning fully with Washington’s regional agenda represents one of the riskiest possible responses to the rise of China as a major regional power.

    “Our region is actively pursuing a balanced approach to China, and Australia should follow that lead instead of walking down a warpath with Washington,” Shoebridge said. “We can maintain a complex, functional relationship with China without letting that entire relationship be dictated by Washington’s priorities.”

    When pressed on widespread claims that China could pose a threat to the critical trade sea lanes that Australia relies on for economic survival, Shoebridge questioned the logical basis of that fear. While he acknowledged that any major military power can deploy its forces to advance its national interests, he pointed out that blocking Australian sea lanes would directly damage China’s own economy, which depends on steady inflows of critical raw materials from Australia. “Why would China shut down the shipping routes that deliver essential resources to its own factories and markets?” he asked.

    Shoebridge did concede that a direct military conflict between the United States and China would put global trade, regional stability, and the entire world economy at severe risk, noting that sea lanes would be vulnerable in that scenario. But he argued that AUKUS, far from insulating Australia from that risk, makes Australia more likely to be drawn into a great power conflict that is not in the nation’s interest.

    On Australia’s broader defense needs, Shoebridge agreed that the country must retain the ability to defend its territorial waters, airspace, and continental borders, as well as its surrounding maritime approaches. But he rejected the idea that Australia, with its mid-sized economy, should take on a global policing role for international sea lanes. When asked about the necessity of submarines for Australian defense, he described crewed submarines as just one possible option, arguing that Australia should instead pursue a mixed fleet of both manned and unmanned maritime defense platforms, including autonomous systems like the Ghost Shark underwater drone.

    The high cost and inherent vulnerability of large crewed nuclear submarines remain open to debate even within mainstream defense circles, Shoebridge added, describing nuclear-powered submarines as “a disaster on pretty much every front.” “Why are we inviting ourselves into a U.S. war with China?” he asked, declining to outline a full alternative defense procurement plan, noting that detailed portfolio planning falls outside his role as a crossbench senator.

    Shoebridge’s critique is part of a growing wave of dissent over AUKUS that has spread even into the ruling Australian Labor Party. This week, former Labor cabinet minister Peter Garrett called for a full public inquiry into the decade-long agreement, while serving Labor backbencher and former minister Ed Husic publicly joined calls for a full rethink of the pact.

    Longstanding questions continue to hover over the agreement beyond the revised submarine delivery plan. Analysts and critics have raised repeated concerns about shipbuilding capacity constraints in both the U.S. and the U.K., as well as uncertainty over whether Washington will ultimately follow through on submarine deliveries amid shifting regional threat perceptions. Additional questions have been raised about Australia’s ability to maintain full sovereign control over the nuclear-powered vessels, particularly in the event that the U.S. chooses to go to war with China.

  • Labor minister dismisses New Zealand Prime Minister swipe over CGT

    Labor minister dismisses New Zealand Prime Minister swipe over CGT

    A cross-country tax policy debate has emerged following sharp comments from New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, who labeled a potential domestic capital gains tax (CGT) a “wrecking ball tax” that his administration would never implement during a bilateral meeting with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. The remarks, delivered at an annual leadership gathering in Noosa on Saturday, have rippled into Australian domestic politics, prompting a swift response from senior Australian Labor officials.

    During his comments, Luxon framed the CGT discussion as a decade-long contentious issue in New Zealand, noting that his country is currently navigating a post-shock economic recovery. Against that backdrop, he argued that introducing a new capital gains tax would inflict severe damage on New Zealand’s expanding economy. The New Zealand leader stopped short of weighing in on the Albanese government’s planned CGT reforms — which include cutting the existing CGT discount — acknowledging the deep structural differences between the two nations’ tax systems and broader economies.

    On Sunday, Australian Employment Minister Amanda Rishworth pushed back on attempts to draw parallels between Luxon’s comments and Australia’s ongoing CGT reform debate, emphasizing that the two countries operate fundamentally distinct tax frameworks. “Capital gains tax has existed in our country, as we’ve been discussing, for a very long time. There’s been changes along the way, and we are looking at capital gains and changing that to rebalance it and make it fairer,” Rishworth told Sky News. She rejected framing Luxon’s remarks as a veiled critique of Australian policy, noting that the bilateral meeting between the two prime ministers was warm and reinforced the close, cooperative relationship between Australia and its nearest neighbor. “I don’t think you can compare apples with oranges when we’re talking about different tax systems and different countries,” she added.

    The exchange has escalated domestic tensions around the Albanese government’s proposed CGT and negative gearing changes, which have already drawn fierce opposition from the center-right Coalition. Speaking after Rishworth’s comments, shadow treasurer Tim Wilson accused Luxon of implicitly criticizing Australian reform plans, arguing that the prime minister’s remarks amounted to an attack on Australia’s future prosperity that the Albanese government had failed to push back against. The Coalition has already pledged to block the reform package in the Australian Senate, where the minority Labor government needs crossbench support to pass legislation, and has promised to fully repeal the changes if it wins the 2028 federal election.

  • Father and daughter battle storms and health scare as they sail around the world

    Father and daughter battle storms and health scare as they sail around the world

    What began as a long-held sailing dream for a veteran Australian captain has become the ultimate test of father-daughter bonding: a 15-month round-the-world voyage that has pushed both 59-year-old Rob Donald and his 19-year-old daughter Freya to their limits, with countless challenges and once-in-a-lifetime memories along the way. The pair departed from New South Wales, Australia, back in March 2025, with a final destination of Norway, and recently reached Penzance, Cornwall, where they paused to rest before kicking off the last leg of their epic journey.

    The voyage centers on Misha, a 9.8-meter all-wood yacht crafted by a renowned Dutch shipbuilder in 1937. Rob purchased the vintage vessel in France back in 1989, and after sailing it to Australia and making a return trip to France, he developed a decades-long dream: to sail Misha back to the Netherlands to prove the decades-old craft was still seaworthy. When his wife Hanne declined to join the expedition, Freya, who was just 18 at the time, stepped up to take her place. Many skeptics predicted the teenager would abandon the trip within a week, but 15 months later, the pair has logged an impressive 18,000 nautical miles across the world’s oceans.

    For Freya, the life aboard the small cramped yacht took some getting used to. She passed long days at sea crocheting hats, downloading movies, and adjusting to the isolation of open water. “It was really really weird for starters but I got used to it pretty quickly,” she shared, admitting there were points when she grew tired of the confined routine. But even through the hard days, she says she would never trade the experience. The 24-day rough crossing of the Indian Ocean ended with a stop in Madagascar, a trip that checked a top bucket-list item off her list: relaxing alongside wild lemurs in one of the world’s most biodiverse countries.

    The journey has been marked by far greater challenges than rough seas and cramped quarters. Along their route, which took them from Sydney to Darwin, Bali, Madagascar, Mozambique, South Africa and around the Cape of Good Hope to Cape Town, Rob received a devastating diagnosis: prostate cancer. He flew back to Australia for treatment, and became one of the first patients in the country to undergo single-port robotic surgery. Just weeks after the procedure, Rob insisted on returning to his yacht to finish the voyage, unwilling to miss the critical weather window that would allow them to sail from Cape Town to St. Helena. His surgeon cleared him to return to sea, and the pair resumed their journey.

    Even routine activities brought unexpected drama. To supplement their stores, the Donalds tow a fishing line behind Misha, and on one occasion they caught a yellowfin tuna — only for a tiger shark to seize half of their catch mid-pull. “For the next week we just had tuna every day, it was a bit like Forrest Gump and the shrimp, we had curried tuna, fried tuna, battered tuna, beer-battered tuna, raw tuna,” Rob laughed. To maintain their close bond through months of close quarters, the pair have prioritized respecting each other’s boundaries: separate bunks, personal space, and giving each other time to pursue their own hobbies, a system that has let them finish the voyage still as close as ever.

    After docking in Penzance, Freya immediately caught a train to London to reunite with her best friend — the bright lights and busy energy of a major city are what she missed most during months at sea, and the chance to socialize with people her own age was a long-awaited joy. While Freya explores London, Rob has been catching up with old friends in Cornwall. Soon, Freya will rejoin the trip in Falmouth, where Hanne will fly in to celebrate Rob’s upcoming 60th birthday. After the celebration, the intrepid pair will set sail once more, first for the Netherlands to fulfill Rob’s decades-old dream, then on to their final destination of Norway.

  • Police officer turned Love Island US contestant faces hometown backlash

    Police officer turned Love Island US contestant faces hometown backlash

    Long before stepping into the sun-drenched Love Island USA villa, a new contestant has already ignited a fiery debate in his small Pennsylvania hometown. Sean Reifel, a rookie cop with the Bethlehem Police Department, left the force less than a year after joining to pursue romance and a shot at fame on the hit Peacock reality dating series, a choice that has split local leaders and residents alike.

    Bethlehem, a historic city of 75,000 nestled in eastern Pennsylvania, is no stranger to quiet community conversations, but Reifel’s career pivot has turned a local personnel move into a national talking point. Mayor J. William Reynolds did not mince words when expressing his frustration with the departure, noting that the department had invested thousands of taxpayer dollars into Reifel’s police academy training. Adding to the headache, the force cannot fill Reifel’s now-empty slot until 2027, leaving an already stretched thin department further short-staffed.

    “I never thought I’d see the day in America where reality show participation wins out over being a police officer,” Reynolds told local media, echoing a sentiment shared by the city’s top law enforcement official. Police Chief Michelle Kott acknowledged that the department respects Reifel’s right to make his own choices, but did not hide her disappointment. With Reifel’s resignation, the Bethlehem Police Department now faces 16 unfilled officer positions, a gap that comes as law enforcement agencies across the country grapple with persistent recruiting and retention crises. Every open role, Kott emphasized, directly impacts both department operations and the safety and services the community relies on.

    The news has sent shockwaves through local circles, with residents weighing in from salon waiting areas to community Facebook groups. Local small business owner Kristine Ruff told the BBC that the reveal dominated conversations at her neighborhood salon, with residents sharing clips of Reifel’s debut across Instagram and group chats. While Ruff says she’s tuning in this season to watch the local contestant, she acknowledged the awkwardness of the moment: “Listen, I wish there was a different reason why we’re being put on the map.” Still, she added, if the attention puts Bethlehem’s scenic, historic charm on the national radar, it’s not all bad.

    Opinions across the city are deeply divided. Supporters argue that Reifel’s opportunity on the show could be life-changing, and that city leaders are out of line for criticizing a former officer who put his life on the line to protect the community. “This is such a great opportunity for him. I understand the older people think it’s silly (and that’s okay), but this little appearance could potentially set him up for life!” one local resident wrote in a community Facebook group. Others cheered him on with simple messages of support: “Good for him. You do you boo!!”

    Critics, however, side with city leaders, pointing to the taxpayer investment in Reifel’s training. Some argue that the raunchy, drama-fueled format of Love Island is unbecoming for a law enforcement officer, while others question Reifel’s work ethic, noting that the short-term reality TV opportunity could permanently derail his law enforcement career. “I doubt any police department anywhere is gonna put any more energy into him after what he did to his previous department, which is let them hang low,” one resident commented.

    Reifel’s family has pushed back aggressively against the criticism from local officials, taking to social media to correct what they call misleading claims about taxpayer spending. His mother, Beth Reifel Bow, says that city leaders inflated the cost of training, noting that Reifel already had prior law enforcement experience and completed basic training before joining the Bethlehem force. “I’m not saying they didn’t do any training, but they also weren’t fully honest about all the details,” she said, adding that she is proud of her son for making a brave choice to put himself in the national spotlight to find love.

    Reifel’s sister, Brice Marie, went a step further, arguing that local leaders missed a rare chance to build goodwill. She says Reifel’s appearance on a hit national show could have been used to connect with the community, generate positive press for Bethlehem, and improve public perceptions of law enforcement. “Instead, they chose a response that will likely reinforce the stereotypes they should be working to change,” she wrote.

    The new season of Love Island USA, a U.S. spinoff of the massively popular UK reality format, premiered on Tuesday, introducing Reifel to millions of viewers across the country. On his first episode, Reifel leaned into his identity as a small-town cop, telling contestants and viewers that police work gives him the chance to make a real difference in people’s lives every day. He even shared a lighthearted anecdote about a local resident nicknaming him “officer sexy pants,” a joke that landed well with his fellow officers back on the force. While the show’s $100,000 grand prize is a major draw, many contestants join for the long-term benefits: national fame, lucrative brand partnerships, and overnight influencer status that can pay off far more than a traditional starting law enforcement salary, which for Bethlehem officers lands just under $70,000 a year.

  • ‘It was either killed or be killed’ – ongoing nightmares of an ex-child soldier in Somalia

    ‘It was either killed or be killed’ – ongoing nightmares of an ex-child soldier in Somalia

    Nearly 20 years after Somalia’s capital Mogadishu was plunged into a new chapter of brutal civil conflict, 34-year-old shopkeeper Yusuf Ali still carries the unspoken psychological scars of his experience as a child combatant. While the city’s physical landscape has slowly rebuilt in recent years, almost no formal support exists for survivors like Ali, who carry intergenerational trauma from decades of near-constant war.

    Ali’s story is rooted in decades of instability that began long before he picked up a weapon. When former President Siad Barre’s regime collapsed in 1991, Somalia fractured into chaotic clan warfare that left the country without a functional central government. Just one year after Ali was born, his father was killed in the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu, the infamous clash that saw Somali fighters down two U.S. Black Hawk helicopters and kill 18 American service members. Growing up fatherless in the impoverished northern Mogadishu district of Huriwaa, Ali was shaped by the violence that surrounded him from childhood.

    A turning point came in June 2006, when the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), a coalition of Sharia courts, seized control of Mogadishu and brought a fleeting period of stability after years of clan conflict. For Western policymakers, however, the UIC marked the first major advance of political Islam in Africa after the September 11, 2001 al-Qaeda attacks on the U.S. Washington accused the group of having ties to al-Qaeda, and viewed its rise as a direct security threat. The UIC’s youth military wing, al-Shabab, would go on to become one of the globe’s most persistent militant insurgent groups.

    Six months after the UIC took power, a U.S.-backed Ethiopian military invasion launched to oust the Islamist government, with American drones providing surveillance and air support. The invasion was deeply unpopular across Somalia, sparking a fierce armed resistance that united al-Shabab and a coalition of insurgent splinter groups called the Muqawama, or Resistance. By the spring of 2007, heavy fighting had intensified, with artillery and air strikes targeting densely populated civilian neighborhoods suspected of sheltering insurgents.

    Ali recalls the night a barrage of shells hit his neighborhood, striking a nearby home and killing a young girl around his age. “Our house shook and I felt like the soil under my feet had moved. I’ve seen death, but nothing prepared me for that night,” he told reporters. His family fled to Elasha Biyaha, a sprawling informal settlement northwest of Mogadishu that became a refuge for hundreds of thousands of displaced civilians.

    In the displacement camp, anti-invasion rhetoric from local mosque sermons fired up young people, who were told to defend their country from what were labeled “Gaalo” – the Somali term for non-Muslim infidels. Drawn by the call to resistance, 16-year-old Ali joined the Muqawama, where former army commanders trained him in small arms and hit-and-run ambush tactics. He soon found himself back on the streets of Mogadishu, fighting unpaid in brutal urban combat against Ethiopian troops and allied soldiers from the U.N.-recognized transitional Somali government.

    “Street by street, from windows and doorways, we were firing on Ethiopian soldiers and the Somali soldiers with them,” Ali said. “It was either killed or be killed – and this was a cause we were willing to die for.” For two years, much of Mogadishu was reduced to rubble, as all warring parties faced growing international accusations of war crimes. Growing international pressure eventually forced Ethiopian troops to withdraw in 2009, but the Islamist movement fractured into competing factions, with former allies turning on one another.

    Ali found himself at a crossroads. Disillusioned by the infighting, and urged by his family to build a new life, he was smuggled across the border to South Africa to live with an uncle, where he worked in his uncle’s shop for five years. A wave of deadly xenophobic attacks targeting foreign-owned businesses eventually drove him back to Mogadishu in the early 2010s.

    When Ali returned, he found a capital that had made tangible progress: a functioning international airport, paved roads, new restaurants, and street lighting that made once-dangerous neighborhoods safe after dark. But political instability remained rampant. Al-Shabab had reemerged as a powerful hardline militant group controlling large swathes of rural southern Somalia, where it imposed a strict interpretation of Sharia law, banned music, and enforced restrictive gendered dress codes. The group maintained a sprawling network of spies within Mogadishu, carrying out regular targeted assassinations of government officials and international workers. “No-one trusted each other. No-one dared to speak about politics publicly. Your own neighbours could be spying on you and you wouldn’t even know it,” Ali said.

    Today, Ali is married with a 4-year-old son, and runs his own shop in his childhood neighborhood of Huriwaa, once a major al-Shabab stronghold. But reminders of his time as a child soldier are everywhere. He still passes the homes where he fired weapons during street battles, and wonders if the current residents know of the blood that was once shed there. He has never received any form of counseling or mental health support for his trauma – and he is far from alone. Many other former child soldiers he knows have developed drug addictions to cope with their pain, with no access to treatment.

    “In Somalia, we don’t talk about our problems,” Ali explained. “I try to find peace through prayer. We pray and keep things to ourselves. This is the culture here and is the reason why many people are hurting but most don’t realise it.”

    Human rights experts warn that widespread untreated trauma is a silent, pervasive crisis across Somalia. “The normalisation of violence in some areas means that trauma often goes unrecognised and untreated, making it a silent but pervasive crisis,” said Ilyas Adam, a human rights legal consultant with the Coalition of Somali Human Rights Defenders. “When trauma is normalised, oftentimes individuals do not recognise their need for help. Complicating matters are the cultural barriers, where mental health is not openly discussed.” Adam noted that untreated post-traumatic stress disorder can have long-term debilitating impacts, including chronic mental illness, social exclusion, stigma, and an increased risk that survivors will be re-recruited into armed groups.

    Global health data confirms Somalia’s catastrophic lack of mental health infrastructure. A 2021 World Health Organization report found that community-based mental health services were almost non-existent across the country, and as of 2023, the entire nation of 18 million people had just 82 trained mental health professionals.

    Worse still, the recruitment of child soldiers continues across Somalia decades after Ali first took up arms. The United Nations recorded more than 2,800 cases of child recruitment by armed groups between 2021 and 2024. While the vast majority of these cases are attributed to al-Shabab, the U.N. also documented 101 cases of recruitment by Somali government forces. Mursal Khalif, a member of parliament and head of the Ministry of Defence’s Child Protection Unit, said anti-recruitment efforts still face resistance, with some Somalis viewing such initiatives as a foreign “Western agenda.” Still, Khalif noted that slow progress is being made, including new vocational training programs designed to help former child soldiers build sustainable livelihoods.

    In Ali’s home neighborhood of Huriwaa, however, almost no support services have reached residents. Government officials and international aid workers rarely enter the area, and only do so under heavy armed security. Every evening, as the call to prayer rings out from the local mosque – the site of a 2008 Ethiopian raid that abducted 41 children suspected of being insurgent trainees – Ali is reminded of the cycle of violence that has defined his entire life. Even now, two decades after the 2006 invasion, conflict continues: just this week, government forces and opposition fighters exchanged gunfire in Mogadishu during a dispute over delayed national elections, and more foreign countries have troops deployed in Somalia than at any point in the past 30 years. “The fighting is still ongoing, people are suffering and two decades later, more countries than ever before have troops deployed in Somalia,” Ali observed.

  • Insecurity and instability drive voters in Peru’s tight presidential race

    Insecurity and instability drive voters in Peru’s tight presidential race

    On the dusty, sprawling hillsides of San Juan de Lurigancho, one of Lima’s most vulnerable working-class suburbs, bus driver Toño grips his steering wheel with a lingering trauma that never fully fades. Months ago, a local criminal gang ambushed him after the bus company he worked for refused to meet a $15,000 extortion demand. Bullets tore through his legs and abdomen, leaving him unable to work for four months. Though his external wounds have healed, the psychological scars remain.

    “I work every day in fear,” Toño told reporters, his voice tight with anxiety. “My wounds are closed on the outside, but the pain inside never goes away. If I had the money to leave this country, I would go — I’m terrified every time I leave my children at home.”

    Toño is far from alone. His attack is one of nearly 30,000 reported extortion incidents recorded across Peru in 2025, a crisis that has disproportionately targeted small business owners and public transport workers. According to an independent crime and violence observatory, 239 transport drivers were killed in gang-related attacks last year alone. At Toño’s bus depot, security chief Eiffel Calla confirms that five company drivers have been attacked in recent months: one killed, another left permanently brain-damaged in a vegetative state. Today, armed police guard the depot’s entrance, and Toño drives with plainclothes armed officers on board for protection. Like many Peruvians, he is calling for the next president to take a hard line against the growing wave of violence.

    Rising violent crime and widespread extortion have pushed public insecurity to the top of voter priorities ahead of Peru’s Sunday presidential runoff, which pits right-wing candidate Keiko Fujimori against left-wing challenger Roberto Sánchez. The race marks Fujimori’s fourth bid for the presidency, and she has centered her entire campaign on a hardline “tough-on-crime” platform, leaning into the legacy of her father, former president Alberto Fujimori, who ruled Peru from 1990 to 2000. Though Alberto Fujimori died in prison while serving a sentence for human rights abuses committed during his crackdown on insurgency, his supporters still credit him with restoring domestic order and stabilizing Peru’s economy.

    At her final campaign rallies, Keiko Fujimori declared open “war” on criminal extortion networks, promising to deploy military forces to combat organized crime, strengthen prison security, and work with financial institutions to freeze funds tied to extortion schemes. Economically, she champions a free-market agenda focused on attracting foreign direct investment, particularly from the United States, and building on Peru’s position as a leading global exporter of critical minerals like copper. Her supporters argue that her approach will deliver both the public safety and economic stability that Peruvians crave. “A heavy-handed response to insecurity is sorely lacking in these times,” said Piero, a rally attendee. “Peru is overflowing with crime right now, and we need someone who will fix it.” Janeth, another supporter, added that she backs Fujimori specifically to protect the country’s stable economic footing.

    Fujimori’s opponent, left-wing candidate Roberto Sánchez, has campaigned on a platform of sweeping structural change, promising to increase public spending, raise the minimum wage, renegotiate private mining contracts, expand state control over natural resources, and boost corporate taxes to redirect mineral wealth toward marginalized communities. He has also pledged to pardon former left-wing president Pedro Castillo, who was imprisoned in 2022 after attempting to dissolve congress to avoid impeachment.

    Sánchez’s supporters reject claims that his nationalist economic policies will trigger instability. “We are open to foreign investment that benefits our country,” said María Elena Linares, a local activist. “Claims that we will throw out all foreign investors are completely wrong. Our gold, our copper, all our raw materials flow out of this country to enrich other nations, and we are left in misery. That has to change.” Raúl, another backer, added that he supports Sánchez’s promise to increase public investment in health, education, and rural infrastructure outside of Lima and other major urban centers.

    The race has been roiled by ongoing political controversy even in its final days. Last week, a judge announced that Sánchez would face trial over allegations of undeclared campaign finances dating back to regional elections held between 2018 and 2020. Sánchez has denied all wrongdoing and pledged to appeal the ruling. Fujimori herself spent nearly 18 months in pre-trial detention between 2018 and 2020 over her own campaign financing allegations, though those charges were ultimately dropped in 2024.

    Peru has faced extreme political volatility over the past decade, with eight presidents holding office in 10 years and frequent congressional gridlock, as no single party has ever held a majority. Fujimori’s Popular Force party holds the largest minority bloc in congress, but analysts warn that deep ideological division between the two candidates will make governing difficult no matter the outcome.

    Young voters, who make up roughly a quarter of Peru’s eligible electorate, have been particularly vocal about their frustration with the country’s political class. Last year, mass “Gen Z” protests swept Lima, with young activists accusing the state of failing to address crime, corruption, and systemic inequality. Many young voters now say the election offers little more than a choice between two unsatisfactory options.

    Consuelo, 21, vice president of the student federation at Peru’s Pontifical Catholic University, described the race as a choice between the “lesser of two evils.” She says she fears that a Fujimori presidency would revive the authoritarianism associated with her father’s rule. “Fujimorism is synonymous with authoritarianism, and that represents an enormous fear for many students,” she explained. Cielo, 23, another student who has participated in anti-Fujimori protests, says even though her own family’s small business was targeted by extortionists, she cannot bring herself to support Fujimori. Alvaro, 22, says his preferred candidate was eliminated in the first round of voting, so he plans to vote critically for Sánchez solely to block Fujimori from office.

    Across the political spectrum, Peruvians are united in a shared desire to end years of political instability and deliver tangible progress on crime, inequality, and economic development. But analysts warn that deep polarization and ongoing congressional gridlock make meaningful change unlikely in the near term. José Luis Pérez Guadalupe, a former Peruvian interior minister and professor at Pacific University, noted that the country’s long history of institutional volatility creates steep barriers to any new administration. “We have had eight presidents in 10 years, 24 justice ministers, 32 interior ministers. That is extremely high political volatility,” he explained. “With this level of great polarization, whoever wins will face enormous difficulty implementing their policy agenda.”

    For many voters like Consuelo, that reality leaves little room for optimism. “Whether Fujimori wins or Sánchez wins, we know there will most likely be a lot of instability,” she said. “In reality, it’s a pretty hopeless choice.”

  • Multiple people shot near festival in Ohio with suspect still at large, police say

    Multiple people shot near festival in Ohio with suspect still at large, police say

    A mass shooting has disrupted a popular annual community festival in Toledo, Ohio, leaving multiple people injured and triggering an urgent manhunt for the perpetrator or perpetrators, local law enforcement confirmed. The Toledo Police Department confirmed that officers were dispatched to the area of the Old West End Festival following an emergency report of gunfire, where they discovered multiple people with gunshot wounds. Multiple victims have already been transported to local medical facilities for urgent care, authorities said, though no official count of wounded individuals has been released to the public as of Saturday morning.

    The Old West End Festival, a long-running two-day celebration of one of the nation’s largest contiguous historic districts, draws thousands of attendees each year for a lineup of activities including live musical performances, open-air food markets, a public beer garden, historic home tours, and local artisan shopping. Investigative work is currently focused on the intersection of Delaware Avenue and Robinwood Avenue, an area that festival organizers mapped as the primary hub for the event’s food and live music offerings, placing the shooting in the heart of the festival grounds.

    In a public advisory, Toledo Police have ordered local residents and out-of-town visitors to avoid the perimeter of the active investigation scene to ensure public safety and support ongoing police work. The BBC has initiated official contact with the Toledo Police Department to request additional details surrounding the incident, including the number of victims, potential descriptions of the suspect, and possible motives. This is an active, developing breaking news story, and further updates will be published as more verified information becomes available. Readers can access real-time updates through the BBC News mobile application or by following the BBC Breaking News official account on X.

  • Streeting branded a hypocrite after accusing Starmer of ignoring Gaza war crimes

    Streeting branded a hypocrite after accusing Starmer of ignoring Gaza war crimes

    A deepening political firestorm has engulfed the UK Labour Party after former Health Secretary Wes Streeting publicly accused Prime Minister Keir Starmer of dismissing detailed evidence of alleged Israeli war crimes in Gaza, triggering accusations of deception, hypocrisy, and opportunism from across the political and activist spectrum.

    In a revealing interview with the News Agents podcast, Streeting, who stepped down from his cabinet post last month, claimed that when he circulated a dossier of testimony collected from British doctors who had worked in Gaza to fellow cabinet members, Starmer immediately questioned his motives, suggesting the move was a deliberate attempt to leak the document for political gain. Streeting pushed back against this characterization, noting that he never released the dossier to the public until this week, when private messages related to the document were made public, undermining Downing Street’s claims that he intended to leak it.

    Streeting explained his decision to circulate the dossier by saying he left meetings with visiting British doctors deeply distressed by their accounts, which included serious, credible allegations of widespread war crimes in Gaza. He argued that the United Kingdom holds both a moral and a legal obligation to respond to these allegations, rather than ignoring them. The existence of the dossier first came to light this week, when private messages from Peter Mandelson, the disgraced veteran New Labour figure and former UK ambassador to the US, were published. In the messages, Mandelson, who has long been a mentor to Streeting, dismissed Streeting’s calls for sanctions against Israel over alleged war crimes as “wild” and “hysterical”, further deriding the former health secretary’s initiative as “pathetic” and claiming he was suffering from an early midlife crisis. Cabinet minister Pat McFadden, another centre-right Labour figure aligned with Starmer and Mandelson, confirmed in the messages that Streeting had circulated the dossier and accompanying video footage to the full cabinet ahead of a scheduled meeting.

    Since Streeting’s public claims emerged, multiple parties have questioned both the accuracy of his account and his underlying motives, including British Palestinian medical professionals, Labour Party insiders, and Palestine solidarity campaigners. Most notably, Ghassan Abu Sittah, a prominent British Palestinian surgeon who has worked extensively treating casualties in Gaza, has directly refuted Streeting’s claim that he met with British doctors who collected the dossier’s evidence. Abu Sittah stated that neither he nor any British doctor he knows who has served in Gaza has ever met with Streeting, calling the former minister’s claims outright lies. He also condemned Streeting as a core part of the same political apparatus led by Starmer that has enabled what he describes as genocide in Gaza, pointing out that the party has suppressed public outrage and censored dissenting voices over the last two and a half years of the conflict.

    Abu Sittah further accused Streeting of pressuring the UK General Medical Council to launch what he called a “McCarthyite witch hunt” against doctors who have publicly spoken out against Israeli actions in Gaza. Streeting, while still serving as Health Secretary, supported new regulatory rules that make it easier for medical watchdogs to suspend or strike off doctors accused of antisemitism or racism over their pro-Palestine advocacy. Abu Sittah himself was reported to the GMC by pro-Israel group UK Lawyers for Israel, though independent tribunals have twice ruled that no disciplinary action is warranted.

    Critics also point to longstanding rumors that Streeting is positioning himself for a future leadership challenge to likely successor Andy Burnham, should Burnham win the upcoming Makerfield by-election and mount a challenge to Starmer. Streeting also faced tight re-election in his own Ilford North constituency in 2024, where British Palestinian independent candidate Leanne Mohamad came within just 528 votes of unseating him, driven largely by public anger over Streeting’s pro-Israel stances. Records also show Streeting has received significant campaign donations from prominent pro-Israel figures.

    Streeting acknowledged in his interview that Starmer’s controversial LBC interview, in which the prime minister claimed Israel had a right to cut off water and electricity to civilian communities in Gaza, nearly cost him his seat in the 2024 general election. Despite his criticism of Starmer’s slow, insufficient response to the Gaza crisis, Streeting has stopped short of describing Israeli actions in Gaza as genocide, a position that has drawn further criticism from activists. The death toll in Gaza has surpassed 73,000 Palestinians, according to local health authorities, with nearly the entire enclave’s infrastructure destroyed. Streeting told the podcast he rejects the use of the term genocide as an ideological litmus test for concern about Palestinian lives, claiming he has met with survivors of both the October 7 attacks by Hamas and the subsequent Israeli offensive, and that he values the lives of all Israelis and Palestinians equally. He also described Hamas, which is designated as a terrorist organization in the UK, as “evil and vindictive”.

    Activist groups have rejected Streeting’s framing, arguing that his belated public criticism is too little, too late, and that his past actions as a cabinet member in Starmer’s government make his current claims disingenuous. Palestine Solidarity Campaign deputy director Peter Leary argued that Streeting should not need a leadership race to find his voice on Israeli atrocities, and that if he is serious about atoning for his role in enabling Israel’s actions, he should back immediate, comprehensive sanctions including a full arms embargo on Israel — a step Streeting has so far refused to take. Nick Dearden, director of Global Justice Now, added that Streeting was a sitting cabinet minister while the humanitarian catastrophe unfolded in Gaza, and that holding private discussions with Starmer is not enough to absolve him; he should either have forced a policy change or resigned immediately in protest. Dearden also noted that Andy Burnham, the likely front-runner to succeed Starmer, has similarly refused to take a clear stance, saying only that he does not know whether genocide is occurring in Gaza.

    One former senior Labour official, who has a long record of criticizing Starmer’s leadership, summed up the widespread anger at Streeting, calling him a “lying toad”. As of publication, Middle East Eye has reached out to Streeting’s office for a response to the allegations, but has not received a reply.

  • Labor lashes Pauline Hanson over One Nation housing policy confusion

    Labor lashes Pauline Hanson over One Nation housing policy confusion

    Australia’s political landscape has erupted in fresh criticism of One Nation after internal contradictions and public confusion gutted the right-wing populist party’s controversial new housing policy, which targets foreign-owned property across the country. Two key figures from both the ruling Labor Party and opposition Liberal-National Coalition have united in condemnation, calling the proposal unworkable and highlighting the deep disarray within One Nations’s policy drafting process.

    Amanda Rishworth, Australia’s Employment Minister and senior Labor Party MP, laid out the governing party’s criticism in an interview with Sky News on Sunday. She argued that One Nation leader Pauline Hanson’s flagship proposal — which would require foreign owners of Australian residential property to sell their holdings within a fixed period, or face government repossession — is fundamentally unworkable, and even One Nation’s own parliamentary representatives cannot answer basic questions about how the policy would operate.

    The policy’s rollout last week was plagued by immediate confusion. Senior crossbencher Barnaby Joyce initially told reporters the mandate would extend to permanent residents of Australia holding property, only to reverse his position just hours later, clarifying that permanent residents would be exempt from the forced sale rule. Rishworth pointed to this back-and-forth as proof that One Nation lacks the discipline to craft viable policy, even on a high-priority issue like housing affordability.

    “If One Nation wants to be taken seriously as a political force, they’ve got to put in the work to develop coherent, actionable policy,” Rishworth said. “They correctly identify that housing affordability is a major problem for Australian people, but their proposed solution is total chaos. They keep pulling half-baked ideas together on the fly that simply will never work. That’s the core issue with One Nation: I understand why voters disillusioned with the major parties are looking for alternatives, but they don’t actually have real, workable solutions to the problems they highlight.”

    Rishworth acknowledged widespread voter discontent with the center-right Liberal Party that has driven disaffected supporters to One Nation, noting “pretty clear signs” of a shift, but declined to weigh in on the internal rivalry between the two parties. “On most key issues, the two are really just two sides of the same coin,” she added. She also called out One Nation for failing to release costing analysis for the housing policy and other signature proposals, saying the party has offered only excuses for the omission.

    For the opposition, Shadow Treasurer Tim Wilson also labeled One Nation’s proposal shocking during his own Sky News appearance. Wilson argued that forcing law-abiding property owners — many of whom pay taxes and contribute to local Australian economies — to sell their homes and leave the country is a disturbing overreach that exposes One Nation’s true governing priorities.

    “It’s quite shocking that One Nation’s core agenda here is simply to evict people from their homes and expel them from the country,” Wilson said. “These are people acting in full compliance with Australian law, they’re local property owners contributing to our communities. This says something really distressing about what their objectives would be if they held government power. It’s a remarkably aggressive approach to people who are already here paying their taxes.”

    Wilson, however, defended the Coalition’s own controversial migration policy that would bar permanent residents from accessing the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) and other federal welfare programs, even though many permanent residents pay federal income and other taxes. He drew a clear distinction between the Coalition’s policy and One Nation’s proposal, noting that the Coalition’s welfare changes would be grandfathered for existing residents and would not include forced home sales or expulsion.

    “Our focus is on ensuring that people who come to Australia commit to the country and contribute to it,” Wilson explained. “We don’t believe it’s in the best interest of anyone — existing Australians or new migrants — for people to actively seek out welfare immediately upon arrival. This is a very different approach from what One Nation is proposing.”

    Confusion around One Nation’s policy persisted into the weekend, when One Nation Senator Sean Bell failed to clarify key outstanding details during a Sydney radio interview on 2GB. When pressed on whether the government would actually repossess properties if owners failed to sell within Hanson’s proposed two-year window, Bell evaded the question, only stating that it is “perfectly reasonable” to prioritize home ownership for Australian citizens. Interview host Mark Levy cut the conversation short after Bell failed to provide clear answers, saying the party needed to get its own story straight first.

  • Ragas and symphonies: Indian maestro Ilaiyaraaja is still reshaping music 50 years on

    Ragas and symphonies: Indian maestro Ilaiyaraaja is still reshaping music 50 years on

    Fifty years after he first stepped onto the Indian film music scene, Ilaiyaraaja — affectionately known to millions of devotees as “the Maestro” — still resonates across generations, his compositions filling living rooms, sold-out concert venues and cinema screens from one end of India to the other.

    Now 83 years old, the Tamil Nadu-born composer has carved out an unmatched place in Indian cinematic history: he has scored music for more than 1,000 feature films across nine different languages, a feat no other composer in the industry has matched. His career, built from humble, poverty-stricken origins, reimagined the very sound of South Indian film music, starting with his game-changing 1976 debut *Annakili* that marked a watershed moment for the art form.

    Renowned Carnatic musician TM Krishna notes that Ilaiyaraaja’s arrival upended long-held conventions of Indian film scoring, bringing a fresh perspective rooted in a wholly distinct social and artistic background. Before Ilaiyaraaja’s breakthrough, most mainstream Indian film music drew almost exclusively from traditional Indian classical roots, with Western symphonic influences rarely integrated into popular soundtracks. Unlike his predecessors, Ilaiyaraaja drew freely from a vast global tapestry of musical traditions, weaving disparate styles into a cohesive, singular sound that remains instantly recognizable to fans.

    “What’s unique is that he creates a cohesiveness to all the different forms he’s taken from different genres of music. That is the genius of Ilaiyaraaja,” Krishna explained.

    Following the massive success of *Annakili*, Ilaiyaraaja went on to produce hundreds of hit scores across multiple Indian languages, including iconic works for *Pathinaaru Vayathinile*, *Olangal*, *Sadma*, *Geetanjali*, *Chinna Gounder* and *Nayakan*. Across his career, he has composed more than 8,000 original film songs, many rooted deeply in Tamil Nadu’s rural folk and ballad traditions that shaped his childhood. Just last year, he made history as the first Indian composer to write and perform a full Western classical symphony with London’s Royal Philharmonic Orchestra, an achievement the orchestra called a “milestone in global music history.”

    Born R Gnanathesikan in 1943 in the small Tamil Nadu town of Pannaipuram, Ilaiyaraaja grew up immersed in the rural folk music that his father, a cardamom estate supervisor, sang regularly. When he was just seven, his father died suddenly, leaving his mother Chinnathayammal to support the entire household alone through years of severe financial hardship. “We went through a difficult period,” recalled Gangai Amaran, Ilaiyaraaja’s younger brother who would later go on to become a celebrated music composer in his own right, in an interview with the BBC.

    Born into a poor, socially marginalized family, Ilaiyaraaja faced steep barriers to professional opportunity from childhood. But music was a constant: his eldest brother, singer and playwright Paavalar Varadharajan, performed regularly at Communist Party events, which held major sway in the region in the 1950s. “We travelled from village to village with our elder brother. That’s how we learnt folk and rural musical traditions,” Amaran said. When Varadharajan fell ill ahead of a major performance, their mother convinced a young Ilaiyaraaja to step in — marking his first ever public performance.

    Forced to drop out of school at 14, Ilaiyaraaja moved with his brothers to Madras (now Chennai) in 1968 to pursue work in the film industry. He later recalled walking miles to save money on bus fares and often going to bed hungry as he struggled to get a foothold in the industry. He studied Western music under Dhanraj Master, mastering guitar and piano while diving deep into the works of Bach, Beethoven, Mozart and Schubert. “It’s God’s gift. Learning and mastering musical instruments came to him naturally,” Amaran said.

    In 1969, Ilaiyaraaja landed a role as an assistant to leading film composer GK Venkatesh, who would become his mentor and encouraged him to develop his own orchestral writing. He built his skills as a session guitarist while drafting his own original compositions, following a grueling daily routine for years: early morning music lessons, full days of recording sessions, and late returns home close to midnight. By the time he got his big break, he had already contributed to more than 200 films, honing his craft and building critical industry connections.

    His breakthrough came when writer and lyricist Panchu Arunachalam invited him to pitch for the upcoming film *Annakili*. With no instrument available to play at the meeting, Ilaiyaraaja used a wooden table as a percussion instrument to sing his composition for the producers, who left instantly impressed. Arunachalam also rebranded the young composer, giving him the name Ilaiyaraaja — meaning “young king” in Tamil.

    The runaway success of *Annakili* catapulted Ilaiyaraaja to fame, and he quickly became the most in-demand composer in South Indian cinema. As music critic Shaji Chen notes, his rise aligned perfectly with a technological shift that transformed how Indians consumed music: the advent of affordable cassette tapes and personal music systems allowed audiences to listen to their favorite tracks on demand, moving beyond the limited reach of state-run radio and public vinyl playings. At the peak of his career, Ilaiyaraaja scored more than 50 films in a single year, and audiences frequently packed cinemas repeatedly just to hear his compositions — with many hit films running for more than 100 days in theaters driven primarily by the popularity of his scores.

    “He understands the emotional textures and themes of a film. He brings out those emotions. That is why his scores stand out,” says music critic Suanshu Khurana.

    One of his most iconic works, *Rakkamma Kaiya Thattu* from the 1991 gangster drama *Thalapathi*, perfectly exemplifies his signature style. The track fuses Tamil folk traditions, Carnatic structure, Western classical fugue and polka, with shifting tempos and subtle rhythmic flourishes tying together its contrasting sections. In a 2002 global poll run by the BBC World Service, the track was voted the fourth most popular song in the world.

    A lifelong relentless experimenter, Ilaiyaraaja regularly blended Carnatic ragas, Indian folk melodies, and Western classical works from composers like Schubert and Mozart into single cohesive compositions. During a recent performance of his *Valiant* symphony in Chennai, he explained how he wove themes from Schubert’s Unfinished Symphony into *Idhayam Pogudhey*, a track from his 1979 Tamil film *Puthiya Vaarpukkal*. “They [styles] were from two different cultures. But I wanted to prove that they were not different; it’s the same thing,” he said.

    Ilaiyaraaja dominated Tamil film music through the 1980s, and even after the rise of AR Rahman in the early 1990s, he remained a defining force in Indian music — and a key influence on the next generation of composers. Before rising to fame himself, Rahman worked as a keyboard player in Ilaiyaraaja’s orchestra, and in 2019 he called working with the Maestro equivalent to attending a top music school. “His life itself has been an inspiration to me,” Rahman said.

    To date, Ilaiyaraaja has delivered hit scores for decades of beloved films, including *Nizhalkuthu*, *Virumaandi* and *Cheeni Kum*, and has also composed original works based on ancient Tamil devotional literature, including the acclaimed *Thiruvasagam*. In 2018, he was awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India’s second-highest civilian honor, in recognition of his contributions to the arts.

    Even at 83, Ilaiyaraaja shows no signs of slowing down: he still scores music for several films every year, recently performed his *Valiant Symphony* in major Indian cities Chennai and Bengaluru, and continues to tour internationally for live concert performances. A new generation of listeners is now discovering his work through streaming platforms and viral remixes, with one 1983 Malayalam track *Kiliye Kiliye* recently finding a new mainstream audience after being featured in the recent film *Lokah Chapter 1: Chandra*.

    In recent years, Ilaiyaraaja has also made headlines for high-profile legal battles over royalty rights and the unauthorized use of his work by third parties. Beyond his musical innovations, his decades-long career also upended long-standing social barriers in Carnatic music, a field long dominated by upper-caste musicians and closed to artists from marginalized backgrounds. Ilaiyaraaja’s mastery of the form forced a reckoning with old hierarchies, breaking down barriers for future generations of composers.

    “He transcended social and caste hierarchies through his music,” Krishna says.