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  • US murderer Christa Pike unconscious and on ventilator after failed execution, lawyers say

    US murderer Christa Pike unconscious and on ventilator after failed execution, lawyers say

    A botched lethal injection execution attempt has thrown Tennessee’s capital punishment system into crisis, leaving the state’s only female death row inmate critically ill after corrections officials failed to end her life as scheduled.

    Christa Pike, 50, who was sentenced to death for the 1995 brutal murder of 19-year-old Colleen Slemmer, was administered two full doses of the lethal drug pentobarbital Wednesday during the planned execution. Instead of dying as intended, she survived, and was transported by ambulance to a Nashville-area hospital for emergency care. By Thursday night, court filings from her legal team confirmed Pike remained unconscious, intubated and dependent on a ventilator while medical staff work to flush the drug from her system and save her life.

    Court documents detail a harrowing sequence of errors during the execution procedure. According to Pike’s attorneys, execution team members used at least seven separate needles in repeated attempts to place a functional intravenous (IV) line, with one needle bending to a 90-degree angle before it was removed. At one point, Pike herself was forced to guide the team to potential vein sites. Throughout the administration of the lethal doses, her lawyers report, Pike could be heard crying, whimpering, and breathing heavily in obvious distress.

    Pike’s legal team had long warned of the high risk of complications for this execution. The inmate lives with thrombocytosis, a blood-clotting disorder, and has naturally small veins, conditions her attorneys argued would make lethal injection unnecessarily painful and difficult to carry out successfully. Their latest court filings allege that at no point during the procedure did the execution team recognize that IV lines had not been correctly placed, and that veins had ruptured, meaning all or part of the pentobarbital never entered Pike’s bloodstream properly.

    An independent anesthesiologist advising the defense, Dr. Joel Zivot, confirmed that two full doses of pentobarbital would have been sufficient to cause death if the drug had entered normal circulation. He told the court the only plausible explanation for Pike’s survival is that the pentobarbital never reached a lethal concentration in her blood. Blisters found on Pike’s arm after the attempt, Zivot added, point to ruptured veins that caused the drug to leak into soft tissue under her skin rather than entering circulation. He also noted that Pike’s thrombocytosis may have contributed, forming blood clots at the injection site that blocked the drug from moving into veins, while degraded pentobarbital from poor manufacturing or improper storage is another potential contributing factor.

    In the wake of the failed execution, Pike’s legal team has taken two major actions: they have filed an emergency motion demanding that all physical, written and electronic evidence related to the botched procedure be preserved for investigation, and they are now pushing to have Pike’s death sentence commuted, arguing the botched attempt constitutes cruel and unusual punishment.

    The botched execution went forward despite multiple last-minute legal challenges. The U.S. Supreme Court rejected two separate bids to halt the procedure, and Tennessee Governor Bill Lee denied Pike’s request for clemency ahead of the attempt.

    To contextualize the case: Pike was just 18 years old when she, alongside her then 17-year-old boyfriend Tadaryl Shipp, tortured and killed Slemmer, a fellow college student, in Knoxville. The murder was motivated by Pike’s belief that Slemmer had insulted her and tried to steal Shipp. Shipp was spared the death penalty under Tennessee law because he was a minor at the time of the crime, and remains incarcerated on a life sentence with the possibility of parole. The case drew intense local media attention, leading to Pike’s death sentence in 1996.

    In response to the botched attempt, Governor Lee has ordered a independent external review of the incident, and has immediately suspended all scheduled executions in Tennessee for the remainder of the year. The Tennessee Department of Corrections has thus far defended its execution protocol, stating that its procedures do not allow for additional steps beyond those that were carried out during the attempt. State authorities have not yet offered any public explanation for what went wrong, nor have they confirmed whether they will attempt to execute Pike a second time in the future.

  • How widely used is the death penalty in the US?

    How widely used is the death penalty in the US?

    In recent weeks, the death penalty has reemerged as a major topic of public discussion and media scrutiny in the United States, following a highly unusual and disturbing incident in Tennessee. Last month, death row inmate Christa Pike survived two separate attempts at lethal injection, when execution teams struggled repeatedly to find usable veins to administer the fatal drugs. This botched procedure has reignited long-simmering debates over capital punishment, leaving many Americans asking a fundamental question: just how widespread is the use of the death penalty across the country today?

    To understand the current landscape, it is important to note that the application of capital punishment varies dramatically from state to state. As of 2024, 27 states currently maintain legal provisions for the death penalty, while 23 states plus the District of Columbia have abolished it entirely. Even among states that still allow capital punishment, many have not carried out an execution in years, or even decades. For example, states like California and Pennsylvania have active death rows but have imposed a formal moratorium on executions put in place by governors and state court rulings.

    Federal data compiled over the past decade shows a steady decline in the number of executions carried out each year. At its peak in the 1990s, there were nearly 100 executions annually across the country, but that number has dropped to fewer than 30 per year in recent years. This decline can be attributed to a number of factors, including growing public concern over wrongful convictions, shifting political attitudes in some states, and legal challenges that have made it harder to obtain the necessary drugs for lethal injections.

    The botched execution attempt in Tennessee is just one example of the ongoing challenges that death penalty states face when carrying out capital punishment. Many pharmaceutical companies, under pressure from human rights groups, have stopped selling lethal injection drugs to prison systems, forcing states to turn to untested drug combinations that carry a higher risk of prolonged, painful executions. This issue, combined with ongoing legal battles over the constitutionality of lethal injection, has led to growing numbers of delays and high-profile failures like the one that left Pike alive after two attempts.

    Public opinion on the death penalty has also shifted in recent decades. While a majority of Americans still support capital punishment for murder in polling, that support has dropped significantly from its high point in the 1990s, and a growing share of Americans now believe that the death penalty is applied unfairly, particularly along racial and socioeconomic lines. These shifting attitudes, combined with legal challenges and practical difficulties, have led many legal analysts to predict that the use of capital punishment will continue to decline across the United States in the coming years.

  • Death, displacement and disease: A young Gaza doctor on life under Israeli bombardment

    Death, displacement and disease: A young Gaza doctor on life under Israeli bombardment

    In a raw, firsthand account recorded inside the besieged Gaza Strip for the premiere episode of Middle East Eye’s *The Gaza Podcast*, 24-year-old newly graduated Palestinian doctor Maryam Youssef has laid bare the unimaginable realities of practicing medicine amid ongoing conflict, systemic deprivation, and unprocessed collective trauma.

    Youssef’s journey at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis began after her family was displaced for the second time by Israeli military operations, leaving her with no safe alternative but to volunteer at the facility that would become both her workplace and her home. Like nearly every medical center across Gaza, Nasser has faced repeated Israeli targeting, sieges, and raids—including a weeks-long major military siege in early 2024 and a deadly double-tap airstrike in August 2025 that left dozens dead.

    Just 48 hours into her role at the hospital, Youssef contracted chickenpox, a highly contagious infection that forced her to isolate alone in a small room for four to five days while Israeli bombs pounded the surrounding area. She hid her illness from her grieving mother, who had recently lost her brother, waiting weeks to share the news to avoid adding to her family’s pain. “The first two days no one knew. On the third day, my colleagues noticed and got me some medication,” Youssef recalled to podcast host Hussam Tannera. Like all residents of Gaza during Israel’s complete blockade on food entry, Youssef lived with constant hunger: “I think I was hungry most of the time, just as everyone else was. I was drained because even before this, I was staying in the hospital most of the time.”

    Systemic shortages of medical supplies have forced Gaza’s medical workers to make impossible compromises that compromise patient care, Youssef explained. “Because of the blockade, we have had to re-use single-use items. You have to hold scissors at a certain angle if you want them to cut. That’s not the best way to treat patients, but because of our situation we have to think about what not only is best, but also what do we have.”

    The trauma of conflict has left deep, unprocessed scars for Youssef, who lost her uncle and his entire family in an Israeli strike—learning of their deaths only through a Telegram news alert, when she could not reach her mother by phone to confirm the news. Rather than stepping back to grieve, she threw herself into treating wounded civilians in the hospital’s emergency department to cope: “There were multiple casualties downstairs, and that’s how I kept myself busy.”

    For months, Youssef operated in a constant state of “survival mode,” a psychological defense mechanism that allowed her to keep caring for patients but prevented her from processing her own loss and trauma. It is only in recent weeks, after the October 2025 ceasefire, that she has begun to unpack what she lived through. “I don’t think I have processed it. I’m processing right now. When you’re in that mode, you’re in survival mode, and I think I just recently unlocked this mode, because this is a very big burden, and I didn’t feel like I am ready to face it yet,” she said. Today, she uses dark humor as a coping mechanism: “I make a lot of jokes about what life was like at the hospital. I think this is my way of processing it. It’s a defence mechanism.”

    Youssef’s account is far from an individual story. It reflects the broader humanitarian and health crisis that continues to grip Gaza months after the ceasefire was declared. According to World Health Organization (WHO) data, more than 1.7 million Palestinians remain internally displaced, most living in overcrowded makeshift shelters with inadequate access to clean water, sanitation, and basic shelter. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that 94 percent of Gaza’s population is in urgent need of shelter and basic household assistance. As of last week, the WHO confirmed only 19 of Gaza’s 36 pre-war hospitals are even partially functioning, with no facility operating at full capacity. Critical supplies including essential medicines, diagnostic tools, medical equipment, and fuel remain in catastrophic short supply. The WHO has also estimated that roughly one million Gazans require mental health and psychological support to address the prolonged trauma of war and displacement.

    Contrary to widespread international narratives that life has returned to normal in Gaza after the ceasefire, Youssef says the war has merely reshaped itself into a constant, grinding reality. “Most people believe that life is going on and we have moved on,” she said. “The war reshaped itself. It’s not constant bombing all the time, and it’s not like before when 100 people are dying every day… but it’s still happening, it’s a constant rhythm.” Palestinian authorities confirm that at least 1,402 Palestinians have been killed and nearly 5,000 injured since the October 2025 ceasefire took effect.

    Youssef’s comments come as the gap between official reconstruction plans and on-the-ground reality continues to widen. Last week, the US-backed Board of Peace unveiled its long-awaited recovery framework for Gaza, with senior adviser Jared Kushner, US President Donald Trump’s son-in-law, acknowledging that progress has been far slower than projected. While the board says $18 billion in reconstruction funding has been pledged internationally, only $280 million has actually been disbursed for on-the-ground projects. Full recovery and reconstruction are estimated to cost $71.4 billion over the next decade.

    Board of Peace director-general Nickolay Mladenov admitted that major political obstacles have delayed implementation, particularly amid ongoing Israeli election cycles that have made diplomatic negotiations far more fraught. “Discussions with Israel right now are not easy because of the elections there. Everything is a little bit more emotional, a little bit more politically sensitive,” Mladenov said, adding that the board has no fixed timeline for delivery: “We are not bound by a calendar – we’re bound by verification.”

    Today, Youssef continues her medical internship at a primary healthcare clinic in Gaza, still working to care for a population grappling with the unending consequences of war, while slowly working through her own trauma. Her account offers an unflinching reminder of the human cost of conflict that persists long after ceasefire declarations make global headlines.

  • Egypt detains entire newsroom of leading fact-checking platform over ‘fake news’ allegations

    Egypt detains entire newsroom of leading fact-checking platform over ‘fake news’ allegations

    In a sweeping crackdown on independent media that press freedom advocates have labeled an unprecedented escalation against free expression in Egypt, security forces have detained every member of the full six-person editorial team of Matsada2sh, one of the country’s last remaining independent fact-checking outlets. The raids, carried out at the journalists’ private homes across September 28 and 29, targeted all staff of the outlet, whose name translates to “Don’t Believe” in English, founded in 2018 to debunk misleading and false information spread by both government and opposition sources. The detained journalists are identified as Mohamed Ashraf Abu Emeira, Abdallah Qadry, Islam Barakat, Omar Helal, Mohamed Mahmoud, and Mohamed Adel.

    Following the arrests, the total number of journalists currently held in Egyptian detention has risen to 24. Reporters Without Borders (RSF), a leading international press freedom watchdog, emphasized that this incident marks a historic first for Egypt: the detention of an entire functioning newsroom. The organization also condemned Egyptian authorities for refusing to disclose the whereabouts of the six detained journalists, a practice that RSF notes violates Egypt’s own constitution despite being common in the country. It is typical for detained Egyptian journalists to be held incommunicado, or forcibly disappeared, for days before they are officially charged and presented to a judicial body, RSF added.

    Multiple human rights organizations have confirmed that during the early morning raids, security personnel seized not only the mobile phones and laptop computers belonging to the six journalists, but also the personal electronic devices of their family members who live at the raided properties. Importantly, officers did not present any formal arrest warrants to the journalists or their families at the time of the raids, and would not answer questions about where the detainees were being transported.

    Days later, Egypt’s interior ministry released an official statement confirming the detentions, and leveled a series of accusations against the outlet and its team. The ministry claimed Matsada2sh operates as an unlicensed media platform managed from outside of Egypt’s borders, intentionally spreads disinformation, and maintains unlawful ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s largest historical opposition movement, has been banned as a terrorist organization under the administration of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi since 2014. This is not the first time the outlet has faced government action: one of its editors was arrested on similar charges in 2023, though he was released just two days after being detained.

    The detentions have drawn widespread condemnation from the global human rights and independent journalism community. A joint statement signed by more than 80 rights organizations and independent media outlets underscored that independent journalism is a cornerstone of any free society, and argued that the Egyptian government’s ongoing suppression of free expression directly contradicts its stated public commitments to open dialogue, governmental transparency, anti-corruption efforts, and regional leadership. The statement called the crackdown on Matsada2sh an alarming escalation against independent media that must not be tolerated.

    Abdelrahman Mansour, a co-founder of Matsada2sh who currently resides outside of Egypt, told the Associated Press this week that the detained journalists’ families still have no information about their loved ones’ location or condition. “Everyone on this team knew the risks when they went to work every day, but it’s unacceptable for the government to make false accusations and forcibly disappear journalists just because they’re afraid of a free press,” Mansour told AP. “Their families are worried, we’re worried, we just want them released unharmed.”

  • Toilet seats, toys and hair clips: The strangest items Israel still barred from Gaza

    Toilet seats, toys and hair clips: The strangest items Israel still barred from Gaza

    For 48-year-old Palestinian displaced mother Dima Awad, moving out of a rain-prone makeshift tent before the winter cold and wet season arrives hinges on one simple, increasingly unattainable item: a toilet seat.

    Awad, who now lives with her only son after being separated from her husband when he left Gaza for medical treatment during the ongoing conflict, has already paid rent on a small garage in western Gaza City and moved most of her few belongings into the space. But the unfit structure lacks a working bathroom, and she has been searching unsuccessfully for two weeks for an affordable toilet seat to complete the basic conversion.

    “Of course there is no way to find a new toilet seat at an affordable price right now. The second-hand options are also unsuitable, and still far out of my budget,” Awad explained to Middle East Eye. Current market prices for the scarce basic fixture now run between 1,500 and 2,000 Israeli shekels, or $486 to $648 — more than twice the 600 shekel ($194) monthly rent Awad pays for the garage. She had chosen the space after finding all other available housing completely unaffordable, and hoped to avoid repeating last year’s experience of sleeping in a flooded tent as winter rains poured through.

    The scarcity of toilet seats in Gaza is no accident. For nearly 20 years, Israel has enforced a blockade on the besieged enclave, barring or restricting entry to hundreds of everyday items classified as “dual-use” goods that Israel claims could be repurposed for military activity. The restricted list has long included core civilian necessities: construction materials, water and sewage pumps, electrical equipment, generators, medical devices, and even mobility aids like wheelchairs and crutches.

    When the large-scale conflict began in October 2023, Israel sealed Gaza’s border crossings entirely and drastically cut the flow of all commercial and humanitarian goods, including food, medicine, and fuel. A ceasefire agreement reached in October 2025 required Israel to lift restrictions and allow unimpeded entry to international aid — but nearly a year later, the vast majority of restrictions remain in place.

    Aid workers refer to the unpublicized roster of banned items as a “ghost list”: hundreds of goods have been added to the restricted roster since Israel last published an updated public list in 2017, leaving traders and aid groups to navigate an opaque system where shipments can be rejected without clear explanation. The ban extends far beyond construction and medical materials to include mundane, everyday items that most of the world takes for granted: batteries, lighters, children’s toys, and even hair clips.

    Imad Sersawi, a 45-year-old father of five displaced from Gaza’s Shujaiya neighborhood, says the constant disappearance of goods from local markets has made daily survival an unpredictable struggle. A single disposable lighter, a critical tool for families cooking over open fires, now costs 90 shekels ($29) and is rarely found in stock. Sersawi’s lighter is shared by the entire displacement camp whenever anyone needs to start a fire.

    “One day you find something; the next day it’s banned and disappears for God knows how long. Some things haven’t been allowed in for years,” Sersawi said. He promised his children new toys once the war ended, but even after the ceasefire, toys remain banned. Existing pre-war stock is sold at exorbitant prices: a small rubber ball now costs 100 shekels ($32), enough to feed his entire family for two days. “People outside Gaza might say that basic necessities are missing and that we are focusing on these secondary things. But the fact is that we are being left without either the essentials or the non-essentials,” he explained.

    The shortage of ordinary goods has also eroded small, routine comforts for Gazan women, many of whom live in crowded displacement camps with limited access to basic personal items. Palestinian journalist Baidaa Othman, who remains displaced in Deir al-Balah after her Gaza City home was destroyed, recently traveled across two governorates just to find a simple hair claw clip, eventually paying 10 times the original pre-conflict price. A clip that once cost 4 shekels ($1.3) set her back 45 shekels ($14.5).

    “Now it’s not just about being able to get the basic necessities. It has reached a point where, when you want to buy something very simple, you have to go to extraordinary lengths to find it,” Othman said. “Even the simplest things as basic as a hair clip have become difficult to find. On top of all the basic necessities that are unavailable in Gaza, now the everyday things that no one would normally think twice about have become unavailable.”

    Palestinian physiotherapist Sojood Hasan noted that while a missing hair clip does not cause immediate physical harm, the constant lack of even small, routine items wears away at Gazans’ sense of control over their own lives. For Othman, the shortage of ordinary goods is a deliberate policy, not a random side effect of conflict.

    “On top of the displacement and all the hardships we face, including having to cook with firewood, it’s only natural for women to want to put their hair up to keep it off their faces and necks in the heat. So it’s not a secondary item any more,” she said. “The Israeli occupation knows exactly what it is doing. This is not random; it is a policy of making even the simplest things a struggle for Gazans.”

  • Can Baghdad gain control over paramilitary groups amid US war on Iran?

    Can Baghdad gain control over paramilitary groups amid US war on Iran?

    Following the formal exit of the US-led military coalition from Iraqi territory in late September 2026, Baghdad has launched an ambitious, high-stakes effort to rein in the country’s sprawling network of powerful paramilitary groups under greater state oversight – a process that demands careful navigation of clashing domestic power dynamics and competing foreign interests between Washington, Tehran and regional stakeholders.

    Unlike a straightforward full disarmament campaign, the initiative crafted by Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi focuses on curbing the independent operational autonomy of armed factions, bringing unregulated weaponry under state management, and integrating eligible fighters into formal Iraqi government security structures. Zaidi has set a firm completion deadline of June 30, 2027, for the full rollout of the plan.

    The entire framework is built on a phased approach that kicked off alongside the US coalition withdrawal. The opening 90-day window, which launched September 30, mandates a full cessation of unauthorized military activity by all paramilitary groups. In a reciprocal agreement, the US has committed to halting unilateral military strikes against Iraqi armed groups in Iraqi territory – a marked shift from years of repeated US attacks on Iran-aligned paramilitary bases, most notably a joint US-Saudi strike on Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) targets in July 2026 that killed at least 20 fighters.

    After the 90-day de-escalation period concludes, factions – many of which already hold embedded positions within Iraq’s state security apparatus through the PMF network – will begin the process of transferring control of their weapons to government authorities. Former Iraqi prime minister and State of Law Coalition leader Nouri al-Maliki clarified in early September that the initiative is not traditional disarmament, but rather state-led containment and regulation of arms. The primary focus will fall on weapons used for cross-border and unilateral attacks on foreign and domestic targets, rather than all military hardware held by factions.

    A core strategic goal of the plan is to eliminate the ability of paramilitary groups to launch unapproved military action outside Iraq’s borders, a practice that has repeatedly dragged Iraq into dangerous regional escalation. Recent examples include drone strikes on Israel during the Gaza war and repeated attacks on US interests amid heightened US-Iran tensions, both of which put Iraq at risk of being drawn into broader, unwanted conflict.

    Another key provision of Zaidi’s plan calls for integrating fighters from non-PMF aligned paramilitary factions as individuals into state security ranks, rather than allowing the groups to preserve their existing independent command structures. In a late September interview, Zaidi stated his clear objective: “to end the existence of these factions as independent entities.”

    For armed groups to accept limits on their autonomy and offensive capabilities, however, Baghdad must meet a set of non-negotiable demands to protect their political and economic interests. Iraq’s paramilitary landscape is fractured, with factions holding varying degrees of proximity to Iran, and wielding vastly different levels of political influence and economic power across the country – internal dynamics that will shape every step of negotiations between the groups and the central government.

    Already, some moderate factions have signaled willingness to comply. Asaib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) and Kataeb Imam Ali announced back in June that they would place their arms under state control. For AAH, though, long-term compliance remains tied to guarantees that the group will retain its existing economic influence and the parliamentary seats held by its affiliated Sadiqoon political bloc.

    Hardline factions that have led recent attacks on US interests under the banner of the Islamic Resistance of Iraq (IRI), including Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba and Kataeb Hezbollah, initially refused any disarmament, citing remaining foreign military presence in Iraq as a core justification for retaining independent arms. But by late August, the groups put forward their own conditions for participating in the process, and on the day of the US coalition withdrawal, Kataeb Hezbollah announced it would halt all military activity except for defensive actions against hostile aircraft – a move that aligns broadly with Zaidi’s opening phase of de-escalation.

    Some key demands from hardline factions have already seen progress. On October 1, Turkey announced it would transfer control of the Bashiqa-Zelikan military camp near Mosul back to the Iraqi government under a agreed timeline and mechanism, fulfilling a core demand for the withdrawal of Turkish forces from northern Iraq. Parallel efforts are also underway to remove Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) forces from the region, another key request from paramilitary groups.

    Even with these early wins, Baghdad faces significant barriers to meeting all of the factions’ demands. The IRI has called for ending what it describes as US “hegemony” over Iraq’s political and economic decision-making, pointing to the long-standing arrangement that has held Iraq’s oil revenues in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York since 2003, with monthly dollar transfers to Baghdad. Many IRI-affiliated groups have also demanded strengthening Iraqi air defenses and barring foreign aircraft from using Iraqi airspace to launch strikes on neighboring countries, particularly Iran.

    Any resumption of US strikes on Iranian targets, especially during the critical 90-day de-escalation window, risks derailing the entire integration process and pushing hardline factions into open conflict with Baghdad. Ultimately, the success of Zaidi’s initiative hinges on his ability to balance the competing demands of Iraqi paramilitary groups and the United States, the foreign power that has wielded significant influence over Iraqi politics since the 2003 invasion.

    Critical details of the plan remain unresolved: the exact scope of state control over weapons, how far the government will go in dismantling independent faction command structures, and what role participating groups will hold within formal state institutions are still subject to negotiation. For the process to move forward, all key parties must avoid maximalist positions that would bring negotiations to a stall, analysts note.

    Mustafa al-Saray, research director at Baghdad-based think tank the Bayan Centre for Strategic Studies, explained that while Washington has not publicly opposed Zaidi’s proposal or the militias’ core demands, clear clarification of US red lines is required to build trust. “Similarly, even though most of these militias appear receptive to Zaidi’s plan, there is always a chance that Tehran objects to the process, and this would also change the negotiation process in Iraq,” Saray told Middle East Eye.

    Iran-aligned factions have already demonstrated their willingness to challenge Baghdad policies they oppose. In late September, the Iraqi government suspended all flights to Iran after the US announced sweeping new secondary sanctions on Iran’s aviation sector. After a senior Kataeb Hezbollah security official warned that Zaidi’s government could be “brought down”, Washington granted a one-month sanctions waiver to allow continued flights between Iran and the Shia holy city of Najaf, highlighting the outsized influence factions hold over Iraqi policy.

    The stakes for Zaidi are particularly high: he took office in May 2026 after the US effectively vetoed the candidate preferred by Iran-aligned paramilitary blocs. If he fails to balance competing domestic and US interests, factions could quickly turn against his government. Saray warned that “there is a real risk that Iraq returns to the pre-2022 equation, where the militias held prime ministers directly responsible for international actions against them.”

    Renewed sustained US strikes on Iran would also severely damage prospects for peaceful integration. As seen in previous escalation cycles, Baghdad would struggle to prevent Iran-aligned factions from launching retaliatory attacks in support of Tehran, derailing the current de-escalation trajectory. Furthermore, just as the July 2026 joint US-Saudi strike on PMF targets hardened faction attitudes toward state oversight, any future foreign attacks on Iraqi paramilitaries would almost certainly push groups to reject any limits on their autonomy.

  • Why China is missing the big AI rally

    Why China is missing the big AI rally

    In 2026, China has emerged as a surprising source of global artificial intelligence excitement for international investors. Yet despite this momentum in the AI space, it boasts one of the poorest performing major stock markets on the planet. While the wave of AI-driven investment has sent equity benchmarks in Seoul, Taipei, and Tokyo climbing to impressive gains, mainland Chinese shares continue to trend downward.

    This divergence is no random coincidence; it stems from a confluence of interconnected economic, structural, regulatory, and geopolitical headwinds that have eroded global investor confidence. The most pressing challenge is chronically weak household demand, which has continued to disappoint market expectations and put downward pressure on earnings outlooks for domestic internet platforms, automakers, and retail operators.

    Seventy percent of Chinese household wealth is tied up in the residential property sector, which remains stuck in a deep multi-year downturn. This persistent slump has erased household wealth, undermined consumer confidence, and stripped out the core support needed for a broad-based economic rebound. Ongoing soft consumer spending in turn casts a long shadow over future profit growth for both technology and traditional industrial firms operating in China.

    Beyond demand weakness, China also faces a structural misalignment with the current phase of the global AI boom. So far, the AI rally has disproportionately benefited semiconductor manufacturers over the cloud service providers and internet companies that dominate China’s tech ecosystem. With a relative lack of large, publicly traded AI hardware firms listed on domestic exchanges, China sits at a clear structural disadvantage compared to AI hotspot neighbors South Korea and Taiwan, which are home to the world’s top chip makers.

    Compounding these issues are persistent regulatory uncertainty and mounting geopolitical risks, most notably the ongoing U.S.-China trade and technology conflicts. Since Beijing’s sweeping 2020 tech sector crackdown, global investors have consistently priced Chinese equities at a significant discount, factoring in elevated policy headwinds and the chronic lack of transparency that plagues the mainland’s capital markets. The dual challenges of a sprawling property crisis that has fueled deflationary pressures and crimped both business and consumer spending, and capital market institutions that are not yet prepared for global leadership, have further pushed investors to the sidelines.

    These dynamics are clearly visible in headline index performance: the Shanghai Shenzhen CSI 300 Index has fallen nearly 6% year-to-date in 2026, while South Korea’s Kospi Index and Taiwan’s Weighted Index have both surged more than 65% over the same period, powered by their heavy exposure to AI semiconductor manufacturing.

    Notably, this slump comes even as Chinese corporate earnings have recently outperformed. Onshore listed companies notched their fastest quarterly profit growth in five years in the April-June period, with a nearly 26% year-on-year gain.

    Across fixed income markets, Chinese 10-year government bond yields have tumbled this year even as the yuan has appreciated, a divergence that signals deep investor skepticism over whether Beijing’s incremental stimulus measures are sufficient to reverse weak domestic demand. The 10-year yield currently hovers around 1.67%, a level that indicates early hopes that deflation had been fully contained have not materialized.

    Moody’s Ratings analyst Elaine Xu notes that China’s latest round of financial policy measures should deliver a modest improvement in credit transmission through policy banks and targeted lending facilities. Even so, she argues, “it’s unlikely to materially lift broader credit demand or alter the property sector’s weak trajectory.”

    The new policy package is designed to lower overall funding costs, expand policy lending tools, and reduce effective mortgage rates for eligible first-time home buyers, reinforcing the government’s more supportive policy stance amid slowing growth. However, Xu explains, this approach “is consistent with policymakers’ preference for selective easing through the financial system rather than broad-based stimulus.”

    The People’s Bank of China recently cut the one-year pledged supplementary lending rate by 25 basis points to 1.5%, expanded the facility’s scope to cover additional infrastructure investment, and raised relending quotas for technology firms, private enterprises, agricultural operations, and small businesses. While these steps will improve funding conditions for policy-directed lending and channel credit to priority sectors, Xu notes that a broad-based surge in credit growth remains unlikely, because targeted support alone cannot generate stronger private sector borrowing demand.

    Charles Wang, chairman of Shenzhen Dragon Pacific Capital Management, argues that with the Chinese economy still “very weak,” Beijing’s current policy plans are not “adequate” to revitalize either the property sector or consumer spending. Duncan Wrigley, chief economist for Pantheon Macroeconomics, adds that the incremental measures rolled out to date “won’t solve China’s structural imbalances, with sluggish domestic demand and high reliance on exports.”

    This overreliance on exports is a core long-term challenge. Since the Hu Jintao administration, Beijing has repeatedly pledged to rebalance China’s growth model away from export dependence and toward consumer-led domestic demand. Yet even with U.S. tariffs still in place, China’s annual trade surplus hit a record $1.2 trillion in 2025, leading many economists to worry that Beijing will double down on export-led growth rather than accelerate the long-promised structural reforms.

    The root of China’s current economic malaise is its deepening K-shaped recovery, defined by a booming high-tech export sector running parallel to a persistently weak domestic property market and consumer segment. This split has only grown more pronounced in recent months: as exports continue to post strong gains, consumer spending and property activity keep lagging, widening the gap between China’s external strength and domestic fragility.

    This is a sharp reversal from the narrative that dominated 2025, when coordinated gains across stocks, bonds, and the yuan sparked widespread hopes that China was shaking off its “uninvestable” label among global market participants.

    Currency markets also reflect unusual divergence this year. As Sophie Huynh, a fund manager at BNP Paribas Asset Management, told Bloomberg, the Chinese yuan “has totally disconnected from interest-rate differentials since the start of the year, thanks to the firm trade surplus, yuan internationalization and capital inflows.”

    Analysts broadly agree that the path forward requires China’s Communist Party to deliver on its 2013 pledge to grant market forces a “decisive” role in economic policy making. Over the past decade, the Xi administration has often overpromised and underdelivered on market-oriented reform, leaving key structural issues unaddressed.

    While Beijing has steadily opened Chinese equity and government bond markets to foreign investors, even adding Chinese bonds to major global benchmark indexes, market access has consistently outpaced the domestic institutional reforms needed to prepare Chinese corporations and capital markets for global leadership. While China’s “new economy” grabs global headlines, its troubled “old economy” is drawing unwanted negative attention at a precarious moment for policymakers.

    The scale of weak consumer demand is visible in corporate performance from global multinationals too. Sportswear giant Nike recently cut its full-year sales outlook specifically citing weak China demand, with revenues in its second-largest market falling 29% from its 2021 peak to $5.8 billion. “Our Nike performance business is not yet large enough to offset the pressure we’re seeing in Nike sportswear, Jordan brand, and Greater China,” CEO Elliott Hill said in an earnings call, adding that a recovery “will take time.”

    As Beijing juggles the overlapping challenges of a systemic property crisis, near-record youth unemployment, strained local government finances, and weak consumer spending, officials have once again called on the so-called “national team” of state-backed investors to stabilize sliding equity markets. Regulators, state-owned investment funds, insurers, and state-linked asset managers have been activated to shore up market confidence following a recent sharp tech selloff, a playbook that Beijing has deployed repeatedly to steady Shanghai shares. The most high-profile use of this strategy came in summer 2015, when Chinese shares fell by a third in just a few weeks, triggering a whole-of-government response that included billions in state buying, trading suspensions for thousands of listed firms, an IPO freeze, and even government marketing campaigns framing stock purchases as a patriotic act.

    The national team has been called into action repeatedly since: during the 2018 share-pledge margin call crisis, through the 2021-2022 COVID-19 pandemic, in 2023 when exchange-traded funds faced widespread outflows, in 2025 amid fallout from U.S. tariffs, and now again as global technology stocks face renewed volatility.

    A key shift between 2015 and today is the outsize role AI is playing in driving both global equity gains and regional GDP growth across Asia. Take South Korea, for example: September 2026 exports jumped 83.5% year-on-year to a record $120.9 billion, driven by a more than three-fold increase in semiconductor shipments. This marked the 16th consecutive month of export growth, with gains that echo the rapid expansion of the Asian Tiger economic boom era, far outpacing expectations for a mature $1.9 trillion economy. Even with headwinds from U.S. tariffs and Middle East geopolitical tensions, South Korea is on track to hit $1 trillion in annual exports, a milestone that underscores how AI is reshaping regional economic fortunes.

    China has a long track record of defying bearish predictions: since the 1997 Asian financial crisis, analysts and short sellers have repeatedly forecast a catastrophic debt-fueled crash that has yet to materialize. Even so, basic economic principles still apply for economies transitioning from state-led, export-focused growth to a model centered on services, innovation, and domestic consumption.

    One core principle holds that developing economies must build transparent, trusted capital markets before opening their doors to trillions of dollars in foreign capital. This requires strengthening regulatory frameworks, increasing corporate governance standards, building independent credit rating and surveillance systems, and shoring up financial architecture before global capital arrives. But under Xi Jinping’s leadership, China has become less transparent, with tighter restrictions on independent media and corporate disclosure.

    This is the core contradiction of modern Chinese economic policy: Beijing has prioritized opening markets to foreign capital first, and building a world-class, transparent financial system second. Now, as China sits on the sidelines while the global AI boom lifts the stock markets of its regional neighbors, the entire global investment community is watching to see how Beijing responds. The clock is ticking for Xi’s administration, with increasingly little room for missteps. For decades, China was the main engine accelerating Asian economic growth; today, the global AI boom is accelerating pressure on Beijing to finally deliver the long-delayed structural reforms the economy needs to reverse its market slump.

  • Netanyahu’s man: How Israel is betting on a Bolsonaro comeback in Brazil

    Netanyahu’s man: How Israel is betting on a Bolsonaro comeback in Brazil

    As Brazil prepares for its October 4 presidential election, the long-standing and multifaceted relationship between Israel and Brazil has moved to the center of political debate, driven by a high-profile show of support from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for right-wing candidate Flavio Bolsonaro. The moment of support came in late July, during Flavio Bolsonaro’s official campaign launch in Sao Paulo. A pre-recorded video from Netanyahu played for the assembled crowd, where the Israeli leader hailed Flavio as a champion of both Brazil and the friendship between the two nations. This public backing came as no surprise to regional analysts, given the deep web of political, military, and ideological ties that have connected Israel to Brazil’s right-wing establishment—and the Bolsonaro family in particular—for decades.

    Flavio, the son of imprisoned former far-right Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, is running to unseat incumbent leftist President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in the upcoming poll. If no candidate secures an absolute majority in the first round on October 4, a runoff election will be held on October 25. Current polling shows the race is extraordinarily tight: Lula holds a narrow lead of just one percentage point in first-round surveys, and polls project a close result if the race proceeds to a second round.

    Netanyahu’s public endorsement comes as the Israeli leader faces his own domestic electoral test on October 27, at a time when Israel faces growing international isolation over its military campaign in Gaza, with widespread allegations of genocide and war crimes. David Magalhaes, an international relations professor at Brazil’s Federal University of Uberlandia, explains that a Flavio Bolsonaro victory would deliver significant strategic benefits to Netanyahu. “At a time when Israel is increasingly isolated within the international community, a situation that has worsened because of the indications of extermination or genocide in the Gaza Strip, a close ally in Brazil would be a major win,” Magalhaes told Middle East Eye. A Flavio win, he adds, would send a message to Israeli voters that their country’s international isolation is not complete.

    Flavio has already laid out plans to deepen bilateral ties if elected. He has promised to relocate Brazil’s embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, a move that would break with the consensus position of most of the international community, which does not recognize Israel’s sovereignty over occupied East Jerusalem. He has also pledged Brazil’s membership in the so-called Isaac Accords, an initiative launched earlier this year by Argentina’s President Javier Milei alongside Netanyahu, designed to integrate Israel into Latin America’s economic, political, and security frameworks. Ideologically, Flavio has embraced the messianic interpretation of Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory as a fulfillment of biblical prophecy, aligning himself firmly with the most hardline elements of Israeli politics. His agenda would represent a return to the close partnership Brazil enjoyed with Israel during his father’s 2019-2022 presidency, and would expand that relationship even further.

    The roots of Israel’s influence in Brazil stretch back decades, built through deep connections to Brazil’s military, security forces, and evangelical political blocs. These ties have persisted across both left- and right-wing Brazilian governments, according to academic research. Bruno Huberman, an international relations professor at Sao Paulo’s Pontifical Catholic University, explains that Israeli influence in Brazil was “built mainly through the armed forces and the police, and from there it extends to far-right parties and movements.” Huberman notes that even during Lula’s first presidential term from 2003 to 2011, when Brazil sought closer ties to Arab nations and the Global South, the relationship with Israel was maintained as a strategic counterweight, centered around arms imports that created long-term technological dependence. For Brazil’s military and police, the relationship is also underpinned by shared ideological ground around counterterrorism and Islamophobia, creating persistent internal pressure within the Brazilian state for closer bilateral ties.

    When Jair Bolsonaro took office in 2019, he doubled down on these existing military ties, appointing active and retired military officers to more than half of his federal cabinet posts and placing over 6,000 military personnel into civil service roles. Research by Huberman and Isabela Agostinelli dos Santos, an international relations professor at Sao Paulo’s FECAP higher education institution, finds that despite occasional diplomatic disagreements, “continuities outweigh ruptures” in the bilateral defense relationship, with arms trade consistently anchoring the partnership. Defense ties between the two countries date all the way back to 1964, during Brazil’s military dictatorship, and the modern defense industry relationship took shape in the early 2000s, with Israeli defense giant Elbit Systems playing a central role. By 2014, total bilateral arms deals had reached almost $190 million, with much of that business conducted under Lula’s Workers’ Party government. “So Bolsonaro didn’t usher in a ‘new era’. In fact, he intensified structural dynamics that were already under way,” Santos explains. Any Brazilian government would struggle to quickly reverse these long-standing military dependencies, giving Israel a persistent and influential role in Brazil’s defense sector.

    The Bolsonaro family has long played a central role in advancing Israeli interests in Brazil. Flavio’s brother, Eduardo Bolsonaro, is a key figure in maintaining these ties. In January 2025, when an Israeli soldier on vacation in Brazil was accused of war crimes committed during his service in Gaza, Eduardo worked directly with Israeli Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli to pressure Brazilian authorities to drop the investigation, a move he later publicly boasted about. “Thanks to our efforts with Minister Chikli, the decision not to investigate set a precedent,” Eduardo said in an interview following the incident.

    For Lula, the deep roots of Israeli influence in Brazil create a delicate political balancing act. Lula has been one of the most prominent international critics of Israel’s campaign in Gaza, calling it a genocide and an attempt to exterminate the Palestinian people. Brazil joined South Africa’s legal case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, and after Lula compared the Gaza violence to the Holocaust, Israel declared Lula persona non grata, prompting Brazil to withdraw its ambassador from Tel Aviv. Today, diplomatic relations between the two countries are maintained only at the charge d’affaires level. Yet despite this public rift at the executive level, Lula has not moved to sever long-standing defense ties. In 2024, five months after the Brazilian military signed a $210 million contract with Elbit for 36 Atmos 2000 self-propelled howitzers, Lula suspended the deal but did not cancel it entirely, reflecting the tricky balance he must maintain between his public criticism of Israel and the deep pro-Israel ties within Brazil’s political and military establishment.

    Even within Brazil’s legislature, pro-Israel sentiment has grown in recent years, driven by three powerful parliamentary caucuses, nicknamed the “three Bs”: bullets (representing legislators with military backgrounds), beef (representing powerful agribusiness interests), and Bible (representing evangelical Christian lawmakers). Brazil’s evangelical community numbers around 40 million voters, and polling shows Flavo Bolsonaro holds a commanding lead among this demographic, with 52 percent support in the first round and 62 percent in a projected runoff, compared to just 26 and 32 percent for Lula. In November 2025, even as Lula’s executive branch adopted a critical stance toward Israel, the Brazilian legislature revived the Brazil-Israel Parliamentary Front, a cross-party group first established in 2004. Flavio Bolsonaro, a member of the front, used its launch to confirm that a Bolsonaro presidency would fully restore close bilateral ties with Israel. “Even with a president who is more critical of Israel, the legislative base is becoming increasingly pro-Israel, largely because of the alliance between the evangelical caucus and the so-called ‘bullet caucus,’” Santos notes.

    For Brazilian voters, the Israel-Palestine issue rarely decides election outcomes, but it does reinforce existing political divides, according to Feliciano de Sa Guimaraes, a professor at the University of Sao Paulo’s Institute of International Relations. “Jobs, living costs and public security matter far more to most voters,” Guimaraes explains. But polling shows shifting public opinion on Israel: latest Pew Research data from earlier this year finds that just over half of Brazilians hold an unfavorable view of Israel, and more than 60 percent lack confidence in Netanyahu. Since the start of the war in Gaza, Guimaraes says, pro-Israel sentiment has shifted disproportionately to right-wing voters aligned with Flavio Bolsonaro, while left-leaning voters have moved closer to Lula’s critical position. “For most voters, the Israel-Palestine issue mainly reinforces existing loyalties, since the issue now follows Brazil’s left–right divide,” Guimaraes says.

    Lula has already raised concerns about foreign interference in Brazil’s election, issuing a public warning in June to former U.S. President Donald Trump to stay out of the race. He later reiterated that warning in a speech the UN General Assembly, where Brazilian newspaper Folha de S.Paulo reports the warning was also aimed at Netanyahu and Milei, even though Lula did not name them directly. As voters head to the polls in less than a week, the deep ties between Israel and Brazil’s political factions will remain a defining undercurrent of what is already one of the most contentious elections in Brazil’s recent history.

  • Riot police clash with students as education protests rage in France

    Riot police clash with students as education protests rage in France

    What began last week as a small, localized protest over failing education standards in Paris has exploded into a nationwide movement that has shut down more than 700 French secondary schools and sparked violent confrontations between demonstrators and riot police. High school students are leading the demonstrations, fueled by years of mounting frustration over persistent understaffing, overcrowded learning spaces, crumbling infrastructure, extended school hours, and planned national education budget cuts that threaten to worsen already strained conditions.

    By Friday, the unrest had spread to major cities across the country, including Montpellier, Nantes, Marseille, Belfort, Strasbourg, Rennes, and multiple districts of the Paris metropolitan area. In many urban centers, protesters lit barricades and trash bins on fire, blocked roadways, and damaged school property. In the northeastern city of Belfort, a 17-year-old demonstrator was taken into custody on charges of attempted homicide following an attack that targeted a serving police officer. France’s Education Ministry confirmed that at least 65 school and law enforcement staff have been injured in the unrest across the country.

    In the Parisian suburb of Pantin, police charged crowds of demonstrators and made multiple arrests after projectiles were thrown at officers. Local law enforcement deployed tear gas in Strasbourg to pre-empt escalating violence, per reports from Reuters. One of the hardest-hit sites was Nelson Mandela High School in Nantes, where a fire set by protesters destroyed the building’s glass entrance lobby and damaged multiple interior spaces, leaving an estimated €2 million ($2.1 million) in total damages. French authorities have confirmed that they seized dangerous contraband from demonstrators during raids, including homemade petrol bombs, an axe, and explosive mortar fireworks. The Education Ministry noted that hundreds of schools have suffered damaged gates, fences, and entrance facilities, labeled as “significant damage” to public education infrastructure.

    For many participating students, the government’s heavy-handed law enforcement response has only amplified their anger. “As far as we’re concerned, we’ve won – our school is closed this morning,” 16-year-old protester Lola told AFP during Friday’s demonstrations. She added, “It makes us even angrier – the police have no right to hit us or use tear gas on us.”

    The unfolding crisis comes at a critical political juncture for French President Emmanuel Macron, just six months ahead of the 2027 presidential election. Senior government officials have framed the unrest as a breakdown of public order, rather than a reflection of legitimate student grievances. French Justice Minister Gerald Darmanin confirmed that the situation has “gone from high-school student demonstrations to a public order disturbance.” He added that around 2,000 people, most of whom are minors, have been taken into custody since the movement began, and prosecutors have been instructed to seek financial damages from parents for destruction caused by their children.

    French Education Minister Édouard Geffray claimed Friday that the original student movement had been “hijacked” by external agitators with no connection to the school system. He told French broadcaster BFMTV that multiple teachers reported “the people in front of me were not my students.”

    Many parents across France have expressed growing anxiety about the unrest, fearful that their children will be caught up in escalating violence between protesters and police. In southern Paris, 53-year-old Anya told AFP she had forbidden her son from attending demonstrations but was searching for him after he left home. “We’re afraid the situation might escalate,” she explained.

    Despite the government’s condemnation, multiple major French trade unions have publicly backed the student protesters and their demands. Three leading education and public service unions—SNEP-FSU, SNUEP-FSU, and Solidaires—have called on their members to support the movement. In an official statement, the Solidaires Trade Union Federation argued, “Let’s not let them fire on our children. Secondary school pupils have the freedom of assembly, association and demonstration.”

  • The China factor behind the Iran war

    The China factor behind the Iran war

    What began as a direct military and diplomatic confrontation between Washington and Tehran has evolved into more than a bilateral conflict: unfolding alongside the Iran war is a quiet, high-stakes indirect contest between the United States and China that is reshaping the strategic dynamics of the entire Middle East.

    While Beijing is not engaging in direct military conflict with Washington over Iran, China’s deep-rooted economic, technological, and diplomatic ties to Tehran have significantly complicated Washington’s campaign strategy and eroded its ability to achieve a decisive outcome in the conflict. This shift has sparked urgent debate over a critical, long-term question: is the ongoing Iran war evolving into a new indirect front in the expanding global rivalry between the world’s two largest powers?

    Available evidence does not point to an imminent direct military clash between Washington and Beijing. Just weeks before the conflict escalated, the two nations reaffirmed public commitments to constructive bilateral engagement during a high-profile summit between former U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Washington. But despite this public posturing, the Iran conflict has already pushed the two powers into direct competition across multiple critical domains: energy markets, international sanctions enforcement, technology trade, maritime security, and most significantly, the future balance of power across the Middle East.

    China acts as Iran’s core economic lifeline throughout the conflict
    China holds a uniquely critical position in Iran’s war-time economy. Even before the latest outbreak of open conflict, China was Iran’s largest crude oil buyer, accounting for between 13% and 14% of China’s total crude oil imports, and it has retained its status as one of Tehran’s most important economic partners throughout the escalation of U.S. pressure.

    These continued oil purchases have provided Iran with a vital stream of revenue at a time when sweeping U.S.-led sanctions have cut off most of the country’s other global commercial ties. Independent Chinese refiners have played an outsized role in sustaining this trade, as they face far less exposure to the Western-dominated global financial system than China’s large state-owned oil enterprises, making it easier for them to evade U.S. enforcement measures.

    In response, Washington has expanded its sanctions regime to target a growing list of Chinese companies, commodity traders, and logistics networks linked to Iranian oil trade and sensitive technology transfers. U.S. regulators have also cracked down on China-linked procurement networks accused of assisting Iran in acquiring technology that could be used to advance nuclear research and ballistic missile development programs.

    This crackdown has left Washington trapped in an increasingly tight strategic bind. Sanctioning smaller Iranian entities and minor Chinese commercial players carries limited risk, but imposing harsh penalties on major Chinese financial institutions could rapidly escalate the Iran conflict into a full-scale economic confrontation between the U.S. and China.

    Recent independent reporting has also documented shipments of dual-use components from Chinese suppliers to Iran, including specialized electronics and other parts that can be repurposed to support advanced military systems and unmanned aerial drone production. U.S. officials are currently investigating allegations that Chinese entities provided targeted satellite intelligence linked to an Iranian strike on a U.S. military facility in Jordan. China has formally denied all such accusations, and former President Trump has publicly downplayed the severity of the allegations to avoid escalating bilateral tensions.

    Even so, the line between routine commercial technology trade and indirect military assistance has become increasingly blurry in modern conflict. Contemporary warfare relies heavily on precise navigation systems, high-resolution satellite imagery, secure communications hardware, advanced semiconductors, and precision manufacturing components. A major power does not need to deploy troops or send direct weapons shipments to shape the outcome of a distant conflict: it can sustain an adversary’s military capability and resilience under pressure simply by supplying critical enabling components. For this reason, U.S. national security officials are now closely monitoring all of China’s economic and technological engagement with Iran.

    The Strait of Hormuz: A point of overlapping interest and shared vulnerability
    China’s economy is deeply dependent on energy exports from the Middle East, so any disruption to commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz — the chokepoint through which roughly 20% of global oil supplies pass — poses a direct existential threat to Beijing’s economic stability. Washington also shares a core interest in keeping the strait open to free navigation, though its motivations are rooted in broader global economic and geopolitical strategy. During pre-conflict bilateral talks, Trump and Xi Jinping agreed that the strait must remain open for unimpeded energy trade. Beijing has consistently opposed moves to militarize the waterway and has repeatedly called for all parties to de-escalate tensions in the region.

    This alignment of core interests has created an unusual strategic balancing act for Beijing. China does not want to see the current Iranian regime collapse, but it also has no interest in a protracted war that would destabilize the entire Persian Gulf and put its own energy security at risk. As a result, Beijing is pursuing a dual goal: preserving Tehran’s economic survival while working to prevent the conflict from expanding beyond Iran’s borders.

    Even so, Beijing’s support for Tehran has clear hard limits. China has not joined the conflict as a formal military ally of Iran, has repeatedly called for all parties to return to the negotiating table, and has positioned itself as a potential neutral diplomatic mediator between Washington and Tehran.

    During a recent meeting with his Iranian counterpart, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi reaffirmed that Beijing is committed to safeguarding Iran’s legitimate international rights and interests, while also urging both Tehran and Washington to exercise maximum restraint and resume diplomatic negotiations. China also maintains extensive economic and diplomatic ties with Iran’s regional rivals, including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which makes any open-ended, unqualified commitment to Iran economically and strategically costly for Beijing. While Iran holds significant strategic value for Beijing as a counterweight to U.S. influence in the Middle East, it is far from China’s only source of energy imports or access to regional influence.

    The Iran conflict as a new testing ground for broader US-China rivalry
    The competition between Washington and Beijing over Iran extends far beyond the borders of the Middle East. For the United States, the Iran conflict is an opportunity to demonstrate that U.S. sanctions, military power, and control over the international financial system still allow it to fully isolate a hostile state that defies U.S. global order. For China, continued engagement with Iran demonstrates that U.S. punitive measures have sharp limits when another major global power maintains open trade and economic ties with the sanctioned target. Every barrel of Iranian crude that reaches Chinese markets blunts the impact of U.S. sanctions, and every shipment of Chinese technology to Tehran weakens the effectiveness of U.S. export controls.

    At the same time, disputes over security in the Strait of Hormuz expose the shared dependence and shared vulnerability of both powers to the global Middle Eastern energy system. The Iran war is thus simultaneously testing the limits of U.S. global power projection and the resilience of China’s global economic networks.

    It is important to note that framing this dynamic as an undeclared war between the U.S. and China would be a dramatic overstatement. The two powers are not engaged in direct military conflict with one another on Iranian soil. But it would be equally inaccurate and misleading to dismiss China’s role as irrelevant to the outcome of the Iran conflict.

    The Iran war has already become yet another arena in which the U.S. and China test one another’s ability to shape and dictate events beyond their own borders. Washington exercises influence through sanctions, military pressure, and financial leverage; Beijing projects power through trade, energy purchases, diplomatic mediation, and its sprawling global commercial supply chains and economic networks.

    The central question today is not whether China will openly enter the war on Iran’s side. It is whether this conflict will push the long-running U.S.-China rivalry beyond disputes over trade and technology into a broader global struggle over which power has the ability to shape the emerging new international order. That may end up being the most consequential impact of China’s role in the Iran conflict.