作者: admin

  • UK could adopt EU single market rules under new legislation

    UK could adopt EU single market rules under new legislation

    Four years after the UK completed its full exit from the European Union’s economic structures, a contentious new legislative proposal from the opposition Labour Party has reignited fierce debates over the country’s post-Brexit trade relationship with its largest trading partner. Under the plan put forward by Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer, the UK government would gain new powers to adopt updated EU single market regulations for specific trade sectors, most notably food safety and product standards, without requiring full parliamentary votes for each new rule.

    This framework, known as “dynamic alignment,” is designed to streamline UK-EU trade by ensuring British rules match evolving EU standards in areas covered by existing negotiated agreements. If enacted, any new regulation drafted in Brussels would be brought into UK law via secondary legislation, a procedural mechanism that typically does not allow for amendments and is generally approved without a full floor vote in Parliament, leaving MPs with only limited opportunities for formal scrutiny.

    Labour insiders argue the reform is a pragmatic solution to long-standing post-Brexit trade frictions. The party frames the change as a way to cut unnecessary operational costs for British businesses and eliminate what it calls the “Brexit paperwork tax,” a hidden burden that pushes up everyday grocery prices for UK households. A Labour source emphasized that the plan does not reverse the UK’s Brexit departure, noting the party has consistently ruled out rejoining the single market or customs union. Instead, the source framed the proposal as a sovereign choice: the UK would voluntarily enter into agreements that lower trade barriers, while Parliament still retains a formal role in the process.

    The government further argues the reform will unlock a UK-EU food and drink trade agreement estimated to add £5.1 billion annually to the economy, support domestic British jobs, and cut through burdensome red tape for farmers, food producers and small businesses across the country. A government spokesperson added that the full bill itself will undergo the standard parliamentary passage process, and any new wider treaties or trade deals with the EU will still face full parliamentary scrutiny before approval.

    But the proposal has drawn fierce pushback from across the political spectrum. The Conservative Party’s shadow business secretary Andrew Griffith condemned the plan, arguing it would reduce Parliament to a mere spectator while EU regulators in Brussels set the trade rules that govern British businesses. Reform UK leader Nigel Farage, one of the most prominent architects of the original Brexit campaign, has pledged to oppose the legislation at every stage, dismissing it as a backdoor attempt to bring the UK back under EU regulatory control.

    Even pro-EU opposition parties have raised concerns over the erosion of parliamentary sovereignty. Liberal Democrat MP Munira Wilson told the BBC’s *Westminster Hour* that while her party supports closer economic ties with the EU, any alignment must go hand in hand with full parliamentary democratic scrutiny.

    The legislative proposal comes as the UK and EU continue ongoing negotiations to update post-Brexit trade arrangements, including a targeted deal on food safety, animal and plant health standards. Full text of the bill is expected to be introduced to Parliament later this year, ahead of a scheduled UK-EU summit that Starmer has signaled will be more ambitious than the 2025 meeting, where the two sides struck a landmark agreement covering fishing rights, trade, defense and energy cooperation.

  • US military is poised to blockade Iranian ports, while Tehran threatens ports in the Mideast

    US military is poised to blockade Iranian ports, while Tehran threatens ports in the Mideast

    Tensions between the United States and Iran have escalated to a dangerous new standoff in the Persian Gulf, following the collapse of weekend ceasefire negotiations that has left the global energy market bracing for severe disruption and raised fears of a resumption of active conflict.

    The crisis traces back to late February, when the United States and Israel launched joint military strikes against Iran, igniting a regional conflict that has already claimed more than 5,000 lives across six nations. A fragile ceasefire has held in recent weeks, but marathon talks hosted in Pakistan aimed at reaching a permanent peace deal failed to produce an agreement this past Saturday, clearing the way for the U.S. military’s vow to impose a full naval blockade on all Iranian ports starting Monday.

    The core sticking points in the collapsed negotiations align with longstanding U.S. demands: Iran has rejected Washington’s non-negotiable red lines, which require Tehran to permanently abandon any pursuit of a nuclear weapon, end all uranium enrichment activities, dismantle key enrichment infrastructure, surrender existing stockpiles of highly enriched uranium, reopen the Strait of Hormuz to unimpeded global shipping, and cut funding for regional armed proxies including Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis. For Iran, the main barriers to a deal are U.S. demands on its civilian nuclear program, demands for war reparations from Tehran, and the removal of crippling Western sanctions, according to Iranian ambassador to India Mohammad Fathali. U.S. Vice President JD Vance confirmed the talks stalled after Iran refused to accept Washington’s nuclear terms, while Iran has repeatedly maintained its nuclear program is for peaceful energy and medical purposes only, despite advancing enrichment to near-weapons-grade levels and developing long-range delivery systems.

    As the Monday deadline for the U.S. blockade arrived, clarity on the operation’s actual start remained murky. Just minutes before the 10 a.m. EDT deadline, the UK Maritime Trade Operations agency, which monitors regional maritime security, issued a notice to mariners confirming the restrictions would cover the entire Iranian coastline, including all commercial ports and national energy infrastructure. The agency clarified that transit through the Strait of Hormuz to or from non-Iranian destinations would not be blocked under the current measures, but warned commercial vessels to expect heavy military presence throughout the waterway.

    U.S. Central Command, the military command overseeing Middle East operations, later confirmed the blockade would apply to all vessels of any flag seeking to enter or depart Iranian coastal areas across both the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman. The current framework represents a partial walk-back of an earlier, more extreme threat from former President Donald Trump to blockade the entire strait, a concession that reflects growing concern over global economic backlash. Shortly after the deadline passed, Trump posted a message to social media claiming Iran’s conventional navy had been “completely obliterated” and lies at the bottom of the sea, but warned that any remaining Iranian fast attack craft that approach the U.S. blockade line would be immediately destroyed.

    Iran has responded with sweeping reciprocal threats, vowing that no regional ports belonging to U.S.-allied nations will remain safe if Washington follows through on its blockade. “Security in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman is either for everyone or for NO ONE,” the Iranian military and Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said in an official statement carried by Iran’s state broadcaster. Top Iranian officials have dismissed the U.S. blockade threat as empty posturing, but warned of overwhelming retaliation if hostilities escalate. “It will make the current situation (Trump) is in more complicated and makes the market — which he is angry about — more turbulent. And we may also reveal other cards that we have not used in the game,” Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesperson for the Iranian parliament’s National Security Commission, wrote in a post on X. Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf issued a direct warning to Trump: “If you fight, we will fight.”

    The showdown already has had immediate ripple effects across global commodity markets. Iran effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz — through which roughly 20% of the world’s traded oil flows in peacetime — after the outbreak of war, sending energy and commodity prices soaring worldwide and pushing up costs for gasoline, food, and basic consumer goods far beyond the Middle East. Tehran has allowed limited passage for vessels perceived as friendly, but charges steep transit fees, a practice that has drawn widespread accusations that Iran is holding the global economy hostage. As of Monday, international benchmark Brent crude rose 7% to trade near $102 per barrel, up from roughly $70 per barrel before the outbreak of conflict. The latest Iranian threats have already halted the limited commercial traffic that resumed through the strait during the ceasefire, according to Lloyd’s List Intelligence. Before the war, an average of 100 to 135 commercial vessels transited the strait daily; that number dropped to just over 40 per week since the ceasefire took effect, and has now ground to a near-halt.

    Analysts have cast significant doubt on the effectiveness of a U.S. blockade, questioning whether military pressure alone can force Iran to reopen the strait, and warning of severe risks to U.S. naval forces deployed to the region. The standoff has become a test of political and economic endurance: will a full blockade push Iran’s already battered economy to collapse, forcing Tehran to concede to U.S. terms? Or will the resulting spike in global energy prices create enough domestic pressure in the U.S. to force the Trump administration to back down?

    The current ceasefire is set to expire on April 22, and neither Washington nor Tehran has signaled whether it will be extended, or when negotiations might resume. Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, whose country hosted the failed talks, has said Pakistan will continue working to facilitate a new round of dialogue in the coming days, while Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan — whose country has led regional mediation efforts — has proposed extending the ceasefire by 45 to 60 days to create space for further negotiations. European leaders have also moved to address the crisis, with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer announcing he will host a summit this week with French President Emmanuel Macron to coordinate international action to reopen the strait and end the conflict, with Starmer insisting the waterway must be reopened with no conditions and no transit tolls.

    The conflict has already taken a heavy human toll: at least 3,000 people have been killed in Iran, 2,089 in Lebanon, 23 in Israel, and more than a dozen across Gulf Arab states, with widespread infrastructure damage across half a dozen regional nations.

  • Mass resignations in Victorian government, as three Ministers quit

    Mass resignations in Victorian government, as three Ministers quit

    Seven months out from Victoria’s November 2026 state election, the state’s ruling Labor government has been hit by a wave of high-profile departures, with three senior cabinet ministers handing in immediate resignations on Monday. The sudden exits come on the heels of former Government Services Minister Natalie Hutchins’ resignation from the frontbench in December, opening up four vacant cabinet positions that the Labor caucus will vote to fill during a scheduled meeting on Tuesday. Premier Jacinta Allan is expected to formalize a full cabinet reshuffle as soon as this week. The departing ministers are Finance Minister Danny Pearson, Health Minister Mary-Anne Thomas, and Skills and TAFE Minister Gayle Tierney. All three will complete their current parliamentary terms as backbenchers before the election goes to poll in November. The mass resignation echoes a similar shakeup ahead of the 2022 Victorian state election, when four senior ministers, including the deputy premier, stepped down from Daniel Andrews’ government just five months before voting day. Each departing minister offered personal reasons for their exit, while reflecting on decades of combined public service. Ms Thomas, a lower house Labor leader and close political ally of Premier Allan, who stepped into the health portfolio mid-way through the global COVID-19 pandemic, cited a desire to step back from seven-day workweeks to spend more time with family, including her 91-year-old mother, and attend St Kilda AFL matches. First elected to parliament alongside Mr Pearson in 2014, Ms Thomas said it had been the greatest honor of her life to serve in both the Andrews and Allan Labor governments. She highlighted landmark women’s health reforms as a signature achievement, noting that abortion rights would always remain protected under Labor governments, adding that “women’s rights are under attack from conservative political forces around the world.” Mr Pearson, who has represented the seat of Essendon since 2014 and entered cabinet in 2020, told reporters he entered parliament in 2014 knowing he would not spend his entire working life in politics, and said he had not yet settled on his next career move. An emotional Pearson teared up during Monday’s press conference, saying he was proud of his work delivering major WorkCover reforms, overhauling the state’s digital public services, and implementing Victoria’s groundbreaking ban on engineered stone, a policy expected to prevent hundreds of future cases of life-threatening silicosis. He lightened the mood with characteristic wit, joking that he and Ms Thomas would occupy the “Nosebleed Section” of the backbench, in a nod to Australian hip-hop group Hilltop Hoods, and quipped “We might be volunteers. I can tell you now our families are conscripts.” Reflecting on his tenure, he added, “I feel an enormous sense of gratitude to have played a bar of music in the great Labor concerto of government.” For Ms Tierney, the departure marks the end of 36 years in elected public office, and nearly two decades in the Victorian state parliament. “For me it is simply time to pass the baton,” she said. Premier Allan paid tribute to the three departing ministers, emphasizing their lasting legacy for Victorian communities. “All three have worked tirelessly, and I thank them for the service. These are friends and colleagues who have served the parliament and the Victorian community for a period of time, and it is now their time to say farewell to their life of public service,” Allan told reporters on Monday. In an official statement, she expanded on her praise, noting each minister had left an indelible mark on the state. She highlighted that Pearson’s engineered stone ban would save lives, that Thomas had steered the public health system through the most challenging public health crisis in a century while always supporting frontline health workers, and that Tierney had spent her decades in office fighting for working-class Victorians. Allan struck an optimistic tone about the upcoming reshuffle, expressing confidence that the vacant posts would be filled by new candidates with fresh ideas. She touted the Labor Party’s internal unity, contrasting it with what she framed as an extreme, divided opposition focused only on austerity cuts. “My Labor team has a unity of purpose that is guided by our values. We can renew and refresh because of this. Unlike our opponents who are extreme, divided and have one solution – to cut,” Allan said. The announcement also included word that Steve McGhie will step down from his role as cabinet secretary, a position he has held since 2022, and Allan thanked him for his service. The opposition has seized on the mass resignations to attack the Allan government, with Opposition Leader Jess Wilson dismissing the upcoming reshuffle as nothing more than rearranging deckchairs on a sinking ship. “What we see in terms of the Premier’s reshuffle in the coming days doesn’t change the fact this is a tired government,” Wilson said. “To shuffle the deckchairs is going to do nothing to actually change the direction of this state. These are the same people who have sat around the cabinet table, who have been part of the Labor Party for a decade. They have overseen the decline of Victoria. The only way to get a fresh start here in Victoria is to change the government this year.” According to preliminary reports from the *Herald Sun*, four sitting Labor MPs have been identified as top candidates for promotion to the vacant frontbench posts. Former Rail, Tram and Bus Union state secretary Luba Grigorovitch, a member of the party’s Right faction, is widely expected to claim one spot. Three remaining spots reserved for members of Labor’s Left faction will be contested by MPs Paul Edbrooke, Tim Richardson, Michaela Settle, and Paul Hamer.

  • Trump says ‘not a big fan’ of Pope Leo after his anti-war message

    Trump says ‘not a big fan’ of Pope Leo after his anti-war message

    A public rift between U.S. President Donald Trump and the newly seated Pope Leo XIV has burst into the open, after Trump publicly declared he is “not a big fan” of the Catholic leader over the pontiff’s repeated anti-war messaging and stance on Iran’s nuclear program. The sharp rebuke comes amid already simmering disagreements between the Holy See and the Trump administration on a range of policy issues, despite both sides moving quickly to dismiss earlier reports of a hostile behind-the-scenes confrontation.

    Trump made his critical remarks to reporters during a press gaggle at Maryland’s Joint Base Andrews on Sunday. The president framed the pope as an overly progressive figure whose policy priorities do not align with global security needs, saying, “He’s a very liberal person, and he’s a man that doesn’t believe in stopping crime.” He went further to accuse Pope Leo of softening his stance on nations pursuing nuclear capabilities, claiming the pontiff was “toeing with a country that wants a nuclear weapon.”

    Shortly after his in-person comments, Trump doubled down on the criticism in a post to his social media platform Truth Social, writing, “I don’t want a Pope who think it’s OK for Iran to have a Nuclear Weapon.”

    The clash follows a series of public disagreements that stretch back weeks. The 70-year-old American pontiff, who made history as the first U.S.-born leader of the Catholic Church, used a public address to thousands of worshippers at St. Peter’s Basilica on Saturday to deliver a ringing plea for global peace. In an unflinching rebuke of modern conflict and power politics, he told the crowd: “Enough of the idolatry of self and money! Enough of the display of power! Enough of war!”

    The confrontation escalated earlier that same week, after the Free Press published a report claiming that a top Pentagon official had delivered a “bitter dressing-down” to the Vatican’s envoy to the U.S., Cardinal Christophe Pierre, during a January meeting at the Pentagon. According to the report, U.S. Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby told the cardinal that the United States “has the military power to do whatever it wants — and that the Church had better take its side.”

    Both U.S. and Vatican officials quickly moved to discredit the account. The Pentagon dismissed the report as “distorted,” while Vatican spokesman Matteo Bruni issued a formal statement saying “the account presented by certain media outlets regarding this meeting does not correspond to the truth in any way.” Both sides have also maintained that the January meeting was cordial and productive.

    Even so, open disagreements between the Holy See and the White House have been on full display for months. The pope has publicly denounced the Trump administration’s hardline mass deportation policy as “inhuman,” and he has repeatedly criticized the administration’s willingness to use military force in global hotspots including the Middle East and Venezuela. Tensions flared most recently after Trump made what was widely labeled a genocidal threat against Iran earlier this month, telling the public “A whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again.” Pope Leo swiftly condemned the comment as “truly unacceptable” and called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations.

    Earlier this month, the pope did welcome a temporary ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran as a “sign of real hope,” but high-stakes peace talks wrapped up abruptly in the Pakistani capital of Islamabad on Saturday. After a marathon negotiating session, U.S. Vice President JD Vance told reporters that Washington had put forward its “final and best offer” to Iran, leaving the future of diplomatic negotiations uncertain.

  • Five emerging themes for the Indo-Pacific from Trump’s Iran war

    Five emerging themes for the Indo-Pacific from Trump’s Iran war

    The phrase “this is not our war” has become a major source of friction within the Trump White House, after dozens of European leaders invoked it to explain their refusal to deploy military forces alongside the U.S. and Israel in their ongoing attacks on Iran. This public rift has thrown the future of the post-WWII transatlantic alliance into renewed uncertainty, even as the ripple effects of the Iran conflict extend far beyond the Middle East to reshape global security and economic assumptions. While the war itself remains unresolved, following the breakdown of April 11 negotiations hosted in Islamabad, early trends indicate that five major long-term global shifts are already taking shape, affecting every region from the Indo-Pacific to the Persian Gulf.

    Financial markets have so far reacted with muted volatility to the conflict, as investors hold out hope for a rapid end to hostilities. This bet aligns with the reality that the dramatic disruptions of open war can fade as quickly as they emerge once active combat ceases. Still, analysts have identified clear emerging themes that will outlast any near-term ceasefire, starting with the greatest long-term risk: accelerated nuclear proliferation across the globe.

    North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has openly argued that his country’s decades-long investment in nuclear weapons, begun by his father and grandfather, has insulated Pyongyang from the same type of attack Iran is now facing. Many experts agree that this example is not lost on Iran’s ruling regime, which is now widely believed to regret moving more slowly toward a nuclear weapons program. While some observers argue the war could deter proliferation by highlighting the risk of American intervention for nuclear aspirants, this logic falls apart for states that can leverage great power protection, like North Korea’s close relationship with China that makes a large-scale U.S. attack too risky to contemplate.

    In the Indo-Pacific, this new calculus has already pushed Japanese officials into open, unprecedented discussions about abandoning the country’s long-held nuclear taboo. These talks stem from two overlapping fears: that South Korea and other regional states could move quickly to develop their own nuclear arsenals, and that the U.S.-promised “extended deterrence” nuclear umbrella can no longer be counted on to protect regional allies. That doubt around American deterrence forms the second major shift laid bare by the Iran conflict.

    The war has put U.S. military power on full display, but it has also revealed alarming vulnerabilities. In a conflict against an already heavily weakened Iran, which had sustained significant damage from Israeli and American strikes in June of last year, the U.S. military rapidly depleted a large share of its stockpiles of advanced precision weapons and cutting-edge missile defense systems. This has raised urgent questions across the Indo-Pacific: if the U.S. can exhaust its stockpiles in weeks of fighting a weaker adversary, how would it fare in a prolonged conflict against a far stronger peer competitor like China?

    Compounding these concerns is the fact that the Iran war has forced the U.S. to reallocate critical military assets—including warships, entire Marine regiments, and layered missile defense systems—from the Indo-Pacific to the Middle East. While the immediate capability gaps created by this shift are not the primary worry, regional strategists cannot discount the risk that China or North Korea could choose to exploit this opening, even if the probability remains low. The far bigger concern is that despite an annual defense budget approaching $1 trillion, the U.S. military has already become severely overstretched after just a short conflict in Iran. This confirms long-held warnings about U.S. defense production capacity constraints, and suggests that current spending prioritizes fixed overhead costs like global basing over the flexible assets and stockpiles needed for modern conflict.

    The third key takeaway from the war is a global reevaluation of air and missile defense doctrine. The Gulf monarchies—the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia—have faced repeated barrages of Iranian missiles and drones, and their existing defense systems have failed to stop these attacks effectively. Part of this failure stems from the global shortage of advanced, costly interceptors for U.S.-made Patriot and THAAD systems, a supply crunch that was first exposed by the war in Ukraine. Another factor is that most countries had not adapted their defense strategies to counter the swarms of low-cost drones that have become a staple of modern warfare, until the Iran conflict forced a reckoning. As a result, demand for the type of low-cost, mass-deployed anti-drone defenses Ukraine has honed is set to surge across the globe, not just in the Middle East.

    Fourth, the conflict has underscored the urgent need for diversified energy supply chains and expanded strategic stockpiles of critical commodities. For years, analysts have warned that global trade chokepoints could become tools of leverage during open conflict, but the U.S. largely downplayed or even ignored the strategic risk of the Strait of Hormuz, despite the fact that roughly 20% of the world’s annual oil supply passes through the narrow waterway shared by Iran and Oman. After the collapse of the Islamabad talks, the world now faces a high-stakes game of brinkmanship between Trump and Iran over control of the strait. Trump’s recent declaration that U.S. warships will blockade the strait to block Iran from levying transit tolls is a direct challenge to Tehran, a bold gambit that carries a major risk of reigniting full-scale hostilities.

    Beyond the immediate crisis, the Hormuz standoff makes clear that nations need to diversify trade routes and build up larger strategic reserves to reduce the leverage chokepoints can give to adversarial powers. For Taiwan, this lesson hits particularly close to home: the island’s still-small strategic energy and commodity stockpiles leave it extremely vulnerable to a potential Chinese blockade.

    The fifth and final emerging shift centers on the future of American global alliances. The Iran war has laid bare Trump’s extreme sensitivity to any perceived lack of support from U.S. allies, even as he spent much of the past year publicly insulting and alienating those same partners. Already, the rift over European refusal to join the war has increased the odds that Trump could withdraw the U.S. from NATO in a fit of pique. While the Indo-Pacific alliances have not yet faced the same existential risk, the conflict confirms that U.S. foreign policy is now heavily concentrated in the hands of a single individual: the president. Though Trump is scheduled to leave office in less than three years under current constitutional rules, he has already made dozens of deeply personal, unilateral decisions that will reshape global order in that time, and no country can insulate itself from the consequences of his actions.

    This article is an updated version of an original piece published by Mainichi, appearing in Bill Emmott’s Substack column Global View.

  • Trump announces closure of Hormuz Strait as Iran talks falter

    Trump announces closure of Hormuz Strait as Iran talks falter

    In a sudden Sunday announcement via his Truth Social platform, U.S. President Donald Trump has ordered an immediate military blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, a move that comes after Vice President JD Vance’s negotiation team failed to secure the trust of Iranian officials amid already heightened tensions between the two nations. Iranian negotiators, who have a long history of broken agreements with the United States, have refused to compromise on their sovereignty over the country’s nuclear program, derailing the first direct high-level talks between Washington and Tehran since 1979.

    Trump’s early morning post framed the closure as a response to what he called “world extortion” by Iran, claiming the country has leveraged unconfirmed claims of hidden mines in the strategic waterway to extract illegal tolls from commercial shipping. Prior to the Trump administration’s launch of the latest conflict, the strait — which carries roughly 20% of global oil trade — remained open to all vessels. “At some point, we will reach an ‘ALL BEING ALLOWED TO GO IN, ALL BEING ALLOWED TO GO OUT’ basis, but Iran has not allowed that to happen by merely saying, ‘There may be a mine out there somewhere,’ that nobody knows about but them,” Trump wrote. “THIS IS WORLD EXTORTION, and Leaders of Countries, especially the United States of America, will never be extorted.”

    The U.S. president went on to outline the parameters of the new blockade, stating he has instructed the U.S. Navy to interdict any vessel in international waters that has paid the so-called toll to Iran — a provision that was reportedly part of a draft ceasefire agreement Trump approved just last week. “No one who pays an illegal toll will have safe passage on the high seas. We will also begin destroying the mines the Iranians laid in the Straits. Any Iranian who fires at us, or at peaceful vessels, will be BLOWN TO HELL!” he added. Trump doubled down on his hardline stance, warning that Iran will not be permitted to profit from what he calls illegal extortion, and reiterated that the U.S. military is “locked and loaded” to complete the destruction of remaining Iranian military infrastructure if necessary, citing Iran’s pursuit of nuclear capabilities as a core casus belli.

    The announcement sparked immediate pushback from peace advocates, policy experts, and Iran-focused analysts across the political spectrum. Medea Benjamin, co-founder of the anti-war organization CodePink, highlighted the contradictory logic of Trump’s policy in a post on X, writing, “So get this. Trump wants to open the Strait of Hormuz by closing the Strait of Hormuz. Blow up the world economy to punish Iran. Make sense?” Ryan Costello, policy director for the National Iranian American Council, went further, noting that a blockade qualifies as an act of war under international law. “Trump is announcing he will reenter the US into a war has been illegal under domestic and international law and has been disastrous for US interests, regional security, and the people of Iran,” Costello added. Independent journalist Séamus Malekafzali called the policy one of the most reckless in modern U.S. history, saying “I have legitimately never heard of a more insane, designed-to-backfire policy under this administration; maybe ever. Not only attempting to blockade Iranian ships, but ANY ship that goes through the Strait of Hormuz by paying the toll.”

    While Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio attended a high-profile Ultimate Fighting Championship event in Miami, Vance led the collapsed talks with Iranian officials in Islamabad, Pakistan. Speaking to reporters after the negotiations concluded, Vance reaffirmed the White House’s core demand: “We need to see an affirmative commitment that [Iran] will not seek a nuclear weapon, and they will not seek the tools that would enable them to quickly achieve a nuclear weapon. That is the core goal of the president of the United States, and that’s what we’ve tried to achieve through these negotiations.”

    Contextualizing the collapse of trust, Iranian officials note that Tehran was open to sweeping nuclear concessions before the U.S. and Israel launched a joint bombing campaign against Iran on February 28. Notably, every U.S. administration former President George W. Bush’s term — including Trump’s first term — has concluded that Iran is not actively pursuing a nuclear weapons program. Iran previously committed to permanent non-proliferation under the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the landmark nuclear deal brokered during the Barack Obama administration. Trump unilaterally withdrew from the agreement in 2018 during his first term, despite widespread confirmation that Iran was in full compliance with its terms.

    Iranian Parliamentary Speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf publicly blamed the U.S. for the failed talks, confirming that Iranian negotiators refused to trust Vance’s team despite Tehran putting forward new, forward-looking proposals. The Iranian negotiating delegation was named “Minaab 168” in honor of 168 children and school staff killed in a U.S. cruise missile strike on the town of Minaab on the first day of the current war. “Before the negotiations, I emphasized that we have the necessary good faith and will, but due to the experiences of the two previous wars we have no trust in the opposing side,” Ghalibaf explained on X. He added that “America has understood our logic and principles, and now it’s time for it to decide whether it can earn our trust or not.”

    This is not the first time talks have collapsed amid accusations of bad faith from Tehran: just hours before Trump ordered the start of bombing in February, Omani mediators — who have facilitated backchannel talks between the two sides for years — announced a peace deal was within reach, leading Iranian officials to accuse Washington of walking away from a near-agreement to launch hostilities. Similar accusations arose when the U.S. and Israel launched offensive strikes against Iran in summer 2025, mid-way through an earlier round of nuclear negotiations.

    As of Trump’s blockade announcement, the U.S. and Israeli bombing campaign against Iran has entered its 43rd day. Coalition forces have struck more than 13,000 targets across Iran, assassinated dozens of senior political and military leaders — including former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei — and killed more than 3,000 Iranians, hundreds of whom are women and children, according to Iranian medical officials. Concurrent Israeli bombing operations in Lebanon have killed hundreds of additional civilians, and the Israeli campaign in Gaza has killed and maimed over 250,000 Palestinians, leading to an ongoing genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice and an arrest warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu from the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Trump has previously publicly vowed to bomb Iran “back to the Stone Ages” and “destroy Iranian civilization.”

    Despite major military losses, Iran retains strategic leverage in the conflict, a reality Trump has rejected in his public statements. “The Iranians don’t seem to realize they have no cards, other than a short term extortion of the World by using International Waterways,” Trump wrote on Truth Social as Vance departed for negotiations in Pakistan. “The only reason they are alive today is to negotiate!” Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei struck a measured tone in response to the collapse, advising that breakthroughs do not come after a single round of talks. “Naturally, from the beginning we should not have expected to reach an agreement in a single session,” Baghaei said. “No one had such an expectation.”

  • House prices in two major cities to surge by over $50,000 this year, say Canstar

    House prices in two major cities to surge by over $50,000 this year, say Canstar

    Australia’s long-held cultural ideal of homeownership is edging further out of grasp for millions of prospective buyers, as new property industry forecasts reveal stark divergent trends across the nation’s major urban markets this year. Alongside uneven price shifts, successive cash rate increases continue to squeeze how much would-be buyers can borrow, creating fresh risks for household financial stability.

    Financial comparison site Canstar projects that two of Australia’s fastest-growing capital cities, Perth and Brisbane, will outpace all other major markets in 2026, defying broader monetary tightening to deliver double-digit and near-double-digit price growth respectively. By the end of the calendar year, median house prices in the two cities are set to jump by more than AU$50,000 each: Perth will see a 12.3% rise, while Brisbane will record a 9.7% gain.

    These gains will push median house prices to new unaffordable thresholds for many. Perth’s current median will climb from AU$551,690 to AU$1.11 million, while Brisbane’s median will surge from AU$754,919 to AU$1.26 million, according to Canstar’s analysis. The growth in these two markets has been fueled in large part by investor interest, drawn to Perth’s historically lower relative prices compared to other capitals and increasingly tight rental conditions across both southeast Queensland and Western Australia.

    “Both of these markets are hurtling towards prices that are fast becoming unaffordable for people looking for four walls and a patch of grass,” said Sally Tindall, Canstar’s director of data insights.

    The picture looks very different in Australia’s two largest property markets, Sydney and Melbourne, where prices are projected to dip slightly over 2026. Sydney’s median house price is forecast to drop 0.6%, equal to a AU$2,139 decline, while Melbourne will see a steeper fall of AU$7,829. While even a small price drop might sound like promising news for aspiring first-home buyers, the reality of rising interest rates has erased any potential affordability gains.

    Major Australian banks including ANZ, Commonwealth Bank of Australia and National Australia Bank are already forecasting another cash rate hike in the coming month, adding to the two increases implemented in February and March this year. Westpac goes further, predicting three additional 0.25 percentage point rate hikes by the end of 2026.

    Canstar’s analysis calculates that these hikes have already dramatically cut borrowing capacity for average earners. A single full-time worker on the national average wage has already lost AU$25,000 in borrowing power after the February and March increases alone. If Westpac’s forecast of three more hikes comes to pass, that total cut to borrowing capacity will jump to AU$58,700.

    Beyond worsening affordability, Tindall warned that current market conditions create significant long-term risk for overstretched buyers. “The danger is, people will borrow to the limit, banking on prices continuing to climb. If circumstances change – whether that’s interest rates, job security or the economy – it could leave some households overexposed,” she said.

  • Lost film of French cinema pioneer retrieved from US attic

    Lost film of French cinema pioneer retrieved from US attic

    For a full century, a dented, well-worn wooden trunk passed from one generation of the McFarland family to the next, shuffled between attics, barns, and garages without anyone suspecting the cinematic treasure locked inside its walls. It took the curiosity of 76-year-old retired high school teacher Bill McFarland to finally unpack its secrets – a discovery that has rewritten a key chapter of early film history.

    McFarland had served as the trunk’s caretaker for 20 years, having inherited it from his great-grandfather William DeLyle Frisbee, a traveling silent film exhibitor who brought moving pictures to rural Pennsylvania audiences at the turn of the 20th century. “It was just this trunk of films that seemed too good to throw away. But I had no idea what they were or how to show them,” McFarland told Agence France-Presse in an interview.

    Early attempts to offload the collection hit a snag: after McFarland tried to sell the reels through a local antique shop, the owner quickly asked him to remove them over safety concerns. Nitrate film, the standard photographic material of early cinema, is highly flammable and prone to combustion if not stored properly. Undeterred, McFarland loaded the 10 fragile reels into his car last summer and drove from his Michigan home to the U.S. Library of Congress’ National Audio-Visual Conservation Center in Culpeper, Virginia, where archivists made a stunning find:
    spliced between other reels was a 45-second 1897 silent short by French cinema pioneer Georges Méliès, *Gugusse and the Automaton* – a film thought lost to history for more than a century.

    Méliès, a former stage magician and theatrical showman, revolutionized the art of moving pictures just two years after the Lumière Brothers held the world’s first public film screening in Paris in 1895. He was among the first filmmakers to experiment with fictional storytelling and innovative special effects, and remains best known for his iconic 1902 work *A Trip to the Moon*, famous for its legendary scene of a rocket crashing into the Man in the Moon’s eye. After Méliès attended the Lumière Brothers’ landmark screening, he left inspired to create his own films, cementing his legacy as one of the founding fathers of modern cinema.

    By the 1910s, however, Méliès’ work fell out of public favor as the global film industry’s center of gravity shifted from Europe to the United States. He eventually closed his studio and spent his later years working as a toy seller at Paris’ Gare Montparnasse train station, a chapter of his life immortalized in Martin Scorsese’s 2011 film *Hugo*. Despite his late-life professional decline, his contributions to cinema never faded. “He was one of the first filmmakers,” said George Willeman, head of the Library of Congress’ nitrate film vault. “And one of the first to experience film piracy.”

    Ironically, that widespread piracy of Méliès’ work has become a gift to modern film historians. The director reportedly destroyed hundreds of his own original negatives, melting their celluloid down to be repurposed into raw material for soldiers’ boots during World War I, leaving many of his works surviving only in bootleg copies. The recovered *Gugusse and the Automaton* reel is believed to be a third-generation pirate copy – a rare miracle of survival that brings a previously lost work back to public view.

    The recovered short follows Méliès himself, playing a stage magician who activates a growing automaton that strikes him over the head with a stick. The magician retaliates by smashing the automaton with a sledgehammer, causing it to shrink and disappear through a remarkably precise sequence of jump cuts. “These single frame cuts are really precise for a movie this old, and the gags are timeless,” said Jason Evans Groth, curator of the library’s moving image section.

    The discovery has also opened a new window into the life of McFarland’s great-grandfather Frisbee. A jack-of-all-trades born in 1860 in rural northwestern Pennsylvania, Frisbee grew potatoes, kept bees, produced maple syrup, and taught for three months out of the year. In his free time, he traveled by horse and buggy across Pennsylvania and neighboring states with his traveling “exhibition,” which featured an early Edison phonograph, a magic lantern projector, and eventually silent films. Frisbee’s well-worn pocket diaries chronicle his journeys, with one entry reading, “Gave the exhibition at Garland, $5 receipts, rough crowd” – leaving McFarland to wonder whether the rowdy audience was disappointed by the new technology or simply excited by the unprecedented experience.

    When McFarland arrived at the conservation center with the reels, archivists immediately rushed the highly flammable nitrate reels to a custom-built refrigerated vault, which already holds tens of thousands of films from Hollywood’s golden age, designed to prevent catastrophic nitrate fires. “It finally really registered that I had been…carrying a ticking time bomb,” McFarland joked.

    Preservation specialists spent a full week restoring the film one frame at a time and digitizing it for long-term preservation. Though the reel had shrunk and frayed after decades of storage in temperature-fluctuating attics, it remained in surprisingly good condition. Today, the recovered film is available to view on the Library of Congress’ website, preserving a key piece of early cinema history for future generations of researchers and film fans.

  • ‘Toughest decision of my life’: Cooper Bai explains massive Storm decision and the huge PNG interest that’s about to come

    ‘Toughest decision of my life’: Cooper Bai explains massive Storm decision and the huge PNG interest that’s about to come

    Nineteen-year-old rugby league prodigy Cooper Bai has opened up about the agonizing choice that saw him walk away from a pre-agreed move to the Melbourne Storm to re-sign with the Gold Coast Titans, a decision that already appears vindicated after his standout performance in Sunday’s dominant 50-point win over the Parramatta Eels.

    Still only seven games into his senior NRL career, Bai already displays the physical tools and mental maturity of a veteran front-rower, and has emerged as one of the Titans’ most critical long-term building blocks under new head coach Josh Hannay. The teen talent confirms that backing out of his earlier agreement to join Melbourne was the hardest call he has ever had to make, one that pitted his childhood home against a storied franchise with deep family connections.

    Bai’s father Marcus is a club legend of the Storm from their early championship-winning years, and top club figures including legendary head coach Craig Bellamy and football director Frank Ponissi held extensive talks with the young forward to convince him to make the move south to Victoria. “Those conversations were really helpful to get a different perspective on how other clubs operate,” Bai explained. “But at the end of the day, this is where I’ve grown up my whole life, this is all I’ve ever known. I had to make the choice that felt right for me, and that was staying here with the new coaching group that’s building something new.”

    While Bellamy’s decades of sustained success at Storm made the opportunity to learn from one of the game’s greatest coaches incredibly tempting, Bai says Hannay’s fresh approach and personal mentorship have been transformative for his early career. Under Hannay’s leadership, the Titans have overhauled their defensive structure and clicked into attacking form, notching only the second 50-point game in franchise history against the Eels.

    “Hannay has honestly been a game-changer for me,” Bai said. “He’s drilled me on the core basics of my position, helped me get my mindset right for the physical grind of the NRL, and taught me to start strong from the first minute instead of playing catch-up. As a young middle forward, there’s a lot of external noise, but he’s helped me stay focused on my role and keep improving every week.”

    Sunday’s blowout win has already validated the call for Bai and captain Tino Fa’asuamaleaui, both of whom committed long-term to the rebuilding Titans. “It silences a lot of that off-field noise,” Bai said. “We got to show our home fans what this new Titans brand is all about. We’re not just here to play flashy footy – we’re putting in the hard work to change the culture around this club. I never doubted that staying was the right call. I loved training every day with this group, and I didn’t want to look back and wonder what if I left. I’m young, there will be more choices down the line, but right now this is where I want to be.”

    Looking ahead, the newly approved 2028 entry of Papua New Guinea’s NRL franchise – widely nicknamed the PNG Chiefs – is set to trigger intense pursuit of Bai, who already has two Test caps for PNG and earned hero status among local fans when he featured off the bench in last year’s Prime Minister’s XIII match. Bai says he has no plans to think about future moves for now, but made clear he holds the PNG rugby league community close to his heart.

    “The love and support I get from everyone in PNG is unlike anything I’ve ever experienced,” Bai said with a smile. “It’s such an honor to play for them there. Right now, though, I’m just focused on my time here with the Titans. If opportunities come up later, they come up, but my focus is here right now.”

  • Viktor Orbán’s Hungarian experiment runs out of steam

    Viktor Orbán’s Hungarian experiment runs out of steam

    For 16 years, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán governed the Central European nation through a unique, constantly shifting political experiment that even he struggled to name. The label “illiberal democracy,” often attached to his leadership, carried harshly negative connotations he rejected, while the term preferred by his right-wing American allies—“national conservatism”—never accurately fit his ideological profile. Unlike most traditional conservatives who seek to preserve established systems, Orbán built his power on constant radicalization, leaving little existing institutional order to conserve.

    A defining feature of his tenure was theatrical defiance of European Union leadership in Brussels, where he positioned himself as a rogue outsider thumbing his nose at mainstream European politics. Every time Brussels pushed back against his policies, Orbán turned the backlash into political capital, framing himself as the sole defender of Hungarian national interests against overreaching foreign bureaucrats.

    His leadership was marked by stark contradictions that went largely unchallenged for decades. He painted himself as a fierce opponent of globalization, yet actively courted German automakers and Chinese and South Korean electric vehicle battery manufacturers to set up large-scale operations in Hungary. He positioned himself as the ultimate champion of national sovereignty, but refused to condemn Russian aggression or stand up for Ukraine’s territorial integrity amid the ongoing war with Moscow. He railed against mass immigration from the Middle East and Africa to win political support, while quietly encouraging labor migration from Sri Lanka, the Philippines, Ukraine and Turkey to staff the new foreign-owned factories he attracted to the country. Even his signature pro-natal policy, which poured billions in public funds into encouraging Hungarian families to have more children, failed to deliver its core promise: by 2025, Hungary’s fertility rate had dropped back to 1.31, the exact same figure he inherited from the socialist government he ousted in 2010.

    After winning a two-thirds parliamentary supermajority in 2010, Orbán moved swiftly to reshape Hungary’s entire institutional framework to lock in his power. Just one year into his first term, he rammed through a new constitution aligned with his political agenda, then used his parliamentary majority to rewrite laws governing the judiciary, electoral system, and national economy, remaking the country in the image of his ruling party.

    But on a historic Sunday election, Hungarian voters delivered a decisive rejection of Orbán’s long-running experiment. The opposition candidate, Péter Magyar, won a landslide victory, ending the ruling party’s 16-year hold on power. Orbán swiftly conceded defeat Sunday night, a move widely seen as a calculated effort to preserve his public legacy after more than a decade in power.

    Magyar’s victory stemmed from a clear rejection of Orbán’s polarizing approach to governance. He campaigned on an inclusive vision of national identity that contrasted sharply with Orbán’s divisive, exclusionary rhetoric, carrying the Hungarian flag to every campaign rally to connect with broad voter dissatisfaction. Most importantly, analysts say, Hungarian voters had grown exhausted by the constant state of conflict Orbán relied on to maintain power. Voters also expressed widespread anger at growing economic inequality under Orbán: the country’s wealthy elite amassed unprecedented fortunes, while poverty deepened and the middle class shrank dramatically.

    Orbán won nearly every political battle he fought over his 16 years in office, but his people ultimately wanted peace, stability, and the normalcy of a functional European democracy, rather than constant confrontation. That is exactly what Magyar has promised to deliver. Addressing thousands of jubilant supporters celebrating on the banks of the Danube after his win, Magyar declared: “Tonight we celebrate. But tomorrow, we start work.”