标签: Asia

亚洲

  • As Indonesia cuts methane emissions, life atop a mountain of garbage begins to change

    As Indonesia cuts methane emissions, life atop a mountain of garbage begins to change

    In the pre-dawn darkness that hangs over Indonesia’s Bantargebang, the country’s largest landfill site on the eastern outskirts of Jakarta, thousands of waste pickers already scramble across towering heaps of garbage to hunt for recyclable and resalable materials before fresh waste buries their finds. Among them is 35-year-old Nur Wencih, a widow who has followed in her parents’ footsteps working at the site for 20 years. For Wencih, who lives alone in a small rented room near the landfill, sorting discarded cardboard, plastic bottles, and discarded toys has paid for daily food, rent, and the education of her two teenage daughters, who stay with relatives in a rural village. On a good day, she earns roughly $12, and occasional lucky finds of forgotten gold jewelry feel like winning the lottery, she told the Associated Press during a break from the sweltering July heat. But like thousands of her colleagues, Wencih now faces an uncertain future as Indonesia launches one of its most sweeping national waste management reforms in decades.

    Starting August 1, the Bantargebang site will end its current open dumping operations and transition to a controlled, sanitary landfill system. This shift is part of a national policy that will shut down open dumping at 343 of Indonesia’s 550 existing disposal sites nationwide. Under the new rules, all landfills will gradually shift to only accept non-recyclable, non-compostable residual waste — items such as soiled diapers, used paper towels, and adhesive stickers that cannot be processed for reuse. At the same time, Indonesian households will be required to sort organic and recyclable waste for separate processing, a large-scale practice that most of the population has never been trained to adopt.

    The core driver of this reform is climate action. Open, unmanaged landfills produce massive amounts of methane, a greenhouse gas that traps 80 times more heat in the atmosphere than carbon dioxide over its first 20 years, and is responsible for roughly one-third of current global warming. Cutting methane emissions is widely recognized by global climate leaders, including U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres, as one of the fastest, most effective ways to slow the pace of near-term global warming.

    Bantargebang itself has become a flashpoint for global methane reduction efforts. Originally opened in 1989 as a properly designed sanitary landfill with a working methane collection system, the site gradually shifted to full open dumping after a private sector management contract expired in 2016. Today, only 2 of its original 12 methane extraction wells still operate. Satellite data analyzed by UCLA’s STOP Methane initiative ranked Bantargebang as the world’s second-highest methane-emitting landfill in 2025, outranked only by a large site in Argentina. Covering 110 hectares (272 acres), the landfill has grown into a 60-meter-tall man-made mountain — as high as a 20-story building — that receives 7,500 tons of Jakarta’s waste every single day. In March, a landslide triggered by heavy rain at the site killed seven people, a tragedy that underscored the urgent risks of the site’s overloaded, unmanaged state. “Its carrying capacity is reaching, or even exceeding, its limits,” said Agung Pujo Winarko, head of the Bantargebang facility.

    Under the government’s rehabilitation plan, large sections of the Bantargebang site are already being covered with impermeable tarps to capture escaping methane, with the full overhaul estimated to cost up to $12 million. Dudi Gardesi Asikin, head of Jakarta’s Environment Agency, says the reform will deliver major public benefits: improved environmental health, reduced local pollution, and deep cuts in harmful methane emissions. It will also make daily work far safer for the people who sort waste here, he noted: currently, thousands of pickers race alongside heavy construction excavators to reach recyclable materials before they are buried, putting their lives at constant risk.

    But the reform also creates a pressing national dilemma: how to protect the livelihoods of roughly 600,000 informal waste pickers across Indonesia who depend on open dumps for their income. At Bantargebang alone, more than 4,000 registered waste pickers work the site every day, and their work supports an entire local ecosystem of recycling traders, rental housing, and food stalls that serve the worker community. “What worries me most is how I will feed my family,” Wencih said. Local community leader Bunin, a 53-year-old resident who lives near the site, added that while the landfill has brought severe pollution to the area, it has also created critical economic opportunities for low-income local families. “The landfill not only brings negative impacts, there are also economic benefits,” he said.

    Government officials say the reform will ultimately create better, more formal, safer jobs for waste pickers in the new recycling and composting sectors, and that pickers already receive basic social security and healthcare through national programs. But the transition remains fraught with uncertainty for the workers who have built their lives around Bantargebang, many of whom are third-generation waste pickers like Wencih, who hopes her own daughters will never have to work in the landfill.

    The success of the broader national reform also depends on changing decades-old waste habits across Jakarta, where residents have never been required to sort household waste before disposal. Many ordinary residents say the new rules have already created confusion, as public education campaigns have been slow to reach all communities. “All we know is to throw the trash in the bin, not to sort it,” said Rukasih Wanti, a resident of Central Jakarta. “The new rule is confusing us. It’s inconvenient, creates extra work and wastes our time.”

    Environmental advocates say the urgent need for this reform highlights decades of delay in updating Indonesia’s waste management infrastructure. Currently, only about 25 percent of the country’s daily waste is processed through formal waste systems, with the rest dumped, burned, or left unmanaged. David Sutasurya, executive director of Indonesian environmental organization YPBB, noted that up to 80 percent of Jakarta’s waste is either compostable or recyclable, meaning most waste currently going to landfills could be diverted with the right infrastructure. “We delayed transforming our waste-management system for too long, and only realized the problem when landfills were already close to full,” he said.

    Still, grassroots activists are working to build public support for the shift across the country. In a West Jakarta neighborhood, community organizer Monica T. Anggriani has spent more than a decade persuading neighbors to sort their household waste, building a community waste bank that now processes one ton of organic waste daily through composting, maggot cultivation, and urban farming. “Our generation was never taught to separate waste,” Anggriani said. “If we don’t start now, nothing will change in the future.”

  • Netanyahu says Rubio told him US ‘determined to act forcefully’ against ICC after Khan’s removal

    Netanyahu says Rubio told him US ‘determined to act forcefully’ against ICC after Khan’s removal

    A major shakeup at the International Criminal Court (ICC) has triggered sharp reactions across global politics, after member states voted Friday to remove top prosecutor Karim Khan from his post amid ongoing misconduct allegations.

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu quickly issued a public statement celebrating the decision on Sunday, framing the ousting of Khan as a long-overdue reckoning for an institution he claims is riddled with bias and corruption.

    “I welcome the decision, supported by an overwhelming majority of countries, to remove Karim Khan, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court,” Netanyahu posted on the social platform X. Calling the move “a very positive development”, the Israeli leader argued that Khan’s removal strips away a protective layer for alleged institutional misconduct, and lays bare what he claims were the prosecutor’s hidden motives.

    Netanyahu alleged that Khan’s 2023 attempt to secure arrest warrants for him and former Israeli defense minister Yoav Gallant, amid accusations of war crimes in Gaza, was a deliberate distraction from the misconduct claims facing Khan personally. “That shield has now been torn away,” Netanyahu said. “What has been exposed is not only Karim Khan’s true motivation, but also the profound injustice and corruption that have infected both the Office of the Prosecutor and the International Criminal Court itself.”

    The Israeli prime minister also claimed he had spoken with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who he says reaffirmed Washington’s commitment to confronting the ICC aggressively. “He once again reaffirmed America’s determination to act forcefully against this institution,” Netanyahu wrote. He went on to condemn the ICC as a body that “undermines justice, attacks democratic and sovereign nations, and seeks to subordinate their security to the decisions of unaccountable and corrupt officials in The Hague.”

    Hours after the vote on Khan, Venezuelan foreign minister Felix Plasencia announced his country would make good on an “irrevocable” decision to withdraw fully from the ICC, pointing to longstanding accusations of geographic bias against Global South nations. The withdrawal marks a striking shift in Venezuela’s alignment toward U.S. foreign policy, coming just one week after Rubio pledged a “whole-of-government response to systematically disable” the tribunal.

    By Sunday, U.S. officials openly embraced both the removal of Khan and Venezuela’s exit from the court. In a post on X, the U.S. State Department celebrated Venezuela’s move as a milestone in collaborative, American-led efforts to “dismantle the corrupt and worthless ICC.”

    Hostility toward the ICC has been a consistent policy priority for U.S. conservative administrations for years. The Trump administration repeatedly pushed to undermine the international court, imposing harsh sanctions on ICC prosecutors who launched investigations into alleged war crimes committed by U.S. and Israeli military personnel. In an executive order signed last year, Trump argued the ICC “has engaged in illegitimate and baseless actions targeting America and our close ally Israel”, referencing the November 2023 arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant.

  • The Indian Army’s first woman boxer is now chasing Commonwealth gold

    The Indian Army’s first woman boxer is now chasing Commonwealth gold

    As the 2026 Glasgow Commonwealth Games approaches, all eyes in Indian boxing are turning to 24-year-old Jaismine Lamboria, the reigning 57kg world champion who enters the tournament as one of the nation’s top gold medal prospects, hungry to upgrade the bronze medal she earned at the 2022 Birmingham Games.

    For Lamboria, calm under pressure is the key to unlocking gold – a mindset she has intentionally cultivated by looking to one of India’s most beloved sporting legends, former cricket captain MS Dhoni. “He earned the nickname Captain Cool for a reason, and I strive to bring that same level-headed composure to every bout,” the soft-spoken athlete explained. This steely focus has already proven transformative: after a disappointing first-round exit at the 2024 Paris Olympics, Lamboria turned the setback into a catalyst for growth, reshaping both her physical conditioning and mental approach to the sport.

    That Paris defeat came in the 57kg division, a weight class Lamboria had only recently returned to after nearly three years competing at 60kg. The move to drop back down ultimately paid massive dividends in 2025, a breakout year that saw her claim World Cup gold medals in Astana and Delhi before defeating Paris Olympic silver medallist Julia Atena Szeremeta of Poland to take the world championship title in Liverpool. Today, she trains full-time at the Indian Army’s Army Sports Institute in Pune, where she credits technical coaches for boosting her physical strength and a dedicated sports psychologist for sharpening her mental resilience.

    Lamboria made history back in 2022, when she became the first female boxer inducted into the Indian Army, joining the Corps of Military Police. Now training under the Army’s elite Mission Olympics Wing, she sees her trailblazing role as more than an honor – it is a responsibility to lift up the next generation of female athletes. “It means the world to be the first, but I know I won’t be the last,” she said, pointing to the early success of the Army’s 2024 Girls Sports Company initiative, which already counts an Asian Championship gold medal-winning teenage boxer among its trainees. The program, which recruits girls aged 12 to 16 to train in four Olympic sports including boxing, creates a formal pathway to elite competition and future Army service – a framework Lamboria calls a game-changer for young women across India.

    Boxing is in Lamboria’s blood, long before she joined the Army. Born in Haryana’s Bhiwani, a city nicknamed India’s “Mini Cuba” for its outsized contribution to the nation’s boxing talent, she comes from a family deeply rooted in the sport. Her great-grandfather, Hawa Singh, was a pioneer of Indian boxing, winning back-to-back Asian Games gold medals in 1966 and 1970 and co-founding the iconic Bhiwani Boxing Club that later produced Olympic medallist Vijender Singh. What Lamboria remembers most about her great-grandfather, however, is not his medal haul, but his quiet humility – a trait she carries with her today. She began training seriously at 14, first under her great-grandfather’s son Sanjay Sheoran, then under her uncles Sandeep and Parvinder Singh, who first introduced her to competitive boxing.

    Growing up in a household of modest means – her father works as a home guard and her mother is a homemaker – Lamboria says her family’s unwavering support allowed her to become the first young woman in her immediate family to pursue sport professionally. Over the course of her career, she has drawn inspiration from a wide range of sporting icons: Olympic medallists MC Mary Kom and Vijender Singh, fellow Army boxers Amit Panghal and Manish Kaushik, javelin Olympic champion Neeraj Chopra, sprint legend Milkha Singh, and American swimming great Michael Phelps. She also counts senior Indian boxers Nikhat Zareen, Lovlina Borgohain and Pooja Rani as key mentors, crediting them for paving the way for younger female athletes.

    Today, Lamboria is stepping into that mentor role herself, working to challenge long-held stereotypes that frame boxing as a male-dominated sport. Women’s boxing only made its Commonwealth Games debut in 2014, 84 years after the sport was added to the program, and Lamboria is eager to use her platform in Glasgow to inspire more young women to step into the ring. Her goal for the Games is simple: to stand on the top podium, hear the Indian national anthem play, and recreate the feeling she experienced when she won her world title in Liverpool last year. “That’s what I’ve trained every single day for,” she said. “That’s the moment I’m here to create.”

  • Trump’s move to restore direct Lebanon flights raises diaspora hopes

    Trump’s move to restore direct Lebanon flights raises diaspora hopes

    For more than four decades, the skies between the United States and Lebanon have lacked direct commercial air connections, a decades-long restriction born from the 1985 hijacking of TWA Flight 847 that left a U.S. Navy diver dead during a 17-day hostage standoff.

    This suspension has outlived nearly every major shift in Lebanon’s modern history: it survived the end of the country’s 15-year civil war, multiple rounds of political normalization efforts between Washington and Beirut, and the explosive growth of large, vibrant Lebanese diaspora communities across Canada and the United States. Today, that long-locked door may finally be creaking open.

    Shortly after Lebanese President Joseph Aoun completed a high-profile visit to the White House this week, former U.S. President Donald Trump announced he had directed his administration to greenlight U.S. carriers to resume direct flights to Lebanon — a first since the Reagan administration first grounded the routes in 1985.

    “After meeting with the President of Lebanon, Joseph Aoun, who has done a remarkable job working to transform his Country, I am hereby directing my Administration to allow all U.S. airline carriers to fly directly to Lebanon so that Americans can easily visit this beautiful land,” Trump posted on his social platform Truth Social, closing the announcement with a cheerful “Enjoy!”

    U.S. Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy quickly confirmed the administration’s compliance, responding simply: “You got it, Mr. President.”

    The announcement marks one of the clearest, most tangible deliverables from Aoun’s Washington trip, which Lebanese officials framed as a mission to secure visible U.S. backing for the country at a fragile geopolitical moment. Aoun’s visit came as Beirut seeks American support for a U.S.-brokered stability framework with neighboring Israel, and as the Lebanese government works to demonstrate that diplomatic engagement with Washington can deliver concrete, actionable benefits for the Lebanese public.

    Despite the major political significance of the announcement, aviation industry leaders have been quick to emphasize that direct flights will not take off immediately. The process of restoring service will require months of technical and diplomatic groundwork first.

    Captain Mohammad Aziz, director general of Lebanon’s Civil Aviation Authority, explained the timeline in an interview with Middle East Eye, noting that officials must first assess whether new direct routes are commercially viable and technically feasible. “We need one or two months to conduct a feasibility study,” Aziz said.

    Once the study is complete, the next step will be launching formal bilateral negotiations between the two countries’ civil aviation bodies. “The first step after which we can say that this track has entered the practical phase is the formation of negotiating delegations between the two countries to discuss the bilateral agreement,” Aziz told MEE. He added that the 1985 suspension was itself a presidential decision that led to the termination of the original bilateral aviation agreement between the two nations, so a new formal agreement is required to move forward.

    The U.S. Federal Aviation Administration has confirmed it will coordinate with U.S. airlines and other federal agencies to carry out Trump’s directive. Still, for Lebanon, the announcement is already being viewed as a critical initial step toward rolling back one of the longest-running barriers connecting the country to North America’s large Lebanese diaspora.

    Aziz pointed out that the global aviation landscape looks drastically different today than it did in 1985, when Lebanon’s national carrier Middle East Airlines operated direct flights to New York, which was then the hub of the U.S. Lebanese community. “Back then, Middle East Airlines used to fly directly to New York, where the largest Lebanese presence was. Today, the circumstances have certainly changed,” he said.

    For Lebanese officials, one of the most exciting potential outcomes of the U.S. decision extends beyond a new Beirut-New York route: it could clear the way for direct flights to Canada, which is home to one of the largest Lebanese diaspora communities outside the Middle East. Official counts vary: the Canadian government estimates the community numbers between 200,000 and 400,000 people, while Statistics Canada’s 2021 census recorded 210,605 people identifying as having Lebanese ethnic or cultural origin.

    “This step would certainly make possible what Lebanon wants, which is to open a direct route to Canada,” Aziz said. “Lebanon had previously concluded a bilateral agreement with Canada, but it was blocked by the United States. This is something that could be achieved if the American decision takes its course all the way to the end.”

    For Lebanese expatriates living across North America, the change would have a deeply personal impact, affecting how often they can return home to visit family and maintain cultural ties to their home country. Marwan Ayan, a Lebanese student studying in Montreal, told MEE he greeted news of the potential resumption with “great enthusiasm.”

    “Visiting Lebanon is usually only a yearly plan because of the long commute,” he said. “I am a student, and I can only visit my family when I have a long vacation. If a direct flight opened and I could reach my hometown in less than a day, it would definitely increase my visits, as I am sure it would for thousands of Lebanese living here.”

    Currently, nearly all travelers flying from North America to Beirut must route through connecting hubs in Europe, the Gulf, or other regional airports. This requirement adds hours of travel time, pushes up ticket prices, and leaves journeys far more vulnerable to disruption — especially during periods of conflict or instability across the Middle East.

    If direct flights are ultimately launched, analysts say the move could provide a meaningful boost to Lebanon’s struggling tourism sector, increase the flow of remittances (a critical lifeline for the country’s economy), and strengthen connections between the state and its far-flung diaspora, which remains central to Lebanon’s social and financial stability.

    Even so, the path forward remains uncertain. Restoring full service requires completing new legal agreements between civil aviation authorities, conducting thorough security assessments, securing buy-in from commercial airlines, and finalizing route planning. Lebanese officials also acknowledge that the commercial case for direct routes today is very different from it was in the 1980s, when the Beirut-New York route served a different travel market and a different geographic distribution of the Lebanese diaspora.

    For now, Trump’s announcement has reopened a door that has remained closed since 1985. Whether it will ultimately lead to regularly scheduled direct flights will depend on the success of the technical, commercial, and political work that lies ahead.

  • The Middle East after the American imperium

    The Middle East after the American imperium

    For 75 years, the political and military architecture of the Middle East was structured around an American-led framework. While Washington never claimed exclusive influence over the region, it served as the ultimate reference point for all regional action: its naval fleets, military bases, and outsized diplomatic clout set hard limits on what rival regional powers could do to one another, acting as the de facto guarantor of the existing status quo.

    This framework is not entirely collapsed, but its authority has eroded dramatically. What is taking shape in its wake is not a neatly structured new regional order, but the return of a long-dormant dynamic: an authentic multipolar competition between core regional powers, strategic hedging by outside global actors, and a United States that now intervenes selectively rather than presiding over the region continuously.

    ### Debunking the “Power Vacuum” Myth

    It has become a common trope to frame American strategic retrenchment in the Middle East as creating a “power vacuum.” Yet this metaphor is fundamentally misleading. By definition, vacuums are quickly filled, and the space abandoned by a retreating hegemon is never claimed evenly. Instead, it is carved up unevenly by whichever regional actors hold the greatest capacity and clearest strategic interests in the moment.

    In this post-hegemonic Middle East, this dynamic has played out not as a transition to a single successor order, but as three overlapping, simultaneous contests for influence.

    The first is a competition for economic and diplomatic primacy in the Gulf region. Over the past decade, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have built independent foreign policies that often diverge openly from Washington’s preferences. This shift includes de-escalating tensions with Iran, pursuing deeper economic and strategic ties with China, and sourcing military arms from whichever global power offers the most favorable terms.

    This shift should not be misread as anti-American sentiment. It aligns exactly with what realist international relations theory predicts: when a patron power’s security guarantees become less reliable, capable regional states will naturally seek to diversify their strategic dependencies to reduce risk.

    The second contest centers on Iran’s future role in the region. This struggle unfolds not through direct, open war between states, but through proxy conflicts, targeted sabotage operations, and occasional overt military strikes. The core unresolved question hanging over this competition is whether an economically squeezed, internationally isolated Iran will retrench within its own borders, or double down on building its deterrent architecture—most notably nuclear latency, which becomes a more, not less, attractive strategic asset as Iran’s conventional military capabilities weaken relative to its rivals.

    The third contest is a reordering of Israel’s regional diplomatic relationships. This process has seen Israel move toward normalization with multiple Arab states, even as the core conflict over the Palestinian question remains unresolved and has arguably worsened. This fundamental contradiction is one that outside powers have largely chosen to manage rather than resolve, because a final resolution of the Palestinian issue was never actually required for normalization talks to move forward.

    Notably, none of these shifts required a full American withdrawal from the region. All that was needed was for regional actors to stop assuming that Washington’s ability to veto regional outcomes would last forever.

    ### Clarifying What Post-Hegemony Actually Means

    It is critical to draw clear lines around what has not changed in the region. The United States still maintains more military capacity in and around the Middle East than any other outside power, and it has repeatedly demonstrated its willingness to deploy that power—through aircraft carrier strike group deployments, targeted airstrikes, and sweeping sanctions regimes that most global economies still cannot fully evade.

    Post-hegemony does not mean American absence from the region. What it does mean is the end of the long-held presumption—shared for decades by both Washington and regional capitals—that all major regional outcomes would ultimately be arbitrated by the United States.

    The core realist critique of the old American hegemonic project was never that U.S. power was insufficient to stabilize the region. Instead, it argued that the project itself—attempting to stabilize the Middle East through permanent forward military deployment, open-ended security guarantees, and periodic wars of choice—generated more instability than it resolved, at a cost far out of proportion to any actual core American national interest.

    The 2003 invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq is the textbook example of this failure, while the intervention in Libya and decades-long entanglement in Syria serve as supporting footnotes to the same argument. A superpower that ties its global credibility to outcomes it cannot fully control will eventually find its credibility held hostage to local actors—client states, insurgent movements, rival powers—that have far more at stake regionally than Washington does globally.

    ### Why China and Russia Are Not Rival Hegemons

    Much mainstream American commentary frames Gulf states’ strategic hedging with China and Russia as evidence that a new rival hegemonic order is displacing American influence in the region. This reading overstates both China’s appetite for a leading security role and Russia’s current capacity to fill such a position.

    Beijing has consistently prioritized commercial access and energy security in the Middle East, and has shown almost no interest in taking on the security guarantor role that the United States has occupied for decades. China has no network of permanent military bases in the region, no mutual defense treaties with core Gulf states, and no willingness to referee long-running disputes between Sunni and Shia factions or between Arab states and Israel.

    Russia, meanwhile, has been severely degraded by its ongoing war in Ukraine. It retains limited influence through arms sales and its military foothold in Syria, but lacks the spare economic and military capacity to guarantee the security of any regional state during a major crisis.

    What both China and Russia offer regional states is not a replacement for the American security patronage, but valuable negotiating leverage against the incumbent hegemon. This is exactly the kind of strategic diversification that any rational middle power will pursue once it doubts the long-term reliability of its existing patron.

    ### The Uncomfortable Realistic Path Forward

    The most likely trajectory for the region in coming years is not the emergence of a stable new equilibrium, but a far rockier, more costly, and more ad-hoc form of regional politics. Conflicts will be managed rather than prevented, deterrence relationships will shift with every new crisis, and outside powers—including the United States—will be drawn back into conflicts episodically rather than maintaining continuous control.

    This is not a comforting picture, but it is the most realistic one. Honest assessments of the new regional context are a far better foundation for policy than the nostalgic fantasy that American primacy in the Middle East was ever cost-free, or that its gradual erosion is a crisis that must be reversed, rather than a new reality that must be managed.

    For American policymakers, the core question is no longer how to restore the old American-led framework. Instead, it is whether Washington can define a narrow set of genuine core national interests—including nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, freedom of navigation in international waterways, and preventing any single power from gaining exclusive control over Gulf energy exports—and pursue those goals without re-assuming the role of universal security guarantor for every other regional dispute.

    This narrow, targeted approach is a harder discipline than either full withdrawal or full-scale re-engagement. But for realist analysts, it is also the only approach that is likely to be sustainable in the long term.

  • Exclusive: UK told Karim Khan it would not back him as ICC prosecutor before removal vote

    Exclusive: UK told Karim Khan it would not back him as ICC prosecutor before removal vote

    In a historic and deeply controversial secret ballot held Friday at United Nations headquarters in New York, 82 of the International Criminal Court’s 125 member states voted to dismiss British chief prosecutor Karim Khan from his post over unproven sexual misconduct claims, after the United Kingdom privately withdrew its backing for Khan and refused him a meeting with senior government ministers, exclusive reporting from Middle East Eye confirms.

    The dismissal caps an 18-month disciplinary process that critics, including Palestinian rights advocates, former ICC judges, and Khan’s own legal team, have labeled as a politically motivated effort to undermine the court’s ongoing investigation into war crimes committed during the Gaza conflict. The sequence of events begins in March 2024, when an independent panel of judges appointed by the ICC’s governing Assembly of State Parties (ASP) bureau unanimously cleared Khan of all wrongdoing, finding that findings from a prior UN investigation into the allegations “do not establish misconduct or breach of duty under the relevant framework.”

    Khan has continuously denied all allegations against him, rejecting claims of a sexual relationship with the complainant and refuting her core assertion of non-consensual sexual conduct. Despite the independent panel’s full acquittal, a coalition of largely Western and European ASP bureau members voted to set aside the judges’ ruling and issue its own adverse finding against Khan based on the original UN report. Last month, the bureau concluded that a sexual relationship had occurred, arguing that the power imbalance inherent in the connection made the relationship inherently inappropriate – a conclusion that directly contradicted the independent judicial review.

    Contested summary documents distributed by the bureau to all member states ahead of the vote compounded this irregular process. While the UN investigation never issued formal factual findings confirming the allegations, the bureau’s summaries presented the unsubstantiated claims as confirmed fact, skewing the information available to voting delegates.

    As a founding signatory of the Rome Statute, the ICC’s governing charter, the UK’s position on the vote carried outsize influence. According to sources with direct knowledge of internal discussions, a UK government official notified Khan on June 17 that the British government would not support his retention in office, despite having backed his election to the role in 2021. The official confirmed the UK’s decision was made after reviewing the same bureau-distributed summaries that misrepresented the allegations as proven fact. When Khan requested a meeting with a senior British minister to personally brief officials on his side of the case, the request was formally denied on July 1, the sources confirmed. The dismissal unfolded amid a rapid change in UK leadership, occurring days after Andy Burnham succeeded Keir Starmer as prime minister and appointed Ed Miliband as the new foreign secretary. Miliband has framed his tenure as a commitment to upholding democratic values and international law on the global stage, though he has not commented publicly on the UK’s position in the vote.

    Critics across the global human rights community have already drawn a clear connection between Khan’s ouster and his office’s groundbreaking decision to issue arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense minister Yoav Gallant on war crimes charges related to the 2023-2024 Gaza conflict. United Nations Special Rapporteur for the Occupied Palestinian Territories Francesca Albanese summarized the widespread concern in a post on X Saturday, noting that “Khan’s removal lines up neatly with the fight to neutralise Netanyahu’s arrest warrant. Coincidence is a luxury intl law can no longer afford.”

    Israeli media confirmed Friday that an official lobbying task force led by Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar actively pressured ICC member states to vote against Khan. Saar welcomed the dismissal as “long-delayed” in a public statement following the vote, and called on the ICC to abandon the arrest warrants against Israeli leaders immediately.

    The pressure campaign against Khan predates the disciplinary process, as documented by Middle East Eye in 2024. After Khan’s office requested the arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant in May 2024 – which the court ultimately issued that November – the United States imposed formal sanctions on Khan, his two deputy prosecutors, and multiple ICC judges. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio reaffirmed Washington’s aggressive stance earlier this month, stating that the U.S. would “dismantle the ICC – brick by brick, if necessary.”

    Tayab Ali, Khan’s lead defense lawyer, released a statement Friday expressing deep regret over the ASP’s decision to ignore repeated warnings about due process from more than 180 global human rights groups and legal experts. “The decision is unsupported by any lawful or properly reasoned finding that Mr Khan KC committed misconduct or breached his duties as prosecutor,” Ali said.

    In a development that underscores the irregularity of the final vote, the complainant gave her first public interview on the case to CNN last week, reaffirming her allegation of non-consensual conduct – but member states never held a vote to confirm or reject this specific claim.

    The UK’s opposition to Khan also aligns with previously reported threats against the ICC. In June 2024, Middle East Eye revealed that then-UK Foreign Secretary David Cameron called Khan in April 2024, weeks before the prosecutor submitted his request for the Israeli arrest warrants, and threatened to cut UK funding and withdraw the country from the court entirely if the warrants were issued. The UK Foreign Office has repeatedly refused to comment on the call, despite repeated calls from cross-party members of Parliament for an official investigation and a formal inquiry by the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee.

    Middle East Eye, which first broke the story of the UK’s behind-the-scenes opposition to Khan, provides independent, in-depth coverage of the Middle East, North Africa, and global human rights issues.

  • Waves of settler attacks target mosques, homes and businesses across West Bank

    Waves of settler attacks target mosques, homes and businesses across West Bank

    On a Sunday in late July 2026, Israeli settlers carried out a coordinated wave of violent attacks spanning multiple districts across the occupied West Bank, leaving two mosques destroyed, infrastructure damaged, and dozens of Palestinian residents terrorized. Palestinian officials confirm the assaults were conducted under the direct protection of Israeli military forces, marking one of the broadest single-day settler offensives targeting Palestinian communities in recent months.

    The most destructive attacks targeted places of worship, in what Palestinian religious leaders call a deliberate attempt to inflame religious tensions. In the village of Qusra, located south of Nablus, settlers set large portions of the newly completed al-Rahma Mosque ablaze. Local activist Abdul-Azim Wadi told Middle East Eye that he was alerted to the arson at 2:30 a.m., when residents rushed to the scene to battle the fire before fire crews could gain access. Just one day prior, villagers had finished renovating and recarpeting the mosque in preparation for its official opening in the coming days. The blaze left extensive damage, including partial collapse of several interior walls. Investigating the site after the attack, residents found racist Hebrew-language slogans spray-painted across the mosque’s outer walls, including phrases reading “Israel will be established with blood” and “Mosques will not frighten us.” The graffiti made clear the arson was carried out as revenge for the recent killing of settlers in the nearby Tell area. Wadi added that Qusra has been a repeated target of settler aggression: in 2011, settlers burned another village mosque, in 2023 they killed six Palestinian residents in a single day of violence, and in 2024 they set fire to 47 residential and agricultural structures across the village.

    A second mosque was attacked in the village of Kur, south of Tulkarm, where settlers also set the building on fire and left revenge-themed racist graffiti on its walls.

    Beyond religious sites, settlers targeted Palestinian economic infrastructure and private property across eight additional West Bank governorates: Ramallah, Hebron, Salfit, Qalqilya, Jericho, and Jerusalem. In the Ain Samia region, northeast of Ramallah, assailants raided a privately owned Palestinian stone quarry, setting more than 10 pieces of heavy industrial equipment including excavators, bulldozers, and transport trucks on fire. Quarry owner Abdel Samad Abdel Aziz estimates total damages at 2 million Israeli shekels, equal to roughly $666,000. The assault left three security guards injured after settlers beat them and attacked them with pepper spray. Abdel Aziz noted that while his quarry has been targeted by vandalism in the past, this was the first large-scale arson attack. He added that the Israeli military delayed entry for Palestinian fire crews, allowing the fires to burn uncontrolled for hours and significantly worsen the total damage.

    Across other West Bank communities, the violence extended to civilian infrastructure and residents: in Beitillu, northwest of Ramallah, multiple Palestinian-owned vehicles were set ablaze. In Beit Furik, east of Nablus, settlers attempted to burn down a private home after spray-painting inciting slogans on its exterior, but were forced to flee by alerted local residents. Near the Karnei Shomron settlement, built on expropriated Palestinian land east of Qalqilya, settlers blocked and attacked an ambulance transporting a critically ill patient, forcing the vehicle to turn back to its point of origin. Near Mitzpe Yericho, southwest of Jericho, settlers stoned passing Palestinian civilian cars. In Bani Na’im, east of Hebron, assailants blocked a key access road to the desert region east of Yatta with piles of excavated soil. East of Jerusalem, armed settlers opened live fire on residents of a Bedouin community near the village of Jaba’, before setting a residential home and a civilian vehicle on fire. Along the Wadi Qana highway connecting Salfit and Qalqilya, settlers stoned passing Palestinian vehicles, while simultaneously establishing a new unauthorized settlement outpost on privately owned Palestinian land belonging to the village of Deir Istiya, according to Palestinian officials.

    Palestinian authorities have issued widespread condemnation of the attacks. The Palestinian Higher Fatwa Council called the assaults part of a deliberate, systematic campaign targeting Palestinian religious sites. “The burning of al-Rahma Mosque in Qusra and the mosque in Kur represents a new crime that falls within the systematic and dangerous policy of the Israeli occupation targeting holy sites and places of worship,” the council said in an official statement. The body also warned that repeated attacks on holy sites, including repeated incursions into the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in East Jerusalem, carry a severe risk of escalating regional tensions across the entire Middle East.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs echoed the condemnation, framing the violence as organized state-backed settler terrorism. “Targeting mosques and other places of worship, and writing racist and inciting slogans on their walls, reflects the true face of the racist, settler-colonial occupation and its ongoing attempts to transform the political conflict into a religious one, in order to fuel hatred and justify its crimes against the Palestinian people,” the ministry said. The statement emphasized that the attacks are the direct result of a long-standing policy of impunity for settler violence, where Israeli forces provide protection for assaults and do not hold perpetrators accountable. The ministry called on the international community, the United Nations, and all relevant global bodies to implement binding practical measures to halt the violence, designate armed settler groups operating in the West Bank as terrorist organizations, and impose harsh deterrent sanctions on settler perpetrators and their backers to ensure accountability for crimes against Palestinian civilians.

    Data collected by Palestinian advocacy groups shows that this recent wave of violence is part of a rapidly escalating trend of settler aggression in 2026. The Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission reports that Israeli forces and settlers carried out roughly 11,074 separate attacks against Palestinian communities in the West Bank during the first half of 2026 alone. The Palestinian Information Center documented 6,856 separate violations of Palestinian rights just in the month of June. Currently, approximately 750,000 Israeli settlers reside in the occupied West Bank, distributed across 141 officially recognized Israeli settlements and 224 unauthorized outposts, built on expropriated Palestinian land. Roughly 250,000 of these settlers live in settlements east of Jerusalem, amid daily attacks targeting Palestinian residents, their agricultural land, and their private property.

  • Search for 17 missing crew after Vietnamese cargo ship sinks in South China Sea

    Search for 17 missing crew after Vietnamese cargo ship sinks in South China Sea

    A large-scale cross-border search and rescue mission is ongoing Sunday after a Vietnamese cargo vessel sank in severe weather in the disputed South China Sea, leaving 17 crew members unaccounted for, officials from multiple nations have confirmed. The 62-person ship, identified as the Khoi Nguyen 18, went down late Saturday in waters close to Fiery Cross Reef, a Chinese-constructed artificial island that operates as a military outpost in the contested Spratly Islands archipelago. So far, rescuers have successfully located and recovered 45 members of the vessel’s crew, but 17 remain missing as search operations continue.
    Vietnam’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Pham Thu Hang confirmed that the ship sank while carrying out its operations amid hazardous bad weather conditions in the region, which Vietnam refers to as the East Sea. In response to an official assistance request from Hanoi, the Philippine Coast Guard rapidly mobilized resources to join the effort, deploying both a dedicated search patrol vessel and an aircraft to cover more area. Chinese rescue assets, including surface ships and helicopters, alongside multiple other commercial and civilian vessels already operating nearby, also joined the multinational operation shortly after the distress call was issued.
    Local Vietnamese authorities confirmed that dozens of local fishing boats have also joined the search effort, and that all family members of the crew on board the sunken vessel have been notified of the incident. Philippine Coast Guard spokesperson Commodore Noemie Cayabyab noted that the service maintains constant close coordination with Vietnam’s national coast guard to share real-time operational updates that refine search strategies and improve response efficiency. She added that Philippine teams are using a specialized search planning system to narrow priority search zones and boost the odds of locating the missing 17 crew members. The Philippine Coast Guard has also issued a formal navigational warning for all commercial and private ships transiting the area, asking vessels to maintain a sharp lookout and provide assistance if it can be done safely.
    A Philippine Coast Guard statement clarified that the search operation is being carried out in full compliance with international maritime conventions and existing bilateral cooperation agreements between Manila and Hanoi. Hanoi’s Foreign Ministry has already issued public gratitude to Beijing for its rapid deployment of rescue resources, and expressed hope that all parties will continue the search effort to locate the remaining missing crew.
    The sinking comes in one of the world’s most geographically and politically contested waterways, where China asserts expansive territorial claims over nearly the entire South China Sea. The strategic sea route carries roughly $5 trillion worth of global trade every year, and geologists estimate it holds massive untapped reserves of undersea oil and natural gas. Alongside China and the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan all hold overlapping, competing territorial claims to different parts of the waterway, creating long-running geopolitical tension in the region.

  • US says ‘it is time to dismantle’ ICC after Venezuela announces withdrawal

    US says ‘it is time to dismantle’ ICC after Venezuela announces withdrawal

    The United States has publicly celebrated the newly installed Venezuelan government’s historic decision to cut all ties with the International Criminal Court (ICC), framing the exit as a key step in a broader American-led campaign to dismantle what Washington calls a biased and illegitimate global judicial body.

    In an official statement shared via the social platform X, the U.S. State Department lauded Venezuela’s move as an important milestone for collaborative efforts to undermine the court. The statement specifically called out the ICC’s stalled investigation into former Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro—who was removed from power during a U.S.-backed military incursion in January 2026—claiming the probe had yielded no meaningful outcomes.

    Instead of advancing accountability, the State Department argued, the ICC has squandered its resources targeting individuals from nations that already maintain functional, independent judicial systems, and that have never formally recognized the court’s jurisdiction. The statement blasted the court’s actions as “blatant overreach, political bias and selective enforcement,” concluding that the institution “is neither credible, independent, nor legitimate.” Echoing the Trump administration’s long-held stance, the statement called for the full dissolution of the ICC, urging all remaining member states to follow Venezuela’s lead and withdraw from the Rome Statute, the founding treaty that established the court.

    Venezuela’s exit announcement comes on the heels of a major shakeup at the ICC itself: last Friday, member states voted to remove Chief Prosecutor Karim Khan from office over multiple misconduct allegations. Shortly after that vote, Venezuelan Foreign Minister Felix Plasencia confirmed the government had formally notified the United Nations of its “irrevocable” decision to leave the ICC, pointing to the court’s long-documented “geographical bias” against Global South nations as the core justification for the withdrawal.

    The move marks a sharp deepening of political alignment between the new Venezuelan government and U.S. foreign policy, arriving just one week after U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio pledged a “whole-of-government response to systematically disable” the tribunal. The Trump administration has waged a years-long campaign to erode the ICC’s authority, imposing harsh economic sanctions on ICC prosecutors who launched investigations into alleged war crimes committed by U.S. and Israeli military personnel.

    Last year, former President Trump issued an executive order doubling down on this position, claiming the ICC had pursued “illegitimate and baseless actions targeting America and our close ally Israel.” The order referenced the November 2025 ICC arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his then-defense minister Yoav Gallant, issued over alleged war crimes in the Gaza Strip.

  • Teenager Sooryavanshi hits another half century as India sweeps T20 series against Zimbabwe

    Teenager Sooryavanshi hits another half century as India sweeps T20 series against Zimbabwe

    HARARE, Zimbabwe — India’s men’s cricket team completed a dominant 3-0 clean sweep of their three-match Twenty20 international series against Zimbabwe on Sunday, with 15-year-old batting prodigy Vaibhav Sooryavanshi turning in a star performance to claim Player of the Series honors.

    Having already secured the series with a 90-run win on Saturday and taken the opening match by seven wickets on Thursday, India entered the final fixture looking to cap off their tour with a perfect result. After winning the toss and choosing to bat first on a slow pitch, India got off to a shaky start when opener Abhishek Sharma fell for just two runs to Zimbabwe’s Blessing Muzarabani in the early overs.

    Sooryavanshi, who had already blasted a blistering 50 off 18 balls in the first match, joined forces with Ishan Kishan to rebuild the innings. The pair put on a 75-run partnership from 50 deliveries, powering India to 64-1 by the end of the mandatory powerplay. Kishan eventually departed for 29, but Sooryavanshi continued to tear through the Zimbabwe bowling attack. He brought up his second international half-century off 31 balls, and added two more sixes after passing the 50-run mark, on track to score his first senior international century. He was eventually caught out off Wessly Madhevere’s bowling, finishing with an impressive 81 runs from 49 deliveries, decorated by eight fours and four sixes across the ground.

    Late contributions from Shreyas Iyer (27) and Rinku Singh, who added a quickfire 25 off 14 balls including two fours and a six, pushed India’s final total to 192-5 from 20 overs.

    In Zimbabwe’s batting reply, fast bowler Mayank Yadav got India off to a dream start, dismissing opening batter Brian Bennett on the very first ball of the innings. Ben Curran (20) and Dion Myers (19) put on a 34-run second wicket stand to steady the innings, but Zimbabwe quickly lost multiple key wickets, including captain Sikandar Raza, who fell for a golden duck after a brilliant one-handed catch from Yash Thakur. Thakur ended the innings with figures of 2-45.

    All-rounder Ryan Burl held the Zimbabwe batting order together, scoring an unbeaten 54 from 43 balls, including five fours. He shared a 60-run fifth-wicket partnership with Madhevere (28), but even his best effort could not close the gap on India’s total. Zimbabwe finished their 20 overs on 157-7, handing India a 35-run victory in the final match. Yadav ended with outstanding figures of 3 wickets for 29 runs from his four overs. Despite India dropping five catches throughout the Zimbabwe innings, the home side was outperformed in both batting and bowling departments across the entire match.

    Sooryavanshi capped off his series-leading performance by being named Player of the Series, finishing with a total of 151 runs across three innings. Speaking after the match, the young batter said he was just replicating the form he shows in domestic training. “I had good preparation time after the England tour and I am glad to score these runs for the team, and contribute to the series win,” he added.

    The series in Zimbabwe marked a comeback for Sooryavanshi, who recently replaced cricket legend Sachin Tendulkar as the youngest player to ever represent India at senior international level. However, his previous series against England yielded only modest results: he scored 14, 13 and 15 runs across three innings, and was dropped for the final match as India suffered a 4-0 series whitewash. Indian selectors gambled on the teenager giving him another opportunity on the same Harare ground where he scored a record-breaking 175 off 80 balls against England in the Under-19 World Cup final back in February, a call that paid off handsomely.