标签： Asia

On a Wednesday that would see Israel launch one of its deadliest single waves of attacks on Lebanese territory in months, a British military drone carried out a mysterious flight over Lebanon, including low-altitude circling near the eastern city of Baalbek, flight tracking data analyzed by Middle East Eye (MEE) confirms.

The unmanned Royal Air Force (RAF) MQ-9B Protector drone took off from RAF Akrotiri, the UK’s strategically located permanent military base on the Mediterranean island of Cyprus, in the early hours of Wednesday, and entered Lebanese airspace at approximately 6:20 a.m. local time, according to the analysis. From 6:30 a.m. to 6:50 a.m., the aircraft maintained a circular flight path over a region near the towns of Baalbek and Younine, located in eastern Lebanon’s Beqaa Valley just kilometers from the Syrian border.

Flight tracking logs show the drone crossed into Syrian airspace around 8 a.m., flying north past the central Syrian city of Homs before traversing the northwestern province of Idlib. No public flight data records the drone’s movements for the following roughly 12 hours, but the aircraft reappeared near Baalbek at approximately 8:15 p.m. — several hours after Israel’s large-scale early-afternoon strikes that left more than 300 people dead across Lebanon. It then traveled west across Baalbek, passed north of the capital Beirut, exited Lebanese airspace around 8:30 p.m., and returned to its base in Cyprus.

The Protector drone is a workhorse of RAF operations, regularly deployed for missions ranging from long-range surveillance and search and rescue to armed combat operations alongside NATO and U.S. forces, official RAF documentation confirms. What makes this flight notable is its timing: it operated over Lebanon both before and after Wednesday’s devastating Israeli strike wave, which came just one day after a two-week ceasefire between Iran and the United States was brokered. The purpose of the flight has not been disclosed by UK defense officials.

MEE has submitted two key questions to the UK Ministry of Defence (MoD): whether the flight was coordinated and cleared in advance with the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), and whether any intelligence or surveillance data collected during the mission was shared with Israeli or U.S. authorities. As of publication, no response has been received.

Local casualty data confirms the scale of the Israeli strikes that coincided with the British drone’s presence: Lebanon’s civil defense rescue organization reports 18 people killed and 28 wounded in strikes targeting Baalbek alone. Wednesday’s attacks were unannounced and intensive, hitting central Beirut and its suburbs simultaneously alongside multiple locations in southern Lebanon and the eastern Beqaa Valley.

The UK has a long-standing military relationship with Lebanon, focused primarily on border security assistance: since 2009, British military trainers have trained tens of thousands of LAF personnel, most assigned to the force’s Land Border Regiments, and the UK has funded the construction and upgrade of dozens of border observation posts along Lebanon’s northern and eastern frontiers.

RAF Akrotiri, the launch point for Wednesday’s drone flight, has already been a source of significant controversy during the ongoing regional conflict. Throughout Israel’s military campaign in the Gaza Strip, the base has hosted hundreds of RAF surveillance flights over the besieged enclave. The MoD has repeatedly claimed these flights were conducted exclusively to support Israeli hostage rescue operations, but the program has been wrapped in layers of official secrecy. Over the past two years, evidence has emerged that British officials share surveillance intelligence with Israel, and that RAF aircraft captured footage of Gaza on days when Israeli strikes killed British citizens in the territory.

A source familiar with British intelligence capabilities in the Middle East told MEE last year that the Gaza surveillance flights gave Britain an unobstructed, high-altitude “bird’s-eye view of the genocide” unfolding in the enclave. The source added that the UK, a core member of the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing alliance alongside the U.S., Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, is the “number one gatherer of intelligence” across the Middle East, with better situational awareness of on-the-ground events than any other external actor.

The UK also maintains a deep, formal defense partnership with Israel: in 2020, the two countries signed a classified military cooperation agreement designed to formalize and expand bilateral defense ties. The full text of the agreement has never been released to the public. Former Conservative UK defense minister James Heappey stated in 2021 that the accord would “streamline and provide a mechanism for planning our joint activity”. In 2024, Labour defense minister Luke Pollard confirmed the government would not declassify the agreement due to its high security classification, and the MoD confirmed last October that the agreement remains in full force, according to reporting from Declassified UK.

During the open conflict between the U.S.-Israeli alliance and Iran that began in late February, the UK repeatedly stated it would not participate directly in offensive operations, but it did allow American bombers to use British military bases to launch strikes targeting Iranian missile sites.

In comments released Thursday, British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper said the UK government believes Lebanon must be included in the terms of the Iran-U.S. ceasefire agreed Tuesday night. That ceasefire has been marked by conflicting claims over its scope: Pakistan, which mediated the bilateral truce, stated the two-week pause in fighting would extend to all fronts, including Lebanon. Israel has rejected that claim, and its large-scale strikes on Lebanon continued unchanged through Wednesday.

Following international outcry over Wednesday’s high-casualty strikes and threats of expanded retaliation from Iran, Israeli officials announced they would reduce the scope of their offensive operations in Lebanon and agreed to hold direct talks with the Lebanese government in Washington next week.

Lebanese government data puts the total death toll from Israeli air strikes across Lebanon at roughly 1,900 people since the outbreak of the war in late February, with more than one million Lebanese displaced from their homes. The conflict spread to Lebanon in early March, after Hezbollah launched a large rocket barrage across the Israeli border. The group said the attack was both in retaliation for the killing of Iran’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei, a key spiritual and political patron for the movement, and a pre-emptive strike to stop a planned large-scale Israeli invasion of Lebanon, a assessment that has been corroborated by independent reporting in Israeli media.

As Pakistan finalizes security preparations for a high-stakes diplomatic gathering in Islamabad, negotiators from the United States and Iran are gearing up for what may prove one of the most consequential international negotiations of the year, set to open Saturday April 11, 2026. The talks aim to shore up a fragile two-week-old ceasefire that has already been pushed to the breaking point, undermined by ongoing Israeli military operations in Lebanon and intractable disagreements over core truce terms between Washington and Tehran.

The negotiations, which are scheduled to run for up to 15 days, will tackle a series of explosive, long-simmering issues beyond the immediate ceasefire, including constraints on Iran’s nuclear enrichment program and unimpeded commercial navigation through the strategically critical Strait of Hormuz — the chokepoint through which roughly 20% of the world’s daily oil shipments pass. Even as Islamabad has ramped up security across the capital to safeguard the delegations, Iran has explicitly tied its continued participation in the talks to an immediate end to Israeli attacks on Lebanese territory.

Leading the American delegation is US Vice President JD Vance, while Iran has kept details of its negotiating team closely held. Top Iranian officials have already gone as far as to argue that ongoing Israeli strikes in Lebanon render the entire diplomatic process in Pakistan meaningless. “The holding of talks to end the war is dependent on the US adhering to its ceasefire commitments on all fronts, especially in Lebanon,” Esmaeil Baqaei, Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman, confirmed this week.

The fragile truce faced a fresh wave of uncertainty Thursday, when US President Donald Trump publicly questioned its effectiveness in a social media post, accusing Iran of failing to uphold its commitments to allow free oil passage through the Strait of Hormuz. “Iran is doing a very poor job, dishonorable some would say, of allowing oil to pass through the Strait of Hormuz. That is not the agreement we have!” Trump wrote.

Early Friday, ship-tracking data highlighted the growing volatility around the strait, which Iran effectively controls. A Botswana-flagged liquefied natural gas tanker that had begun moving toward the exit of the Persian Gulf along a route approved by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps unexpectedly reversed course mid-voyage, stoking market jitters over potential further disruptions to global energy supplies.

On Thursday, Iran’s Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei announced that Tehran would shift management of the strait into what he called a “new phase,” framing the move as a reflection of the Iranian people’s “decisive victory” in the ongoing conflict. The announcement came 40 days after the death of former supreme leader Ali Khamenei, who was killed in US-Israeli airstrikes at the outbreak of hostilities.

The de facto partial closure of the strait has already sent global energy prices skyrocketing, rippling through global supply chains to raise costs for gasoline, food, and essential consumer goods far beyond the Middle East. As of Friday, the spot price of Brent crude, the global benchmark for oil, traded near $96 per barrel — a 35% jump since the start of the conflict.

International economic officials have already sounded the alarm over the conflict’s far-reaching impact. Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund, warned Thursday that the Iran war has darkened the outlook for the global economy, regardless of whether the current fragile ceasefire survives. “Had it not been for this shock, we would have been upgrading global growth,” Georgieva told reporters ahead of next week’s joint IMF-World Bank spring meetings. “But now, even our most hopeful scenario involves a growth downgrade.”

Tensions continued to climb Friday, after Israel carried out fresh airstrikes targeting 10 rocket launchers in Lebanese territory. The strikes came just two days after Israel launched its heaviest bombardment of Lebanon since February 28, an attack that killed more than 300 people and delivered a major blow to ceasefire hopes. Iran’s parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, who is widely tipped as a potential lead negotiator for Tehran in talks with Vance, warned Thursday that continued Israeli attacks on the Iran-aligned militant group Hezbollah in Lebanon would carry “explicit costs and strong responses.”

In a separate development Thursday, Kuwait announced it had faced a drone attack overnight and blamed Tehran for the strike, though Iran’s Revolutionary Guard quickly issued a denial of any involvement in the incident.

Despite the headwinds facing the Islamabad talks, there is a parallel diplomatic track in the works: a US State Department official confirmed Friday that Israel-Lebanon negotiations are scheduled to kick off next week in Washington, a development that could offer a small boost to regional ceasefire efforts. Still, many analysts remain deeply skeptical that any breakthrough is imminent.

Abid Abou Shhadeh, a Jaffa-based Israeli political analyst and activist, described the US-Iran ceasefire talks as “extremely problematic” from Israel’s perspective. According to a report from Al Jazeera, Shhadeh noted that Israeli leadership has no interest in any diplomatic settlement with Lebanon, a position aligned with public opinion: recent polls published in Israeli media show 79% of the Israeli public supports continuing military operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon.

In a groundbreaking moment for the global Catholic Church, Pope Leo XIV will make the first official papal visit to Algeria this April, kicking off a multi-nation African tour that will also take him to Cameroon, Angola and Equatorial Guinea from April 13 to 15. The visit carries deep personal and historical meaning, tied closely to the pontiff’s lifelong connection to Saint Augustine, the iconic fourth-century theologian whose origins are deeply rooted in what is now northeastern Algeria.

Pope Leo, born Robert Francis Prevost in the United States, has identified himself as a devoted Augustinian from his earliest days in the Church. He joined the Augustinian Order at age 22 after studying mathematics and philosophy in Philadelphia, and eventually rose to lead the order as its prior general. His connection to Algeria stretches back more than two decades: in 2001, he first visited the North African country to attend an international symposium on Saint Augustine hosted by the University of Annaba. As Cardinal Jean-Paul Vesco, Archbishop of Algiers, revealed, he encouraged the newly elected pope to prioritize an Algerian visit within the first months of his pontificate.

Saint Augustine, one of the most influential thinkers in Christian history, was born in 354 CE in Thagaste, a Amazigh-Roman settlement that is today the Algerian city of Souk Ahras. He later served as bishop of Hippo Regius, the ancient name for Annaba, the second stop on Pope Leo’s upcoming itinerary. In his first public address after his election in Rome’s St. Peter’s Square last May, the pope highlighted his Augustinian identity, quoting the theologian’s famous words: “With you I am a Christian, and for you I am a bishop.” The remark resonated strongly in Algerian media, which has emphasized the new pope’s deep reverence for the North African-born scholar.

For Algerian historian Abdenasser Smail, author of the recently published *Saint-Augustin, un Nord-Africain universel*, the visit is as much an act of historical reckoning as it is a religious pilgrimage. “Augustine is a figure rooted in North African geography and culture. Yet, this essential dimension has long been obscured, both in Western representations and in contemporary Algerian national narratives,” Smail explained. He argues that the pope’s tribute to Saint Augustine corrects this historical erasure, noting that even in majority-Muslim Algeria, citizens can take pride in the thinker as a native son. “Being proud of one’s history doesn’t mean adopting another faith. It means recognising that this land has produced multiple great figures. To deny this is not to defend Islam. It is to impoverish our own memory,” Smail added.

Pope Leo’s itinerary reflects the dual religious and historical significance of the trip. After arriving in the capital Algiers, he will deliver a public address at the Martyrs’ Monument, a memorial to those who died in Algeria’s war of independence from French rule, followed by a meeting with the country’s top government leaders at the Great Mosque’s conference center. In Algiers, he will also pray at the chapel dedicated to the 19 Christian religious figures killed during Algeria’s brutal 1992–2002 civil war, a period known locally as the “Black Decade.” These victims, which included Bishop Pierre Claverie of Oran and the seven monks of Tibhirine, were declared martyrs by former Pope Francis and beatified in 2018 in the first such ceremony ever held in a Muslim-majority nation. The trip will conclude with a visit to Annaba’s Saint Augustine Basilica, which is currently undergoing maintenance in preparation for the pontiff’s arrival.

Algerian authorities have placed exceptional importance on the historic visit, with President Abdelmadjid Tebboune personally overseeing all preparations. Annaba has undergone extensive public works, including road resurfacing, street cleaning and infrastructure upgrades along the route to the basilica, to welcome the pope.

Beyond honoring Saint Augustine, the visit also offers a gesture of support to Algeria’s small but deeply rooted Catholic community. Out of Algeria’s total population of 46 million, just around 4,200 Catholics live across the country’s four dioceses, a sharp decline from the colonial era when thousands of European Catholics resided in the territory. Most current faithful are foreign migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, with only a few hundred native Algerian Catholics remaining. The community traces its modern evolution to the work of Cardinal Leon-Etienne Duval, who served as Archbishop of Algiers from 1954 to 1988. Duval famously condemned French colonial torture and massacres just one year after the outbreak of Algeria’s independence war, supported Algerian self-determination, and transformed the Catholic Church in the country from a colonial institution into a locally rooted, state-recognized organization that retained its social service missions after independence in 1962.

Today, the small Catholic community coexists peacefully with Algeria’s majority-Muslim population, and its status as an officially recognized religious body allows it to operate openly, even running schools and medical clinics that serve all Algerians. “I live my faith discreetly, as required by the fact that I live in a Muslim society, but I have never received a single derogatory remark,” said Simon, an Ivorian student studying in Algiers who attends weekly mass and participates in the community’s charitable outreach for disadvantaged Algerian children. For Algeria’s Catholic faithful, the pope’s visit is a momentous occasion. “It’s a gift, a grace, for our little flock here in Algeria,” Simon added.

However, the visit also brings forward unresolved issues around religious freedom and human rights that have drawn international attention. While the Catholic Church enjoys official recognition, other Christian groups face severe restrictions. A 2006 Algerian decree requires all religious communities practicing faiths other than Islam to obtain state authorization for their activities and places of worship. The Protestant Church of Algeria, despite official recognition in 2011, has seen all its public places of worship closed by authorities, who accuse evangelical Protestants of proselytizing and unlawful conversions – activities banned under Algerian law. Multiple pastors face legal prosecution, and many minority religious adherents decline to speak publicly for fear of government reprisal. The restrictions also extend to other minority groups, including the Ahmadiyya community, whose members are labeled heretics by the Sunni majority.

In advance of the visit, three major international human rights NGOs – EuroMed Rights, Human Rights Watch and the MENA Rights Group – issued an open letter urging Pope Leo to raise these concerns, as well as the issue of widespread arbitrary detention, during his meetings with Algerian leaders. “Hundreds of protesters, activists, journalists and human rights defenders have been arbitrarily detained, unjustly prosecuted and sentenced to prison terms for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly,” the groups wrote, calling on the pontiff to press Algerian authorities to end religious discrimination and release unjustly detained individuals.

It was an ordinary Wednesday afternoon for thousands of Lebanese civilians going about their daily routines across Beirut, the Beqaa Valley and southern Lebanon. But just after 2 p.m. local time, that quiet normalcy was shattered forever when Israeli warplanes launched a simultaneous wave of intensive airstrikes targeting densely populated residential neighborhoods, leaving more than 300 people dead and over 1,150 injured, according to Lebanon’s official health ministry.

For 15-year-old Abdelwahab, who only provided his first name to reporters, the strike on Beirut’s working-class Corniche el Mazraa district interrupted his efforts to earn money for his mother’s cancer treatment, where he worked selling bottled water from a small street kiosk near the Cola roundabout. The first sensation he recalled after the blast was an eerie, deafening silence, quickly replaced by thick plumes of mixed black and white smoke, choking dust, and the panicked screams of injured and trapped survivors. When the air began to clear, Abdelwahab ran toward the destroyed site near a local branch of Rifai Nuts, a beloved Lebanese roastery where surrounding apartment buildings and a public parking lot had been torn apart by the impact.

Among the rubble, the teen first spotted a severed, burned arm – a sight that would haunt him, but he pushed past the shock to start pulling survivors and victims from the wreckage. “There was nothing to do but help. Even a one-year-old would try,” he explained to reporters from Middle East Eye. He carried broken bodies from the debris, half-closing his eyes to block out the gore that threatened to stop him, and kept working long after official civil defense teams arrived on scene. Even with a face mask, he said, the acrid smell of smoke and decomposing bodies clung to him.

Among the dead was Nader Khalil, a 35-year employee of the roastery who had bought water from Abdelwahab’s kiosk every single day. “He was a nice man. What did he do to deserve this?” the teen asked. That night, he returned home to his sick mother and made up gentle stories to hide the horrors he had witnessed, unwilling to add to her burden. The next day, he went back to his kiosk, but the once-busy neighborhood felt hollow: shops were shuttered, traffic was sparse, and the street was nearly empty, drained by both fear and a national day of mourning.

Not far from Abdelwahab’s kiosk, 47-year-old Samir Assaf, a Palestinian refugee who fled the destroyed Yarmouk refugee camp in Syria during that country’s civil war to rebuild his life in Beirut, also survived the strike by chance. Assaf makes a meager living selling tissue packets to drivers at the nearby traffic intersection, supporting his wife and two children. On Wednesday afternoon, he had stepped into the shade for a quick break when the blast hit, throwing him straight to the ground. When he scrambled to his feet, his vision was completely obscured by smoke, and the entire parking lot in front of him was turned to black ash. The only thing he could make out through the haze was the red glow of the traffic light, still burning unchanged in the distance.

“I was able to call my wife to tell her I’m alive. But many people who work nearby didn’t make it,” he said. The strike killed civilians across the neighborhood: the owner of a local flower shop, the building’s doorman, a traveling sheikh, and even young patients being treated at a second-floor children’s clinic. “We felt death, we felt it. May no one ever feel it,” Assaf said.

The day after the attack, Assaf and his family were forced back to Corniche el Mazraa. They had received an Israeli evacuation warning for their home neighborhood of Jnah – a notification that almost always precedes new airstrikes – and were seeking temporary shelter with relatives nearby. But they also came back to see what was left of the street corner where Assaf had built his livelihood and daily routine. For Assaf’s wife Wessam, the destruction brought back unbearable trauma from her time fleeing Syria. “We escaped the Yarmouk refugee camp because of the bombardment, and now we are here and there’s bombardment again. This place reminds me of Yarmouk,” she said.

Similar scenes of destruction and grief unfolded across Beirut on Wednesday. In Ain el Mreisseh, a coastal neighborhood known for its charming historic residential architecture, an Israeli airstrike hit a mid-rise apartment block. Neighboring resident Yousef, who only gave his first name, recalled that the building stood for just seconds before half of it collapsed, killing all the civilians trapped inside. “There was no air, just dust,” he said. “Some people were able to get out, others were not so lucky.”

Official rescue operations launched immediately after the strikes and stretched through Thursday night. Civil defense teams set up massive floodlights to work after dark, using heavy excavators to carefully sift through tons of concrete and twisted rebar, searching for any remaining survivors and missing victims. The air hung thick with dust and unspoken grief: one entire side of the collapsed Ain el Mreisseh building had been torn away, leaving the private interiors of family homes exposed to the street. Fragments of ordinary life stood frozen mid-moment: a dress hanging undamaged in a closet, a table lamp still standing upright, a painting hanging crookedly on a half-broken wall, bathroom tiles still intact beneath piles of rubble.

By nightfall, all but one of the victims had been recovered from the Ain el Mreisseh rubble. The only person missing was 26-year-old Zahraa, niece of a middle-aged man who stood watching over the excavation all night, never leaving the top of the rubble pile. When rescue crews got close to where they believed her body was located, the heavy excavator slowed to a delicate, careful pace, its movements almost gentle to avoid causing further damage. At times, crews put down the heavy machinery altogether and picked up shovels, or even dug with their bare hands.

Around the grieving uncle, dozens of other people – relatives of other victims, neighbors, and even complete strangers – stayed long after their own loved ones had been recovered. They stood with him in total silence, an unspoken act of solidarity to make sure he did not have to wait alone, bound by shared grief in the aftermath of a devastating attack that has upended countless civilian lives across Lebanon.

On April 6, an explosive blast tore through the campus of Sharif University of Technology, Iran’s most elite engineering higher education institution. While no fatalities or injuries were reported in the attack, multiple campus structures suffered severe damage — most critically the building that housed the university’s cutting-edge artificial intelligence research center.

Widely compared to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in the United States for its academic rigor and research impact, Sharif University has stood as a cornerstone of West Asian technical education for decades. It counts among its most famous alumni Maryam Mirzakhani, who made history in 2014 as the first woman and the first Iranian to receive the Fields Medal, mathematics’ highest global honor.

According to the university’s president, the targeted AI center held irreplaceable research datasets, and over the past two years, its team of researchers had dedicated their work to developing and training custom AI models designed for the Persian language. This indigenous research push came as a direct response to decades of U.S. economic sanctions that have cut Iranian researchers off from global AI knowledge sharing and collaborative networks, forcing the community to build its capabilities from scratch.

Amirhossein, a student who worked at the center, confirmed that nearly all of its specialized equipment was destroyed in the blast. He told Middle East Eye that the center was built to develop open-access data processing tools and knowledge-based platforms for academic institutions across Iran, and emphatically denied that the facility had any military affiliation. “Attacks like this suggest the goal is to push Iran backwards scientifically,” he said.

Morteza, a 42-year-old PhD candidate in philosophy of science at Sharif, said he could not bring himself to visit the damaged campus to see the destruction firsthand. “Even seeing the images has been very upsetting,” he shared.

Yet in the immediate wake of the attack, Iranian academics and students — who have already navigated decades of crippling sanctions that disrupted their work long before bombs reached their campuses — have refused to abandon their research and teaching. Classes have resumed via unstable, patchy domestic internet connections, and footage of a mathematics professor setting up his laptop to teach an online lecture from the bomb-damaged ruins of his classroom spread widely across global social media.

In a public post on X, Iran’s First Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref directly accused the United States of deploying a bunker buster bomb to target the university. He pushed back against claims the attack could cripple Iranian scientific progress, noting: “Trump fails to understand that Iran’s knowledge is not embedded in concrete to be destroyed by bombs; the true fortress is the will of our professors and elites.”

The April 6 strike on Sharif University is not an isolated incident: it is part of a growing pattern of coordinated attacks targeting Iranian academic and research institutions amid the ongoing U.S.-Israeli military campaign against Iran. Iran’s Ministry of Science and Technology has confirmed that at least 30 university campuses have come under fire, while the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (BRISMES) has verified that at least 16 universities and dedicated research centers have sustained substantial damage.

Local Iranian media reported that on March 28, the Iran University of Science and Technology — a 95-year-old institution founded to train the nation’s engineers — was hit in a U.S.-Israeli strike, though full details on casualties and damage have not yet been released. Just one day later, Isfahan University of Technology (IUT), another of Iran’s top-ranked engineering schools, was attacked for the second time. Fars News Agency confirmed that multiple campus buildings were damaged, and four university staff members were wounded in the strike. IUT is renowned for leading development of Iran’s national radar system and designing the country’s first domestically built submarine. In 2015, both Sharif University and IUT ranked among the top 100 universities under 50 years old in the Times Higher Education global rankings, placing 40th and 63rd respectively.

The wave of attacks extends far beyond engineering institutions. On April 2, a missile strike hit the century-old Pasteur Institute of Iran, a leading public health and vaccine research facility, reducing its core vaccine production laboratories to rubble. Days later, a specialized plasma and laser research laboratory at Tehran’s Shahid Beheshti University was also hit. Earlier in March, an in vitro fertilization (IVF) clinic at Tehran’s Ghandi Hospital was struck in a missile attack; one couple who had been trying to conceive for 10 years told Middle East Eye they still have no information about what happened to their stored fertility samples.

Strikes have also targeted individual faculty members: Iran’s official Islamic Republic News Agency reported that Dr. Saeed Shamghadri, an associate professor of electrical engineering at IUT, was killed in an air strike on March 22 alongside his entire family.

Lewis Turner, chair of the BRISMES Committee on Academic Freedom, said the consistent pattern of targeting academic institutions mirrors the destruction of Gaza’s education system during Israel’s ongoing assault on the enclave, where more than 80 percent of the territory’s universities and schools have been destroyed. “There appears to be a widespread disregard for universities’ protected status under international law,” Turner told Middle East Eye. “These actions may well amount to war crimes.”

Turner warned that the harm caused by these attacks will resonate across Iranian society for generations. “How many generations will be denied access to education because of the damage to university infrastructure?” he asked. “Because of the roles that universities play within society for the progress of knowledge… this kind of destruction is going to have potentially long-term and profound effects on Iranian society.”

A common thread unites all of the targeted institutions: none have been tied to military programs. Instead, every targeted site hosts leading civilian scientific and technological research centers, a reality that Iranian students and academics have been quick to highlight. “Can someone explain why philosophy of science should be targeted? Is the problem with philosophy or with science itself?” Morteza asked. “It feels like the real target is the ability to think.”

The current bombing campaign comes on top of decades of harsh economic sanctions that have systematically stifled Iranian academic progress. Sanctions have cut off Iranian researchers from international collaborative projects, blocked students from traveling to attend global academic conferences and exchange programs, and even led to widespread reports of journal editors rejecting research papers from Iranian medical scientists and scholars. Many Iranian researchers also report being unable to pay for international academic society memberships or conference registration fees due to financial restrictions.

Reza Sohrabi, a research fellow at the University of Tehran, explained that even before the bombing campaign, Iranian academics faced steep barriers to their work, and the conflict has only worsened these challenges. “It’s not easy to study and work and research during a war. I’m trying to produce my thesis and dissertation and other papers,” he said. “But then it’s not easy, because you need various resources such as the internet. I used to go to the library to study, but it is closed because of the war.”

Asama Abdi, a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Exeter’s Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, argues that the bombing campaign is a deliberate attempt to complete what decades of sanctions could not achieve: rolling back Iran’s independent technological development. “These universities have long been the backbone of knowledge production in Iran as well as of industrial development, and technological advancement,” Abdi explained. “Whatever technological capabilities could not be disabled and curtailed through sanctions are now being completely annihilated through bombardment. It is a longer, indeed colonial, pattern of attempting to sabotage knowledge sovereignty and technological autonomy, ultimately undermining a country’s long-term capacity to remain sovereign in knowledge production and technological development.”

Abdi also noted that Iranian universities have long been central spaces for political mobilization, serving as the core of anti-authoritarian and anti-imperialist organizing throughout modern Iranian history — from protests against the U.S.-backed Pahlavi monarchy to widespread anti-government demonstrations in February 2025, where campuses emerged as the main center of protest activity. “Throughout the modern history of Iran, student movements and universities have been the centre of anti-authoritarian and anti-imperialist mobilisations,” she said. “The physical spaces of the universities are also important as it is in these physical spaces where ideas are exchanged, and political imaginaries take shape.”

Iranian universities have a complicated history of domestic political repression as well: following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the new government shut down all campuses between 1980 and 1983 in what became known as the Cultural Revolution, expelling all students and faculty who opposed Islamic rule and establishing state-controlled student monitoring groups. During the 2025 nationwide protests, the Iranian government moved all classes online in a move widely interpreted as an attempt to disrupt growing student-led mobilization on campus.

Abdi argues that the U.S.-Israeli targeting of Iranian academic institutions functions as an extension of this domestic crackdown, eliminating the physical spaces where alternative political ideas can develop. “Israel is continuing a broader crackdown on universities, albeit on a much larger scale, by completely annihilating these spaces,” Abdi said. “This strategy, which can be described as a form of scholasticide similar to what we witnessed with horror in Gaza and now in Lebanon, seeks to foreclose possibilities for political alternatives and political imaginaries, ultimately undermining the prospects for democracy in Iran.”