标签: Asia

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  • 10 climbers led by a renowned Nepalese mountaineer are missing on a Pakistan peak

    10 climbers led by a renowned Nepalese mountaineer are missing on a Pakistan peak

    ISLAMABAD, Pakistan – A catastrophic avalanche has swept across Broad Peak, the world’s 12th-tallest mountain in Pakistan’s northern Karakoram range, leaving a 10-member international climbing expedition led by famous Nepal-born mountaineer Nirmal Purja unaccounted for and cut off from all communication. Karrar Haidri, vice president of the Alpine Club of Pakistan, confirmed the development in an official statement released late Thursday, noting that the organization received initial alerts of the avalanche but has not been able to reestablish contact with the team since the incident.

    The expedition brings together climbers from six different nations: five Nepalese mountaineers, Pakistani climber Sohail Sakhi from the Hunza region, Omani climber Nathira, American climber Mallory Geis, a Chinese climber identified only by the surname Wang, and one additional foreign team member. Purja, also known by his nickname Nims Dai, is a Nepal-born British mountaineer who earned global acclaim for his 2019 feat of scaling all 14 of the planet’s peaks higher than 8,000 meters in just 189 days. That achievement set a world speed record that stood until 2023, when a Norwegian climber and her Nepali Sherpa guide broke the mark. Purja’s historic climbing journey was later featured in the hit Netflix documentary *14 Peaks: Nothing is Impossible*, introducing high-altitude mountaineering to a mass global audience.

    Standing at 8,047 meters (26,401 feet) above sea level, Broad Peak is part of the Karakoram mountain range that straddles the Pakistan-China border. Pakistan attracts thousands of elite mountaineers from across the globe each year, as it hosts five of the world’s 14 8,000-meter peaks, making it a premier destination for ambitious summit attempts.

    Immediately following news of the avalanche, Alpine Club of Pakistan president Major General Irfan Arshad and the organization’s senior leadership launched coordination efforts with Pakistani federal and regional government officials to speed up the launch of search-and-rescue operations. The organization confirmed that teams are working to rapidly mobilize rescue helicopters and other specialized emergency resources, though deployment will depend on current high-altitude weather conditions and operational safety constraints.

    “The Alpine Club of Pakistan is closely monitoring the situation and coordinating with all concerned stakeholders,” the organization’s statement added. “The club stands in solidarity with the climbers’ families and the international mountaineering community as rescue efforts get underway.”

  • South Korea’s Kospi index jumps more than 16% on a surge of chipmaking stocks

    South Korea’s Kospi index jumps more than 16% on a surge of chipmaking stocks

    A massive, market-shaking reversal unfolded across Asian equities on Friday, as AI-linked technology stocks mounted a dramatic double-digit rebound just three days after a steep sell-off driven by bubble fears. The recovery was triggered by stronger-than-expected quarterly earnings from Microsoft, which reassured investors that massive corporate investments in artificial intelligence are already translating into solid bottom-line growth.

    South Korea’s benchmark Kospi Index led the surge, rocketing 16.5% higher to 6,515.40 by mid-session after opening sharply up and extending gains through early trading. The jump came on the heels of a 17% cumulative drop over the prior three trading days, when investors rushed offload tech holdings amid growing concerns that the global AI boom had become overinflated, and that rising competition from Chinese chip and AI developers would erode the profits of industry leaders.

    Blue-chip tech stocks in South Korea led the rebound: Samsung Electronics, the world’s largest memory chip manufacturer, jumped 24.8%, while rival SK Hynix soared 27.8%. Both companies are key suppliers to major AI firms including Microsoft and Google, whose demand for high-performance memory chips has driven their revenue growth over the past two years.

    The market turnaround traces directly to Microsoft’s quarterly earnings release Thursday, which reported $90 billion in revenue — beating Wall Street consensus forecasts. The company’s shares surged 15.5% in U.S. trading overnight, marking their best single-day performance in nearly 18 years. The strong results dispelled widespread investor anxiety that heavy AI capital spending would not deliver near-term returns, drawing bargain hunters back to battered tech shares across global markets.

    “The market went from throwing AI stocks overboard to fighting for the remaining seats before most traders had finished writing the obituary,” Stephen Innes, senior market analyst at SPI Asset Management, noted in a client commentary Friday.

    Even with the historic one-day jump, the Kospi remains far below its June peak of more than 9,000 points, leaving room for continued volatility as investors reassess AI valuations. The rally extended across other major Asian markets as well: Japan’s Nikkei 225 climbed 5.5% to 65,282.21 in early trading, with SoftBank Group — a major early investor in OpenAI — rising 15%, and leading chip equipment manufacturer Tokyo Electron gaining nearly 11%. Taiwan’s Taiex index, heavily weighted toward AI chipmakers, jumped more than 7%, while Australia’s S&P/ASX 200 added a modest 0.5% to 9,015.60.

    Beyond equities, currency markets saw significant action driven by suspected intervention by Japanese authorities to prop up the slumping yen. After weeks of trading above 160 yen to the dollar, the greenback plummeted more than 2.4% overnight before bouncing back 0.6% early Friday to 160.59 yen. Japan’s Nikkei financial newspaper reported the intervention was coordinated, with the Federal Reserve Bank of New York conducting a so-called “rate check” to support the move.

    The suspected intervention came ahead of the Bank of Japan’s policy meeting concluding later Friday, where the central bank is widely expected to hold interest rates at current levels. Analysts say the timing was designed to head off speculative currency moves tied to the central bank’s policy announcement. Jonas Golterman, emerging markets economist at Capital Economics, noted that past interventions have had limited sustained impact on yen valuations. “Intervention in support of the yen may not work any better now than it has previously, but the persistence of the Japanese authorities suggests to us that the yen will remain around the 160 level this year before staging a more sustained rebound next year,” Golterman wrote in a note. The euro slipped slightly to $1.1515 from $1.1524 against the dollar in early Friday trading.

    Oil prices edged higher Friday amid ongoing geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and Iran, which have disrupted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz — the critical chokepoint that carries roughly a fifth of global oil supplies. Brent crude, the global benchmark for oil prices, rose 0.3% to $87.14 per barrel, up from roughly $72 per barrel before the outbreak of conflict between Israel and Iran in late February.

    On Wall Street, the rally in tech shares spilled over from Microsoft to the broader market overnight. The benchmark S&P 500 gained 1.7% to close at 7,437.63, the Dow Jones Industrial Average added 1.2% to 52,208.06, and the technology-heavy Nasdaq Composite rose 2.8% to 25,122.18. The positive U.S. session set the stage for the rally across Asian markets when they opened for trading Friday.

  • Houthis consider imposing fees for Red Sea passage: Report

    Houthis consider imposing fees for Red Sea passage: Report

    As geopolitical fault lines across the Middle East deepen, Yemen’s Houthi movement is developing a plan to levy new fees on commercial maritime traffic transiting the strategic Bab el-Mandeb Strait, multiple regional sources have confirmed to Reuters. This emerging policy shift comes against a backdrop of already heightened tensions across the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, reshaping global energy transit routes and challenging Western military presence in the region.

  • Nirmal Purja among 10 climbers feared missing after avalanche

    Nirmal Purja among 10 climbers feared missing after avalanche

    In a developing breaking emergency unfolding on one of the world’s most formidable high-altitude peaks, a 10-person international mountaineering expedition led by legendary Nepal-born climber and former British Royal Marine Nirmal Purja has been unaccounted for following a sudden avalanche on Pakistan’s Broad Peak.

    The destructive snow slide hit the climbing team around midday local time Thursday on the 8,047-meter mountain, located in Pakistan’s remote Karakoram mountain range, according to local Pakistani mountaineering authorities. In the hours since the avalanche struck, no contact has been reestablished with any member of the group, leaving rescue teams and the global mountaineering community deeply concerned.

    The expedition includes climbers of four nationalities: one American, one Chinese, one Omani, and five Nepali expedition members, alongside team leader Purja. Purja, one of the most high-profile high-altitude climbers of his generation, rose to international fame in 2019 for completing a historic feat: summiting all 14 of the planet’s peaks that exceed 8,000 meters in elevation in just over six months, a breakthrough achievement that redefined what was considered possible in elite alpinism.

    A former service member with the British Armed Forces, Purja’s path to becoming a world-famous climber began in 2003 when he enlisted in the British Army, earning a place in the Royal Marines in 2009. His professional climbing career launched unexpectedly in 2012, when he trekked to Everest Base Camp and made the spontaneous decision to continue upward to summit the world’s highest peak, launching his legendary career.

    Broad Peak, the 12th highest mountain on Earth, is widely recognized as one of the most technically challenging peaks for high-altitude expeditions, even in the best climbing conditions. Right now, rescue teams are preparing to launch a large-scale search operation, with aerial helicopter search efforts planned as soon as weather conditions in the region are stable enough to permit flight.

    The Alpine Club of Pakistan, the national governing body for mountaineering in the country, confirmed in an official statement Thursday that it has maintained constant coordination with Pakistani government agencies to launch an immediate search and rescue response. “Every possible effort is being made to secure helicopter support, and all available resources have been mobilized at the earliest opportunity,” the organization said. The statement concluded: “The Club prays for the safety and successful rescue of all the climbers and stands in solidarity with their families and the international mountaineering community during this difficult time.”

    This is an ongoing breaking news story, with new details expected to emerge as search operations progress. Readers can access the latest updates through the BBC News mobile app, or by following BBC Breaking on the social platform X.

  • Chaos at London court as over 1,500 Palestine Action cases listed in one day

    Chaos at London court as over 1,500 Palestine Action cases listed in one day

    A logistical and procedural crisis descended on London’s Westminster Crown Court Thursday, as more than 1,500 defendants facing terrorism-connected charges related to pro-Palestine protests were summoned for hearings amid conflicting guidance, widespread confusion, and widespread criticism of the UK government’s ban on the direct action group Palestine Action.

    The chaos unfolded after hundreds of defendants had already received formal notifications that their trials, originally scheduled for July 30, would be adjourned until October. Yet despite the adjournment notices, court records published Wednesday listed all 1,579 cases for hearing on July 30 at Westminster Crown Court, leaving defendants with contradictory instructions about whether they were required to attend. One letter obtained by independent news outlet Middle East Eye simultaneously ordered a recipient to “must attend” the July 30 hearing, then immediately instructed them “Please do not attend court” on that same date.

    Defend Our Juries (DOJ), a campaign group supporting the defendants, argues that this systemic confusion is a direct symptom of the disorder created by the government’s 2025 proscription of Palestine Action, which has pushed the UK’s criminal justice system into a state of “complete meltdown”. In a parallel development Thursday, the UK Supreme Court ruled that Palestine Action could legally challenge the ban, which was first implemented by former Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s administration in July 2025. Since the proscription took effect, thousands of people have been arrested over the past year, most simply for holding placards or wearing clothing expressing solidarity with the group.

    Court records obtained by Middle East Eye show a printed list of roughly 2,000 cases spanning 82 pages pulled from the CourtServe listings service, with multiple defendants listed multiple times under different spelling variations of their names. When dozens of defendants traveled to London to attend their scheduled hearings Thursday, they wandered the court grounds with their conflicting notices, receiving inconsistent explanations from court staff. One defendant reported her hearing was assigned to a courtroom that does not exist at the Westminster complex. Upon arrival, attendees were generic “To Whomever It May Concern” leaflets stating all cases had been adjourned to October 26 for an administrative directions hearing, and that no attendance was required.

    “That is crazy. That’s not how the court system is meant to work,” said Tim Crosland, a former government lawyer representing the defendants. “What a court normally does is send a clear letter to every person with a hearing, telling them exactly when and where to appear. That’s basic court communication, not generic flyers handed out to random people at the door. If you’re facing a terrorism charge, you have a right to be present for your case — you don’t want prosecutors discussing the future of your case without you there. It looks like the court is trying to avoid the logistical problem of hundreds of people arriving at once by turning the entire process into a mass-produced sausage machine, with no respect for individual cases.”

    Middle East Eye reached out to the Crown Prosecution Service for comment ahead of publication, but received no response. Late Wednesday, London’s Metropolitan Police issued a public statement dismissing a planned protest outside the court as “nonsensical”, claiming no Palestine Action-related hearings would take place Thursday. In response, DOJ sent a formal letter to the Met demanding clarity on the source of the police’s information, arguing that “if court hearings have been postponed, that fact should be communicated by the court to the parties directly, not via a police statement the evening before the hearing.”

    Multiple defendants who spoke to Middle East Eye, many of whom requested anonymity for legal reasons, described the deep disruption the charges and procedural chaos have caused to their daily lives. Steve, who traveled from Norwich for an 11 a.m. hearing, only to be told he did not need to attend, said: “That’s very polite of them, but I can’t imagine any other circumstance where they charge you with a crime — especially terrorism — and just tell you not to bother showing up.” Another defendant, Tony, said he had received multiple overlapping notices that said “the defendant need not come to court but they may do so if desired.” He added: “If you’re going to call me a terrorist, at least treat me like one and let me attend my own hearing.” Tony explained that the pending terrorism charge already bars him from traveling to the U.S. to visit family, and has damaged his ability to secure new contracts as a self-employed contractor.

    Bernie and Heather traveled eight hours from mid-Wales to attend their hearings, after booking accommodation and receiving an initial adjournment notice, only to see their names reappear on the final court listing Wednesday. Marji, a 69-year-old DOJ spokesperson who traveled two hours from Chichester, told reporters she was listed for three separate hearings under two different spellings of her name, and held a court letter that simultaneously required her attendance on July 30 and forbade it. “I am legally entitled to attend every one of my hearings,” she said. “They say there is a hearing listed, they say I have a right to speak at every hearing, but they won’t let us in. Is this a secret court?” Miriam, a self-represented defendant from east London, faces five separate charges under the Terrorism Act, only received adjournment notices for three, and saw four of her five cases listed for Thursday. “I came because it’s all unclear, but also because I strongly object to the adjournment,” she said. “I don’t have a lawyer, I’m representing myself, so I need to be here in person to follow what’s happening.”

    Clive Dolphin, a DOJ spokesperson, called the court’s mass handling of the cases unlawful. “There has been no clear individual communication to defendants. The court seems to be treating this as a single block booking, but that is not how justice works. All these cases are different, they involve different people in different circumstances. Under Section 13 of the Terrorism Act, an offense is only committed if the display of support arouses reasonable suspicion of membership — the circumstances of one person holding a sign are not the same as another. You cannot round up hundreds of people, treat them all as a single group, and arbitrarily move their hearings en masse. That is not how the justice system is supposed to operate.”

    Outside the court, police arrested 77 people after around 200 protesters staged a sit-in, where they planned to read statements supporting Palestine Action, a act that can carry charges under Section 12 of the Terrorism Act — a more severe offense than the Section 13 charges most defendants face, that carries a maximum 14-year custodial sentence for inviting support for a proscribed organization. The Metropolitan Police confirmed most arrests were for expressing support for a proscribed organization, with four additional arrests for encouraging criminal offending. DOJ reported that two people were arrested a day early simply for setting up a podium for speakers, and that police were arresting people based solely on proximity to the protest, even if they had not expressed support for Palestine Action.

    Among those arrested was Sir Jonathan Porritt, former director of Friends of the Earth and former Green Party co-chair. In footage shared on social media platform X, Porritt can be heard saying as he is escorted away by officers: “I am a supporter of Palestine Action. Trying to save lives is not terrorism. Exposing this government’s complicity in genocide is not terrorism.”

    Human rights organizations have sharply condemned the use of counterterrorism legislation against peaceful protesters. Thomas Bell, acting UK director at Human Rights Watch, said: “Using terrorism legislation to arrest people, many of them older, just for peacefully supporting a direct-action protest group, is making a mockery of justice. Using counterterror powers to suppress dissent goes against core democratic values, and harms freedom of expression and assembly in this country. Prime Minister Andy Burnham must order a full reset. The government needs to end the misuse of terrorism powers and re-examine the pile of hardline anti-protest laws passed in recent years.”

  • India wants to join the strawberry superpowers

    India wants to join the strawberry superpowers

    Nestled in the mountainous terrain of western India, Mahabaleshwar stands as the beating heart of India’s strawberry cultivation. More than 85% of the country’s total strawberry output grows across its slopes, where an elevation exceeding 1,000 meters creates the ideal cool growing window from November to March, and light, well-drained soil offers the perfect foundation for the delicate fruit. But for the thousands of smallholder farmers who call this region home, strawberry farming is far from a straightforward livelihood.

    The industry is inherently labor-intensive, and its profitability hangs on the whims of unpredictable weather. “If sudden heavy rains arrive when your field is full of fruit, the entire crop is destroyed, and we face catastrophic losses,” explains Sheetal Danavle, who alongside her husband devotes half of their 3-acre family farm to strawberries. Unlike many staple crops, strawberry plants must be replaced entirely every growing season, and they are not propagated from seed. This means farmers must purchase new young starter plants from licensed suppliers each year, a major upfront expenditure that costs Danavle roughly $2,500 annually. While a strong, dry season can deliver returns double the initial investment, erratic climate patterns turn the entire enterprise into what Danavle describes as “a huge gamble.”

    Despite these challenges, strawberries have emerged as one of western India’s most profitable horticultural crops, supporting tens of thousands of livelihoods across the region. Yet a critical gap remains in the domestic supply chain: India’s entire industry relies exclusively on patented strawberry varieties bred in the United States, Italy, Spain, and other foreign nations, with no commercially competitive indigenous cultivar available to local farmers. It takes 10 to 15 years for international breeders to develop high-yield, high-quality varieties suited for commercial production, and these cultivars are strictly protected by intellectual property patents.

    Nelson Sequeira, founder and director of Tara Farms Fresh, one of India’s licensed strawberry propagators, explains that the domestic supply chain starts with imported certified mother plants from foreign breeders. After clearing mandatory government quarantine, the imported mother plants are grown in specialized nurseries, where they produce runners that develop into daughter plants sold directly to farmers. “One imported mother plant is like an engine,” Sequeira notes. On average, a single mother plant produces 20 daughter plants, with experienced operations able to coax 30 to 40 plants per mother. His nursery uses advanced precision agriculture techniques to grow new stock: plants are suspended in half-cut industrial pipe troughs filled with coconut husk-derived coco-peat substrate, rather than planted in open ground, with a carefully calibrated drip irrigation and fogging system to maintain ideal growing conditions.

    For now, dependency on foreign mother plants remains the industry standard, but a collaborative research project led by two leading Indian institutions could soon upend this status quo. Mahatma Phule Krishi Vidyapeeth (MPKV), an agricultural university based in Maharashtra, has partnered with the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) to develop India’s first homegrown strawberry variety. Researchers are using controlled low-dose gamma irradiation on plant tissues to induce stable genetic mutations, a technique designed to cut down the decades-long breeding timeline.

    Dr. Darshan Shashank Kadam, assistant professor of horticulture at MPKV, explains the project’s core goal: to create an indigenous cultivar that matches the large fruit size and firm texture of popular imported varieties, while being naturally resilient to India’s increasingly frequent heatwaves. Kadam acknowledges that full development of a commercially viable variety could still take 10 to 15 years, but the university is already supporting local farmers in the near term by creating region-specific growing guidelines, including standardized planting schedules, customized fertilizer recommendations, and tailored growth regulator protocols adapted to Mahabaleshwar’s unique climate.

    Larger commercial operations with greater access to capital are already adopting innovative growing technologies to mitigate the risks of open-field farming. Ketan Yashwant Sodha, founder and CEO of Berry Fresh Agrotech, started out growing strawberries in traditional open fields, but grew frustrated after repeated crop losses to unseasonal rain during the peak growing season. “For the past decade, rain has consistently arrived during our peak harvest months of November, December, and early January. One heavy storm at peak growth can wipe out an entire season’s work,” he says.

    In 2022, Sodha pivoted to experiment with hydroponic covered cultivation, a soil-free system that allows full control over water, nutrient, light, and temperature conditions. The transition was far from smooth. “I failed over and over, and suffered massive early losses,” he recalls. “Soil is forgiving of small mistakes, but hydroponics is not. A single error today leads to complete crop failure tomorrow, and recovery takes twice as long as it does in soil.”

    After years of trial and error, Sodha’s operation is now seeing tangible rewards. His team has tested 19 different strawberry varieties, including rare Japanese cultivars, and is the first Indian farm testing a specialized cultivar from the Netherlands this growing season. By strictly limiting each plant to 750 milliliters of water per day, they produce berries with richer, more concentrated sugar content and deeper aroma than the waterlogged, bland fruit often produced by open-field farming. Regular nutrient testing of plant leaves and petioles allows the team to adjust nutrient mixes precisely to each plant’s needs, and a semi-open polyhouse structure enables year-round strawberry production, turning a seasonal crop into a year-round revenue stream. Now, after finalizing trial protocols and standard operating procedures, Sodha is seeking investor funding to scale his operation to a 5-acre facility capable of supporting 200,000 plants.

    Even smallholder farmers are embracing new technologies to improve outcomes, often in creative ways. Krishan Bhilare, a third-generation strawberry farmer from Mahabaleshwar, remembers the arrival of the first American varieties in 1992, when he was stunned by the large size of the imported fruit. Today, Bhilare is part of a regional Farmer Producer Organisation (FPO) that has installed AI-powered weather monitoring towers at key points across member farmland. The system analyzes real-time weather data to predict incoming rain events, alerting farmers to delay pesticide and fertilizer spraying so costly inputs are not washed away by storms. The FPO is also testing vertical growing towers that stack five layers of strawberry plants in coco-peat substrate, boosting production density from 25,000 plants per acre to 125,000 plants per acre — a fivefold increase in output on the same plot of land.

    Still, these high-tech upgrades remain out of reach for many small operations, or carry too much risk for low-margin farms. Danavle and her husband tested hydroponic farming back in 2017, and saw promising early results: their hydroponic strawberries were fully organic, cut labor costs by reducing the need for constant bending and pruning, and lowered spending on fertilizers and pesticides. But a powerful cyclone hit Mahabaleshwar that same year, destroying the entire hydroponic setup. “We didn’t have the capital or the courage to rebuild it,” Danavle says. Instead, she returned to traditional open-field farming — with a modern twist. Leveraging social media, Danavle now posts videos about strawberry cultivation, promotes farm visits for tourists, and allows visitors to pick and purchase berries directly from her farm, cutting out middlemen and boosting her profit margins. “Now I’m both a farmer and a social media entrepreneur,” she says.

    As India’s strawberry industry continues to grow, the balance between traditional smallholder farming and cutting-edge innovation remains in flux, with ongoing research poised to reshape the sector’s dependency on foreign varieties in the coming decades.

  • Millions opposed military rule in Myanmar. Is their dream of a revolution over?

    Millions opposed military rule in Myanmar. Is their dream of a revolution over?

    Five years after Myanmar’s 2021 military coup plunged the country into brutal civil war, the Thai border town of Mae Sot has emerged as a fragile, overcrowded sanctuary for tens of thousands of people who fled their homeland to oppose junta rule. For many of these exiles, what was once hope of a swift democratic revolution has curdled into exhaustion, disillusionment, and a future shrouded in uncertainty.

    One 22-year-old former urban guerrilla, who asked to remain anonymous to protect his family still living under junta surveillance in Yangon, embodies this shifting tide of sentiment. At 17, he joined nationwide mass protests against the coup that ousted democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi. When security forces crushed the nonviolent demonstrations, he fled to ethnic insurgent-controlled territory for military training, before returning to Yangon to carry out bombings as part of an underground resistance cell. “I thought then that non-violent protests were not the right way to get back our freedom,” he recalled.

    His armed resistance ended abruptly when he was captured and sentenced to seven years in Insein Prison, a facility infamously known for routine abuse and torture of political inmates. Released last year, he fled across the Moei River – the narrow waterway that marks the Myanmar-Thailand border – to Mae Sot, where he now lives in one of dozens of hidden safe houses run by local charities. It was during his imprisonment that his views on the struggle changed forever. He witnessed deep infighting among insurgent groups, saw countless unnecessary civilian and combatant casualties, and as the eldest child in his family, felt a growing obligation to prioritize his family’s safety over armed struggle. Today, he has rejected violence entirely. “I want to help our people as much as I can. But I choose another way. A non-violent way,” he said. Now, he spends his days teaching children in the safe house and supporting friends who remain imprisoned in Myanmar, clinging to a faint hope that freedom will eventually come.

    The 22-year-old is far from alone. Since the 2021 coup, Mae Sot – a major trade gateway between Myanmar and Thailand that has long hosted a shifting Burmese population – has seen its community of exiled Myanmar residents swell exponentially. Nearly all cross the border unofficially, leaving them undocumented and without legal status in Thailand. They live in constant fear of arrest by Thai police and deportation back to Myanmar, where reprisals from the junta await them and their families. Many dare not leave their cramped safe house rooms for weeks at a time; one defected former army officer told the BBC she only ventures outside twice a month.

    These safe houses, tucked down quiet back streets and offering only six months of maximum stay per resident, are warrens of tiny, basic rooms with shared communal facilities. Behind every door lies a harrowing story of survival. Among them is Yin Yin Aung, a 20-year-old mother who traveled 1,000 miles from her resistance-stronghold village in Sagaing Region to reach Mae Sot with her husband and toddler son. Two years ago, junta troops occupied her village, Htomar, after sweeping through the region to crush dissent. The family fled into the surrounding forest, where they survived for six months on river water and scarce rations, falling ill and seeing several members of their group die before they could begin their journey to the border. When troops finally withdrew, they left the village looted and laced with landmines, making return impossible.

    Yin Yin Aung gave birth to her son in the forest, but he was born with an abdominal hernia that requires urgent surgery. In Mae Sot, the couple has no legal status, so they cannot access Thailand’s public healthcare system. A private hospital has demanded a 38,000 baht ($1,140) deposit for the procedure – a sum nearly out of reach for the destitute family. Like many others, they have already hit their six-month limit at one safe house and are now staying in a second, with another move looming when their time runs out. “So long as Min Aung Hlaing is in charge, I cannot go back home,” Yin Yin Aung said. “He is the one who caused all of this.”

    The growing despair among Mae Sot’s exiles comes as Myanmar’s junta leader, General Min Aung Hlaing, has consolidated his grip on power over the past 12 months, backed by significant diplomatic and military support from China and Russia. Last month, Min Aung Hlaing received a formal red-carpet welcome from Chinese President Xi Jinping, marking a key milestone in his effort to rebrand himself from a coup-leading pariah to a legitimate head of state accepted by neighboring countries. Earlier this year, the junta held a tightly controlled, opposition-boycotted election that allowed Min Aung Hlaing to formally take the office of civilian president, while over the past year junta forces have recaptured large swathes of territory that resistance groups seized in the early years of the war.

    Chinese pressure has also cut off critical weapons and technology supplies to many resistance groups, leaving them fragmented, outgunned, and on the defensive. The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights recently reported that at least 702 civilians – most of them women and children – were killed by junta air strikes between the announcement of the election last August and its conclusion in January, with violence against civilians continuing unabated even as Min Aung Hlaing solidifies his international standing.

    Not all exiles in Mae Sot have abandoned hope of a revolutionary victory. In another safe house, a former Yangon bartender who serves with the Cobra Column – one of the opposition’s most effective fighting units, affiliated with the long-running Karen National Union insurgency – traveled to Mae Sot only to welcome his newborn child, and says he is eager to return to the front lines. “The military is fighting a war against the entire country, against the very citizens they are supposed to protect,” he said. “There is no way they can win.” Morale remains high among well-established ethnic armed groups like the Karen National Union, but newer people’s defense forces have struggled to maintain momentum amid supply shortages and junta advances.

    For many older exiles like Louis, a 40-something Yangon entrepreneur who joined the Karen insurgency after the coup and was later imprisoned, the dragging war has forced a reevaluation of priorities. After his release, he chose to settle in Mae Sot to provide for his children, who need education and stability that a life on the run cannot offer. “For the first two or three years, we had high morale and were very motivated,” he said. “But since the war is dragging on for so long, a lot of people have other responsibilities that do not stop. We have changed under that pressure.”

    One local Mae Sot activist, who runs a program to rescue child soldiers as young as 13 from insurgent groups and help them adjust to civilian life, says the war has torn apart communities that once lived in peace, with neighbors turning on each other for supporting opposing sides. She argues that the resistance must shift its strategy to meet the growing humanitarian crisis. “We have to prepare for a long fight for this revolution, not only with weapons, but also thinking about education and healthcare,” she said. “There are so many displaced people now. What are we going to do for them?”

    Today, hundreds of thousands of Myanmar refugees across Thailand’s border regions remain trapped in devastating limbo. Diplomatic outreach from regional governments has failed to secure any meaningful concessions from the junta, while undocumented exiles like Yin Yin Aung face repeated moves, scarce support, and no clear path home – or to a better future elsewhere. In the cramped, dimly lit safe houses of Mae Sot, each resident carries the weight of trauma, and a future that grows more uncertain by the day.

  • ‘I won’t stop fighting,’ says ‘cockroach’ protester after alleged detention

    ‘I won’t stop fighting,’ says ‘cockroach’ protester after alleged detention

    Raised by illiterate farmworking parents in northern India who revered knowledge above all else, 24-year-old law student Mohammad Junaid grew up ingrained with one core belief: education is the only irreversible gift that can rewrite a person’s destiny. What he never anticipated, however, was that this same belief would lead him to the center of one of India’s largest recent student-led protests, and ultimately to the steps of the Supreme Court to challenge alleged police mistreatment.

    When the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) issued a call in June for students to gather at Delhi’s iconic Jantar Mantar to demand accountability for widespread irregularities in a critical national medical entrance examination, Junaid packed only a small bag, planning to attend for just 24 hours. He ended up staying six weeks, evolving from a casual participant to one of the protest movement’s most visible and indispensable volunteers. Drawing on organizational experience he gained during the 2020 Indian farmers’ protests, Junaid stepped in to bring structure to the grassroots campaign when the first wave of demonstrators decided to camp indefinitely at the protest site with almost no basic supplies.

    From sourcing drinking water and arranging meals to securing blankets and shelter for exhausted participants, Junaid became the go-to coordinator for all incoming donations and logistics. As local communities stepped up to support the movement—farmers bringing fresh vegetables, local gurdwaras supplying daily cooked meals, and ordinary citizens dropping off medicine, water and fruit—volunteers and organizers alike automatically directed all resources to him. The work was grueling, with Junaid averaging only a few hours of sleep a night, but it was the stories of affected families that cemented his commitment. He met parents who had taken crippling loans to pay for exam coaching, and one couple who distributed food to protesters on what would have been their daughter’s birthday; she had died by suicide after the exam paper was leaked, a tragedy that left Junaid certain the fight was bigger than any individual. The experience transformed his life trajectory: where he once never imagined himself as an activist, he now says he will spend his life fighting for equitable, transparent education.

    Tensions escalated on 20 July, when thousands of protesters defied a police ban to march toward India’s parliament. Security forces responded with tear gas, baton charges, and mass detentions. Junaid spent hours tending to injured demonstrators, locating missing students, and helping frightened participants return to the protest camp. The violence of that day, he says, broke something inside him, and confirmed he could not step away from the movement. Five days later, after India’s education minister stepped down, CJP leaders declared victory and called off the protest, with most volunteers preparing to return home. Junaid’s path took a different turn.

    Alleging that he was unlawfully detained by police just hours before the protest officially wrapped up, Junaid has filed a petition with India’s Supreme Court. In his claim, Junaid says he was taken into custody after leaving a hospital where he had sought treatment for a stray dog bite. He was held overnight for extensive questioning about his protest role, and alleges he was blindfolded while being transported to the police station. The petition further claims authorities targeted his family: his father was picked up for questioning from the family’s small Ghaziabad farm on 23 July, and police searched the family home the following day, damaging furniture and demanding identification and bank details for all extended family members. Ghaziabad Police have only confirmed that they questioned Junaid’s father, and have denied any misconduct. Delhi Police has not responded to requests for comment on Junaid’s allegations.

    Junaid’s case has drawn sharp condemnation from opposition politicians and civil liberties organizations, with CJP leaders accusing authorities of a targeted crackdown on protest volunteers. His petition is one of multiple claims of unlawful detention amid broader allegations of a widespread police crackdown on demonstrators across Delhi and other Indian states. The Supreme Court has already ordered authorities to refrain from taking coercive action against protesters with no prior criminal record while the main case is heard, and CJP has threatened to resume mass protests if all pending cases against demonstrators are not withdrawn. Junaid’s petition has not yet been scheduled for a hearing.

    In the aftermath of his detention, a video of Junaid breaking down during an interview went viral on Indian social media, alongside clips of supporters celebrating the protest’s initial victory. Junaid says the experience has left him questioning whether his Muslim identity played a role in his targeting—something he has no concrete evidence to prove, but that has lingered in his mind. Throughout the protest, he says, religious identity was never a topic of conversation: participants saw each other only as students and activists fighting for a shared cause. The question of religious profiling comes amid longstanding criticism from rights groups and opposition parties that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has overseen growing marginalization of India’s Muslim community, the country’s largest religious minority. Modi’s administration has repeatedly rejected these accusations.

    When Junaid returned home after his release, his parents—who spent decades working their small plot of land to give their son an education—urged him to step away from the movement, afraid that his activism would bring more trouble. But for Junaid, the confrontation with authorities has only strengthened his resolve. He describes the experience as a small sacrifice for the larger fight for fair education and accountability, and says if protesters return to the streets, he will be right there with them.

  • Muslim Council of Britain asks government to explain non-engagement policy

    Muslim Council of Britain asks government to explain non-engagement policy

    A major political dispute has erupted between the UK’s largest umbrella body for Muslim communities and the Andy Burnham-led government, after a senior cabinet minister repeated longstanding but unproven allegations to justify the administration’s refusal to work with the group.

    The Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), which counts more than 500 affiliated Muslim organizations across the country, has publicly condemned Security Minister Dan Jarvis for parroting an old, unevidenced claim that the group has violated British fundamental values without offering concrete specifics. The controversy was sparked earlier this month, when Conservative MP David Simmonds submitted a parliamentary question asking the government to explain its refusal to engage with four Muslim organizations, including the MCB. In a written response published Tuesday, Jarvis reaffirmed the government’s position, stating that the administration has chosen to cut ties with groups that have adopted stances contradicting core UK values and have not formally withdrawn those positions.

    Within days, the MCB hit back with an open letter to Jarvis, obtained by Middle East Eye (MEE), pointing out that the same vague allegation was first made by former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak in February 2024. The organization is demanding that Jarvis outline exactly which values the MCB has supposedly contradicted, arguing that a government cannot maintain a policy of non-engagement based on abstract, unspecified claims. The letter also notes a glaring contradiction in the current government’s stance: multiple senior figures in the current administration, including Prime Minister Andy Burnham himself, Defence Secretary, and Equalities Minister, have held formal and informal engagement with the MCB over the course of their political careers.

    Burnham, who held engagement with the MCB when he served in the shadow cabinet in 2015, has a long public record of open dialogue with Muslim communities across the UK, a track record the MCB says it hopes he will maintain now that he holds office in Downing Street. “Prime Minister Burnham has a strong record of engaging honestly with communities across this country, and we hope that record continues now that he is in Downing Street,” the organization stated.

    The MCB’s challenge comes on the heels of a revealing MEE investigation published earlier this week, which found that no official written records of a formal non-engagement policy with the MCB actually exist. Multiple government departments, including the communities ministry, Home Office, and Cabinet Office, all refused to release any documentation related to the policy in response to Freedom of Information Act requests. When MEE followed up for clarification on the scope and justification of the non-engagement rule, a spokesperson for the Office for Equality and Opportunity only confirmed the policy remains in place but offered no further details.

    Mustafa al-Dabbagh, assistant secretary general of the MCB, told MEE that the so-called non-engagement policy is nothing more than an outdated smear that was resolved more than a decade ago. The roots of the boycott stretch back to 2009, when Gordon Brown’s Labour government briefly cut ties with the MCB after its deputy secretary general Daud Abdullah signed the Istanbul Declaration. The government claimed the document called for attacks on Royal Navy vessels enforcing an arms blockade off Gaza, a claim Abdullah repeatedly denied. The MCB quickly clarified that Abdullah had signed the declaration in a strictly personal capacity, after which Abdullah resigned and the 2010 Labour government restored formal engagement. Subsequent coalition and Conservative governments maintained ministerial contact until 2015, and civil servants continued meetings with the MCB until 2020.

    It was in 2020 that the MCB published a high-profile dossier documenting hundreds of alleged cases of Islamophobia within the Conservative Party, including among sitting MPs, councillors, and Downing Street advisers. Shortly after that release, civil service engagement was halted, and the Conservative government implemented a full boycott. When Starmer’s Labour Party took power in 2024, the new administration retained the boycott, a decision the MCB says is unjustified given the issue that sparked the original boycott was resolved in 2010.

    al-Dabbagh accused Jarvis of misleading Parliament by repeating the discredited smear. “This so-called policy of non-engagement is a relic of the past, built on a smear that has since been proven false, and the Labour government of the day accepted as much in 2010, restoring engagement,” he said. “Our door remains open to all who work for the good of Britain.”

    In its formal letter to Jarvis, the MCB accuses the security minister of misrepresenting both the historical record and the MCB’s current positions. The group is demanding full transparency, asking: “What specific evidential basis and assessments underscore a decision that justifies treating a matter resolved by your predecessors in government as still valid 16 years later?” It added that British Muslims deserve clear accountability, noting that the MCB is the democratically selected representative body for more than 500 community groups across the UK.

    MEE has confirmed that Jarvis intends to respond to the MCB’s letter, but the government has indicated it currently has no plans to reverse its policy of non-engagement with the organization.

  • National Guard officer forged records and stole public money to facilitate secret second marriage

    National Guard officer forged records and stole public money to facilitate secret second marriage

    A high-ranking U.S. National Guard officer has admitted to orchestrating an elaborate multi-year fraud and bigamy scheme that exploited government resources and forged official records to maintain a secret double life, federal prosecutors have confirmed. Forty-year-old Major Collin Welch entered a guilty plea this Tuesday to two key criminal charges: the theft of roughly $54,000 in public funds, and the illegal inducement of a Mongolian woman and her daughter to remain in the United States beyond the terms of their legal visas. He is currently awaiting a sentencing hearing at the U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., with no date for the proceeding publicly announced as of yet.

    The deceptive scheme traces back to 2019, when Welch was deployed with the Alaska National Guard to a posting at the U.S. Embassy in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. It was during this assignment that he met the woman who would become his second wife, and their romantic relationship continued even after he completed his posting and returned to Alaska in 2021. He relocated to Arkansas the following year, and the pair held their first marriage ceremony in Mongolia in 2022. To secure this marriage, Welch created a forged divorce decree that falsely claimed his first marriage to his original spouse had been legally dissolved, court documents show.

    By 2023, Welch had moved to Washington, D.C., alongside his first family, having accepted a new position with the District of Columbia National Guard that required frequent international travel. To keep his double life hidden, he repeatedly misused his official government travel card to rent local hotel rooms in the Washington area, where he would take video calls with his second wife. This subterfuge prevented her from discovering he was actually living full-time with his first family in the district. He also submitted fraudulent reimbursement claims to the federal government and lied to his chain of command to get unauthorized approval for international trips to visit his second spouse, according to the official statement of facts filed alongside his plea agreement.

    Earlier this year, Welch used government funds to cover plane tickets for the Mongolian woman and her daughter to relocate to the United States. After their arrival, he held a second marriage ceremony in Virginia, once again lying about his marital status by claiming he had never been married before. He covered all their living expenses for an apartment in Northern Virginia, but the arrangement collapsed late last year when he attempted to pay rent using forged checks, resulting in the pair being evicted from the unit.

    Throughout the time the two were living in the U.S., Welch was fully aware that their tourist visas had long expired. To maintain the lie that their residency was legal, he forged a wide array of fake official records, including forged correspondence from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, fake Social Security cards, and a falsified Department of Defense letter that falsely claimed the pair were enrolled in the U.S. military’s health insurance program.

    In a statement provided to the court, Welch’s defense attorney Gregory Rosen acknowledged that repeated long-distance deployments — including overseas assignments to Afghanistan and Djibouti, and years spent separated from his first family — created significant personal strain that contributed to Welch’s choices. Even so, Rosen emphasized that his client accepts full accountability for every illegal action he took, noting that this willingness to take responsibility reveals more about Welch’s character than the list of offensive acts alone can convey.