标签: Asia

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  • Saudi Arabia and UAE cross-border trade faces delays amid tensions: Report

    Saudi Arabia and UAE cross-border trade faces delays amid tensions: Report

    Longstanding neighbors and once-close partners in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia are seeing mounting geopolitical and economic tensions spill over into the business sector, bringing significant disruptions to cross-border commerce and financial transactions. Multiple independent reports published in recent weeks have confirmed that delays at the primary land crossing connecting the two nations have stretched into days, and in some extreme cases, more than a week, leaving commercial truck drivers stranded without clearance to enter Saudi territory.

    Media outlet Semafor first reported Thursday that wait times for border crossing have steadily worsened over the past several months, with some drivers forced to camp out under their vehicle trailers for up to seven days while awaiting administrative approval to proceed. These trade disruptions follow weeks of unconfirmed reports of blocked and delayed bank transfers originating from Saudi institutions and bound for UAE-based accounts, a situation that was corroborated this week by reporting from the *Financial Times*. According to the *Financial Times*, payments from Saudi banks to corporate and personal accounts held by Dubai-based individuals and companies have been either returned to senders or put on indefinite hold since May, with most affected parties receiving no official explanation for the disruption.

    The emerging pattern of trade and financial friction echoes the opening stages of the 2014 Gulf rift that saw Saudi Arabia and the UAE lead a years-long economic and diplomatic blockade of Qatar, a crisis that reshaped regional alliances for a decade. Today, the shifting landscape of Middle Eastern geopolitics has flipped traditional alignment patterns, with Saudi Arabia now moving closer to Qatar, Turkey, Pakistan, and Egypt, while the UAE has diverged from Riyadh’s policy agenda and deepened its strategic partnership with Israel.

    Geopolitical disagreements have played out openly across multiple regional conflicts in recent months. The two Gulf powers back opposing factions in Sudan’s ongoing civil war, while in Yemen and Somalia, the UAE has provided open support to secessionist movements that Saudi Arabia openly opposes. Tensions over Yemen boiled over into open crisis last December, when the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) launched a major offensive against forces aligned with Saudi Arabia. Riyadh responded with direct airstrikes targeting STC positions, forcing the UAE to withdraw its military personnel from the country.

    Beyond geopolitics, the two nations are increasingly direct economic competitors as both pursue ambitious growth and diversification agendas. The most high-profile public split came in May, when the UAE withdrew from the Saudi-led OPEC production bloc over long-running disagreements about mandatory oil output limits. As the largest economy in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia has accelerated its push to diversify beyond oil dependence, investing heavily in expanding its presence in global critical minerals markets, international tourism, and regional logistics networks — sectors that have long been core strengths of the UAE’s open economy.

    This is not the first time trade frictions have emerged between the two GCC members. While the GCC has maintained a regional free trade agreement for decades, Saudi Arabia implemented new rules in 2021 that stripped products manufactured in UAE free trade zones of preferential tariff treatment. The UAE hosts more than 45 dedicated free trade zones across the country, including the massive Jebel Ali Port, one of the busiest cargo hubs in the Middle East. Under the 2021 rules, Saudi authorities began targeting goods bearing a “Made in the UAE” label that Riyadh determined did not meet requirements for local production value addition.

    The regulatory crackdown also coincided with a sustained Saudi campaign to pressure multinational corporations to relocate their regional headquarters from traditional bases in Dubai to Riyadh, as part of the kingdom’s Vision 2030 economic transformation plan. Analysts note that the ongoing trade and banking disruptions represent the most tangible sign of how deep the rift between the two once-close allies has become, raising questions about the future cohesion of the GCC and the stability of cross-border commerce across the Gulf region.

  • UN investigators provide additional evidence of genocide by RSF in Sudan’s el-Fasher

    UN investigators provide additional evidence of genocide by RSF in Sudan’s el-Fasher

    On Wednesday, the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan (FFMS) published a fresh batch of harrowing survivor testimonies collected from the aftermath of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) capture of el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. The new accounts reinforce the mission’s earlier finding that the RSF, Sudan’s powerful paramilitary group, has carried out acts of genocide targeting non-Arab communities in the region.

    Established by the UN Human Rights Council as an independent oversight body, the FFMS is tasked with documenting violations of international human rights and humanitarian law amid the ongoing civil conflict that erupted between the RSF and Sudan’s regular armed forces (SAF) in April 2023. Since its last public update in February, the mission has expanded its evidence base to 333 interviews with people who survived the el-Fasher offensive, adding 13 new firsthand accounts that solidify its original assessment.

    The mission reaffirmed Wednesday that three core elements required to classify atrocities as genocide under international law are overwhelmingly present in attacks carried out by the RSF in and around el-Fasher: the systematic killing of members of the targeted non-Arab groups, the infliction of severe physical and psychological harm, and the deliberate imposition of living conditions designed to eradicate the group. Investigators added that clear genocidal intent can be inferred from multiple patterns observed during the offensive: the large-scale scope of targeted killings, the consistent use of ethnically charged rhetoric by RSF commanders and foot soldiers, and the deliberate practice of sparing Arab civilians while attacking, detaining, or sexually assaulting non-Arab residents.

    Currently, the mission is conducting a formal review to determine whether the widespread patterns of sexual violence documented in el-Fasher — including mass rape, forced pregnancy, and the deliberate denial of reproductive health care to non-Arab communities — qualify as a fourth act of genocide: measures intended to prevent births within the targeted group, as defined under Article II(d) of the UN Genocide Convention.

    Beyond documenting atrocities committed by the RSF itself, the FFMS also addressed the potential legal complicity of foreign states that continue to provide military, financial, logistical, or intelligence support to the paramilitary group. Under Article I of the Genocide Convention, all states hold a binding legal obligation to prevent acts of genocide. The mission noted that any state that continues to supply support to the RSF despite awareness of a credible risk of genocide could be found in violation of this obligation, and may face allegations of complicity under Article III(e) of the convention in some cases.

    Extensive independent reporting, including multiple investigations by Middle East Eye, has repeatedly linked the United Arab Emirates to the provision of arms and other critical supplies to the RSF, claims the UAE has repeatedly denied. Sudan previously attempted to file a formal genocide case against the UAE at the International Court of Justice, but the proceedings were unable to move forward after the UAE invoked a reservation it made to Article IX of the Genocide Convention, which excludes the ICJ’s jurisdiction over such disputes against the country. However, the FFMS emphasized that other states that supply the RSF have not made similar reservations, leaving them vulnerable to identical legal claims in the future. In recent weeks, international human rights organizations have submitted two formal communications to the International Criminal Court calling for an investigation into the role of foreign actors, specifically senior UAE officials, for aiding and abetting RSF atrocities.

    “The obligation to prevent arises at the instant a State learns of, or should normally have learned of, the existence of a serious risk that genocide may be committed,” the FFMS wrote in its conference room paper. “It is an obligation of conduct rather than result, requiring States to employ all means reasonably available to them, within their capacity to influence the relevant actors, to prevent the commission of genocide.” The mission issued an immediate call for all states to halt all flows of weapons, ammunition, and logistical support to the RSF and its allied militias, a move that would comply with the existing UN arms embargo on Darfur.

    The new testimonies released Wednesday add graphic, previously undisclosed details of atrocities carried out by RSF fighters during and after the October 2024 takeover of el-Fasher. Investigators confirmed that foreign fighters have been identified among RSF ranks, and that many of these fighters have participated in acts of sexual violence against non-Arab civilians. RSF fighters are readily identifiable by their distinctive sandy-colored uniforms.

    One newly published account describes RSF fighters storming a takiya, a communal shelter for displaced civilians, on October 26. Fighters killed men, women, and children inside the shelter indiscriminately. As a survivor attempted to flee with her husband, fighters grabbed the woman and raped her. When her husband tried to intervene, one fighter slit his throat with a knife, killing him instantly. In another incident, RSF fighters stormed El Saudi Hospital, a major medical facility in el-Fasher, killed wounded civilians sheltering inside its wards, and raped multiple women within the hospital grounds.

    In the town of Shagra, one witness told investigators that RSF fighters stopped a convoy of civilians attempting to escape the city, then gang-raped between 15 and 20 women and girls, some as young as 13 years old. One of the victims, a woman in her 70s, later died from the injuries she sustained during the attack. Along the road leading to Tawila, a survivor recounted being intercepted by RSF fighters alongside a group of women. Fighters separated several of the women to rape them while forcing the other women to watch, telling the waiting group, “Sit here until we ‘marry’ your sister.”

    Multiple testimonies confirm that fighters explicitly targeted and spared civilians based on their ethnicity. In one incident, a RSF fighter who had already begun assaulting a woman stopped when she told she belonged to the Arab Fallati tribe, saying “you are my cousin” and allowing her to leave unharmed. Another woman was released after claiming membership in the Masri neighborhood, which is majority Arab. The testimonies also include new accounts of brutal sexual violence: multiple survivors described rapes committed with sharp objects, which resulted in at least one victim’s death, and witnesses reported that perpetrators laughed while carrying out their assaults.

    The FFMS also documented that women who resisted rape or attempted to protect their family members were extrajudicially killed by RSF fighters. On the road to Tawila, a mother was shot dead after trying to stop fighters from abducting her daughters. Two young women being held captive by the RSF were killed immediately after fighting off an attempted rape. The mission also received multiple new accounts of abductions of women and girls, which investigators are treating as part of a broader pattern of enforced disappearances. One witness described seeing RSF fighters tie the hands of three girls she knew, force them into a military vehicle, and drive away.

    Newly recorded statements from RSF fighters further reinforce the ethnic motivation behind the atrocities. Direct quotes from fighters include statements such as “The Rapid Support Forces are above everything” and “Any Zaghawa we will capture will not survive the night.” Investigators said these statements confirm that ethnicity is the primary criterion used to target victims for killing and sexual violence.

    The testimonies also lay bare the horrific conditions faced by thousands of civilians detained by the RSF after fleeing el-Fasher. The FFMS confirmed that detainees were first held in makeshift facilities across el-Fasher, including local schools, El Saudi Hospital, and abandoned government buildings, before being transferred to the main prison in Nyala — known as Daqris Prison — by the end of 2024. Daqris Prison was already severely overcrowded with detainees captured in other regions of Sudan, but thousands of additional el-Fasher detainees were sent there anyway. Thousands of detainees remain in the facility to this day, held without any formal legal process, denied access to legal counsel and blocked from receiving visits from family members. Even humanitarian workers who attempted to gain access to the detention sites have themselves been detained by the RSF.

    Former government employees — particularly teachers and doctors — were separated from the general detainee population and face a far higher risk of extrajudicial killing, the mission found. In many cases, these separated detainees have not been seen again by family members or witnesses. At a former children’s hospital in el-Fasher that the RSF repurposed as a detention and execution site, detainees were forced to drink contaminated water, resulting in a cholera outbreak that killed multiple people in custody.

    Conditions inside the besieged El Saudi Hospital during and after the RSF offensive were also documented: medical staff ran out of critical supplies, forcing them to clean open wounds with only salt water. Specialists reported that they lacked the equipment and medication needed to provide adequate medical and psychological care to survivors of rape. Women who became pregnant as a result of rape were forced to seek unsafe illegal abortions due to the lack of timely reproductive care, and several of these women died from hemorrhage. Pregnant women across el-Fasher also suffered higher rates of stress-induced premature labor due to constant shelling and violence.

    On the question of command responsibility for the atrocities, the FFMS presented verified video evidence placing RSF deputy commander Abdelrahim Hamdan Dagalo at the captured 6th Infantry Division base in el-Fasher delivering a speech between 10 a.m. and 11 a.m. on October 26, just hours after the RSF secured control of the city. Dagalo was also spotted in el-Fasher two days after the takeover and again on November 4. The commander has already been sanctioned by the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the UN Security Council for his role in overseeing the RSF’s military campaign in Darfur.

    The FFMS shared the final draft of its new report with Sudan’s transitional government on July 3 but has not received any formal response to date. The RSF answered a small number of questions from investigators in a June 7 letter but has not followed through on public promises to meet with investigators, the mission confirmed.

    The release of these new findings comes just days after the FFMS issued an urgent warning that the RSF appears to be preparing to replicate its el-Fasher offensive in another major Sudanese city: el-Obeid, home to more than 500,000 permanent residents plus more than 100,000 people who have already been displaced from el-Fasher and other war-ravaged regions. During an urgent debate at the UN Human Rights Council on July 3, FFMS member Mona Rishmawi reported that the RSF has built up military forces on all approach routes to el-Obeid except the eastern corridor. Local residents have reported a sharp increase in drone strikes targeting critical infrastructure including power stations, fuel depots, water treatment facilities, and transport routes, alongside repeated strikes on hospitals, markets, schools, and residential neighborhoods.

    “We have seen this modus operandi by the RSF before. In El-Fasher and elsewhere, growing encirclement was followed by restrictions on movement, disruption of aid and food supplies, damage to critical infrastructure, aerial and artillery bombardment and ultimately indiscriminate attacks against civilians,” Rishmawi told the council. “The warning signs are unmistakable.”

  • Motherhood not all warm and fuzzy: Bollywood actor’s play spotlights messier side

    Motherhood not all warm and fuzzy: Bollywood actor’s play spotlights messier side

    For generations, motherhood in India has been framed as a sacred, universally joyful milestone—an ultimate goal that every woman is expected to embrace without complaint. But what if the messy, painful, and unspoken parts of this life-altering experience matter just as much as the warm, fuzzy moments we celebrate? That is the question at the heart of *Belly of the Beast*, a provocative new stage production from Aadyam Theatre that is already turning heads and sparking long-overdue conversations across the country.

    Adapted from Bollywood actor Kalki Koechlin’s 2021 memoir *The Elephant in the Womb*—written just months after Koechlin gave birth, during the isolation of the COVID-19 pandemic—the production pulls no punches in its exploration of the full spectrum of motherhood. Co-created by Koechlin and award-winning theatre director Sheena Khalid, the play weaves together the overlapping stories of five women navigating different phases of maternal experience: from early pregnancy and traumatic labor to the overwhelming grind of caring for newborns and young children. It does not shy away from the hardest parts of the journey, either, addressing topics that have long been pushed to the margins of public discourse: pregnancy loss, abortion, and the crippling weight of postpartum depression.

    Koechlin, who drew directly from her own battle with postpartum depression while writing her book, explains that the project grew out of a gap she saw in India’s cultural conversation around motherhood. “Women are rarely allowed to express the dark feelings—the difficulties they face, the hormonal changes they go through, the loss of identity or postpartum depression,” she shared in an interview. “The conversation everywhere is all about the gift of motherhood, how beautiful it is, how blessed we are to be mothers. But that life-giving process is so transformational that there is a certain part of you that is also grieving, losing the identity you had before.” As a society, she argues, mothers’ unrelenting labor is largely taken for granted; acknowledging how draining and isolating the work can be is seen as taboo, for fear that if women spoke openly about their struggles, the entire unbalanced social structure of unpaid carework would collapse.

    Official government data underscores the systemic weight of the expectations the play critiques. Recent figures reported by the *Times of India* show that 69% of women in urban India are locked out of the formal labor force due to unpaid childcare and housework, compared to just 1% of men. For women who do pursue careers, the pressure to be a “supermom”—excelled both at work and as the primary caregiver, running every aspect of the household without complaint—leaves little room for error or vulnerability. Koechlin notes that much of this pressure is internalized, bred from generations of social expectation that women must be perfect mothers above all else. *Belly of the Beast* aims to challenge that narrative, encouraging women to share the load and accept that it is okay to not be perfect, or okay at all.

    One of the play’s most resonant storylines centers on the stigma surrounding miscarriage in India, a topic that remains deeply shrouded in shame even today. Women who lose a pregnancy not only grieve their loss—they also face unfair judgment, awkward silences, and pressure to pretend they are fine. The role of the woman navigating miscarriage is played by Shruti Vyas, who drew from her own personal experience to develop the character. “There is some pain that might not be visible from the outside, but that doesn’t mean that you’re not experiencing it,” Vyas explains. She recalls that after her own miscarriage, the most common reaction she received was, “But you’re looking fine.” The play’s core message around this issue—that it is okay to not be fine—landed powerfully with audiences at the play’s recent Delhi premiere, where audience members openly affirmed the line in a spontaneous show of solidarity.

    To keep the heavy subject matter from feeling overwhelming for audiences, Khalid intentionally wove moments of humor and levity throughout the 130-minute production. “We are talking about some very heavy things such as miscarriages and there are moments where we’re talking about personal experiences,” Khalid says. “We felt there needed to be a sense of relief and levity for the audience, so we can ease in and out of it. Otherwise, it’s a lot.” That balance paid off: when the final curtain fell on the Delhi premiere, the entire cast and crew received a standing ovation from the moved crowd.

    What makes *Belly of the Beast* more than just a play is its commitment to reflecting the universal reality of most Indian women, for whom unpaid childcare remains a default, unrecognized full-time responsibility. One quiet, widely relatable scene illustrates this perfectly: when a husband returns home from work, tired but ready to talk about his day, he asks his wife how hers went. She pauses, then only mumbles, “I just looked after the baby.” It is a small moment that cuts to the core of the play’s mission: to give voice to the millions of mothers whose experiences have long been erased or silenced by social expectation.

  • How an app in South Korea will let victims track their stalkers

    How an app in South Korea will let victims track their stalkers

    South Korea is set to introduce a groundbreaking mobile application designed to empower survivors of stalking by giving them the ability to directly monitor the movements of their perpetrators. The initiative comes as part of the country’s broader push to address growing public concern over gender-based violence and stalking, which has remained a persistent social issue in the nation for years. Government officials have emphasized that the tool is tailored to give victims greater autonomy and peace of mind, noting that it will be integrated with existing law enforcement data systems to deliver real-time location alerts when a perpetrator is in close proximity to the user.

    The app is designed to operate with strict privacy safeguards to prevent misuse of location data, according to state authorities, who argue that it will fill a critical gap between police response and personal safety planning for at-risk individuals. Stalking victims in South Korea have long reported that delayed police interventions and limited access to real-time safety information leave them vulnerable to repeated harassment and harm; policymakers frame the new app as a concrete solution to these systemic shortcomings.

    However, the innovation has drawn measured scrutiny from legal and safety experts, who have raised questions about the actual public safety impact the tool will deliver. Some critics warn that overreliance on the app could create a false sense of security for victims, diverting attention from the need for broader systemic reforms such as tougher legal penalties for stalkers and expanded training for law enforcement personnel. Other experts have pointed out unaddressed privacy risks, noting that a data breach or unauthorized access to the app’s location information could inadvertently put victims in greater danger by exposing their whereabouts to perpetrators. The debate around the app underscores the ongoing tension between tech-driven safety solutions and longstanding calls for institutional change to combat stalking in South Korea, as officials prepare to roll out the tool to the public in the coming months.

  • Settlement stays and army days: How UK charities promote migration to Israel

    Settlement stays and army days: How UK charities promote migration to Israel

    A decades-high number of British citizens moved to Israel in 2025, with 742 Britons completing the migration – the largest annual figure recorded since the 1980s. An investigation by Middle East Eye (MEE) has revealed that UK-registered charities and advocacy groups are actively facilitating this migration through structured programs, including subsidized travel, gap year placements, and direct migration support, many of which operate in violation of international law by accessing illegally occupied Palestinian and Syrian territories.

    The most influential of these groups is the United Jewish Israel Appeal (UJIA), a UK charity that reported a £12.8 million ($17 million) annual income in 2024. UJIA’s public mission centers on cultivating a connection between young Jewish people in the UK and Israel through funding for travel and educational programs. The organization traces its roots back more than a century to Keren Hayesod, a global fundraising body established to support the Zionist movement and the state of Israel, which maintains formal institutional ties to the Israeli government. A 2010 cooperation agreement was signed between then-Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Keren Hayesod, which remains a registered UK charity in its own right and is still listed as UJIA’s parent affiliate. Neither organization responded to MEE’s requests for comment on the extent of their ongoing collaboration.

    While UJIA does not publicly advertise direct migration (called Aliyah under Israeli law, which grants automatic citizenship to any Jewish person who immigrates), it lays early groundwork for permanent relocation through subsidized “birthright” tours and gap year programs. Keren Hayesod, by contrast, has partnered with the Israeli government to facilitate the migration of more than 3 million Jews to Israel since 1920.

    MEE’s investigation found that multiple gap year programs promoted on UJIA’s official website include scheduled excursions into territories occupied by Israel since the 1967 Six-Day War, which the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled in July 2024 are held under unlawful occupation. For example, Aardvark, an Israeli-run organization, offers the UJIA-advertised Israel Classic Track 5-to-10 month gap year program, which includes weekly trips to sites in the occupied West Bank such as Ein Mabua Natural Spring and the Judean Desert. The group’s Tech Track and Culinary Track programs, also promoted by UJIA, add visits to Hebron, the occupied West Bank Palestinian city where illegal Israeli settlers are stationed under military protection, as well as the West Bank’s Herodian fortress and the occupied Syrian Golan Heights for overnight trips. Another UJIA-endorsed program, run by Israeli educational group Bina, also includes excursions to Hebron and the Golan Heights marketed as travel “throughout Israel.”

    Beyond visits to occupied territories, the Aardvark program gives participants the option to join Marva, a voluntary Israeli military simulation course run jointly by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the Jewish Agency for Israel. The program’s marketing frames it as a hands-on opportunity to experience IDF enlistment life, with participants living on an active IDF base for 6 to 8 weeks, wearing official Israeli military uniforms, carrying firearms, and receiving training in combat survival, navigation, self-defense, and field tactics. The IDF describes the program’s goal as giving participants a first-hand understanding of military service for Jewish youth from abroad.

    UJIA also provides substantial funding to Bnei Akiva, the world’s largest religious Zionist youth movement, which operates 20 local branches across the UK. UJIA awarded £194,000 ($260,000) in grants to Bnei Akiva in 2023, following a £214,000 ($287,000) grant in 2022. Bnei Akiva’s UK operations are supported by the registered charity Friends of Bnei Akiva (Bachad), which reported a £141,735 ($189,000) income and £390,347 ($522,000) expenditure in 2025, with reserves totaling approximately £1.86 million ($2.5 million). The charity shares a registered address with Bnei Akiva UK’s London office and explicitly states its core activity is providing grants to the youth movement.

    Like the other programs MEE investigated, Bnei Akiva’s gap year initiatives operate in illegally occupied West Bank settlements. The movement’s Mechina Olamit pre-army gap year program housed participants in Migdal Oz, an illegal Israeli settlement in the West Bank, listing the settlement as the program’s base on its website until shortly after MEE reached out for comment. While the international website was updated to list Jerusalem as the base, the FAQ section still confirms Mechina Olamit is based in Migdal Oz, where international participants live alongside Israeli peers. Google Maps records additional Bnei Akiva operations in multiple other illegal West Bank settlements, including Giv’at Ze’ev, Ofra, and Sha’arei Tikva. Bnei Akiva also posts images of its youth excursions to other occupied West Bank locations such as Wadi Qelt, framed as exploring “the beauty of Israel.”

    While Bnei Akiva claims it does not require Mechina Olamit participants to enlist in the IDF, it confirms it prepares any participants who wish to join the military, offering specialized classes on military service and mandatory physical training three times a week. British program graduates have posted public testimonials describing the program as inspiring pre-enlistment preparation. Bnei Akiva’s UK-based Kadima gap year program also regularly sends participants to the Marva military course, posting public images of participants in IDF uniforms posing with firearms.

    The movement’s stated core goal is to encourage permanent migration to Israel, and it has partnered with the Israeli Ministry of Aliyah and Immigrant Absorption to facilitate more than 100,000 migrations since its founding in 1929. MEE was unable to clarify whether UK-raised charitable funds are used to support activities linked to the IDF or illegal settlements, as Bnei Akiva and UJIA declined to respond to questions on the topic. UJIA’s annual report claims its Israeli expenditures are “restricted to projects within its internationally recognised borders,” despite advertising programs that explicitly operate in occupied territories.

    Legal experts from the International Centre of Justice for Palestinians (ICJP) note that the activities of these UK-based charities raise serious compliance issues under international law, following the ICJ’s 2024 ruling that Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories is unlawful and requires all states to avoid aiding or recognizing the illegal occupation. “The UK government cannot simply disregard that legal position; it is the authoritative statement of international law on the issue,” the ICJP told MEE, adding that the UK is legally obligated to prevent organizations operating within its jurisdiction from assisting the illegal occupation. “You cannot promote settlements or take participants there, because settlements themselves are illegal.”

    On the Marva military program, the ICJP added that the activities go far beyond cultural or educational exchange: “Carrying guns, wearing uniforms and staying on an army base resembles pre-enlistment military training rather than cultural exchange.”

    This investigation was published by Middle East Eye, an independent media outlet covering the Middle East and North Africa region.

  • Is the British empire widely taught in British schools? The data says no

    Is the British empire widely taught in British schools? The data says no

    More than 130 years ago, Indian-born British author Rudyard Kipling famously asked, “And what should they know of England who only England know?” A staunch advocate of the British Empire, Kipling argued that British identity could not be separated from the project of imperial expansion that shaped the nation’s global standing for centuries. He chided ordinary Britons for their lack of awareness and engagement with the empire that defined their country’s role on the world stage. That question remains as relevant today as it was in 1891, as a fierce new debate over the teaching of imperial history in British secondary schools has reignited across public and political spheres.

    The latest exchange began on a recent podcast hosted by Zack Polanski, leader of the UK’s left-wing Green Party. Reflecting on his own secondary education, Polanski noted that his history curriculum focused heavily on the Tudors, Roman occupation of Britain, and the Second World War, with barely any mention of the British Empire or its centuries of colonial expansion. “Maybe schools have got better but I imagine we’re still not there,” he said.

    Joining Polanski as a guest was prominent historian William Dalrymple, who pushed further on the gap in modern history education. Dalrymple acknowledged that optional A-level modules covering the British Empire do exist for secondary students, but stressed these are never part of the mandatory core curriculum. Few teachers feel properly trained to teach the topic, he added, leaving imperial history as a niche subject studied only by a small minority of pupils. “Most British people are entirely ignorant about what is, for better or worse, the most important thing Britain ever did,” Dalrymple argued. He specifically called out the complete absence of any teaching on the British Mandate in Palestine, Britain’s role in the events leading to the 1948 Nakba, and the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from their ancestral lands.

    The comments quickly drew pushback from conservative political and media circles. Former Conservative Education Secretary Michael Gove, currently editor of *The Spectator*, intervened on social media, dismissing the critique as the complaints of two privately educated men reflecting on their own outdated school experiences. Gove claimed that the current national curriculum for state-funded schools already covers the British Empire extensively. Max Jeffery, a writer-at-large for *The Spectator*, expanded on this defense, arguing that for 13 years, the national curriculum has required pupils in Years 7 through 9 to study “Britain’s ideas, political power, industry and Empire.” In a separate piece for the outlet UnHerd, writer Samuel Rubinstein added that the empire has long been part of the national history curriculum, and accused Polanski and Dalrymple of pushing for a national “exercise in self-flagellation” over Britain’s past.

    But a close look at the structure of Britain’s education system and available curriculum data tells a more complicated story. While Gove and other critics point to the national curriculum as proof of comprehensive imperial history teaching, the national curriculum only applies to the small share of secondary schools in England controlled by local authorities. Today, 85 percent of English secondary schools are academies or free schools, which are not required to follow the national curriculum – and private schools are also exempt. Even for schools that do follow the national curriculum for Key Stages 1 through 3, content covering the empire is listed as a “non-statutory example,” meaning it is optional rather than required. The only mandatory history topic in the entire curriculum is the Holocaust.

    Further data shows that even at the GCSE and A-level stages, where optional imperial history modules are offered by exam boards, very few students actually engage with the topic. Only 36 percent of teachers who cover the British Empire do so at the GCSE level, and that number drops to just 23 percent at the A-level stage. Just 9.6 percent of all GCSE history entries include a module focused on migration or empire, and all units on the empire offered by major UK exam boards are optional rather than mandatory. Even the module that focuses on imperial legacies, offered by exam board Edexcel, is titled “Migrants in Britain” and centers the effects of empire rather than the structure and impact of the imperial project itself.

    The gap between official claims and on-the-ground teaching is backed by major national research. A large-scale study published earlier this year, led by researchers from the University of Oxford and University College London, found that only 16 percent of teachers believe Britain’s imperial past is taught well enough in UK schools. This gap exists despite overwhelming agreement on the importance of the topic: 94 percent of teachers and 79 percent of surveyed students said all young people should be taught about the British Empire. A recent government curriculum review recommended wider teaching of “History’s inherent diversity” through analysis of a broader range of sources, but did not specifically name the empire as a required topic.

    Dalrymple, who is based in India, told Middle East Eye that the lack of education creates tangible gaps in British public understanding of global perceptions of the country. “There are more modules out there than twenty years ago, but it’s still overwhelmingly true that most people leave school without any clear idea about how the world sees us,” he said. “Living in India, I see Brits coming out, including high commissioners, who have no perception of how we are regarded and are very surprised to discover that the general impression of the empire is very different to how it’s laid out in their own education.”

    Gurminder Bhambra, a sociologist at the University of Sussex who specializes in colonialism and modern British identity, argues that imperial history is foundational to understanding modern Britain itself. “The history of Britain as a modern nation cannot be understood separate to its history of colonisation – from the wealth that contributed to its development and the peoples that call it home, every aspect of Britain has been significantly shaped by empire,” she explained. “The failure to teach this history properly is what enables some to deny the citizenship claims of those that they deem other and, perhaps more perniciously, denies the very basis on which they make such claims.”

    The gap in teaching is particularly stark when it comes to the legacy of the British Empire in the Middle East, specifically the lead-up to the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict. After the 1917 Balfour Declaration, Britain governed Palestine under a League of Nations mandate for three decades, facilitating large-scale Jewish immigration amid rising persecution in Europe before abruptly withdrawing in 1948. The British withdrawal paved the way for the establishment of the state of Israel and the Nakba, the displacement of more than 750,000 Palestinians that remains at the core of the modern conflict. Last year, then-Foreign Secretary David Lammy acknowledged the historical injustice of the unfulfilled promise of equal rights for Palestinians in the Balfour Declaration, when announcing the UK government’s intention to recognize Palestinian statehood. But almost no British secondary students learn this history in school.

    Data from 2020 shows that less than 2 percent of GCSE history students in England study any module covering the Middle East. In 2023, only 44 UK schools taught the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at the GCSE level, and just 0.5 percent of all GCSE history entries that year were for the only module on the topic offered by any major exam board. “The Nakba is not taught in British schools, and in many British textbooks a lie is told,” Dalrymple said. “I remember my primary school geography textbooks talked about Israelis making the deserts bloom. The fact that an entire people there were shunted out because the British did nothing to protect them, and indeed created the situation whereby they could be evicted, is unknown.” This ignorance, he added, shapes modern public and political discourse: “The results of this can be seen in speeches in parliament, and the attitudes of newsreaders. MPs and presenters simply do not know who these people in Gaza are and why they would have cause for complaint.”

    Public opinion on how the empire should be taught is clear: a 2025 poll found that 78 percent of UK adults believe teaching should include a balanced mix of positive and negative aspects of the British Empire to give pupils a comprehensive view. Dalrymple pushes back against claims that calls for more comprehensive teaching are rooted in a desire to force “woke guilt” on students. “No one’s asking for a ‘woke’ guilt trip, but for British people to have the tools to understand the charges being levelled against them,” he said. “They shouldn’t be taught to hate their country or have an entirely negative view of their ancestry, but it’s important to understand what the debates are. The idea that the empire was a force for good is simply not how most of the world understands it.”

    As modern Britain continues to evolve, with a large share of the population descended from immigrants who arrived after the collapse of the empire in the mid-20th century, the question of how to teach imperial history remains deeply tied to the question of national identity. As 19th century imperial commentator John Robert Seeley described it, the British empire was the “extension of the English nationality into new lands,” and modern historian Robert JC Young has framed Englishness as a global identity shaped by imperial expansion. As current data makes clear, this central pillar of British history and national identity remains largely untaught in UK secondary schools – even as overwhelming majorities of teachers and students agree it deserves a place in the curriculum.

  • ICC deputy prosecutor says ‘breakthrough’ achieved in Darfur investigation

    ICC deputy prosecutor says ‘breakthrough’ achieved in Darfur investigation

    The ongoing conflict in Sudan’s Darfur region has entered its third year of devastating violence, and the International Criminal Court (ICC) has announced a key milestone in its long-running investigation into alleged war crimes perpetrated by parties to the conflict. Speaking during a visit to refugee camps in neighboring Chad in an interview with the BBC, ICC Deputy Prosecutor Nazhat Khan confirmed Thursday that her team has secured a major investigative breakthrough, uncovering concrete evidence that directly connects ongoing atrocities on the ground to specific senior leaders.

  • Khamenei’s body arrives in Mashhad for burial after week of processions

    Khamenei’s body arrives in Mashhad for burial after week of processions

    Nearly five months after Iran’s former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed in a US-Israeli joint military airstrike, the final chapter of his national funeral process moved to his hometown of Mashhad this week, carrying with it rising regional tensions and unprecedented displays of public grief. After a week of cross-country and cross-border mourning ceremonies, Khamenei’s remains—along with the bodies of four of his family members killed alongside him in the February 28 assassination—were transported to Mashhad’s Shahid Hasheminejad Airport early Thursday. The special flight carrying the caskets was escorted by Iranian military fighter jets, a formal honor for the country’s decades-long top leader.

    Originally scheduled to take place at 6 a.m. local time, the burial service was pushed back eight hours to 2 p.m. local time, a last-minute change announced by official Iranian media just hours after the United States and Iran resumed exchange of air strikes following a brief temporary ceasefire. US airstrikes targeting railway infrastructure have damaged key bridges connecting the capital Tehran to Mashhad, disrupting overland travel between the two cities. However, senior Iranian officials have flatly rejected any connection between the delay and the renewed military attacks, instead attributing the postponement to an overwhelming influx of mourners that has strained the city’s security and logistics capacity.

    Mashhad, a city of deep religious importance to Shia Islam globally, draws millions of pilgrims annually to the shrine of Imam Reza, one of the faith’s most venerated figures. Khamenei, a native of the city, left explicit instructions before his death to be interred on the grounds of the holy shrine, according to Mohammad Mohammadi Golpayegani, head of the late supreme leader’s office. Tens of thousands of mourners have flooded into the city from across Iran and neighboring Iraq in the days leading up to the burial, filling public squares and thoroughfares surrounding the shrine. Many of the gathered mourners carried signs and chanted virulent anti-US and anti-Trump slogans, with placards reading “Kill Trump” and crowds calling out “Death to America” and threats against the former US president for his administration’s role in the assassination strike.

    Before Khamenei’s remains reached Iran’s northeastern holy city, they were taken to two of Shia Islam’s most sacred sites in Iraq: Najaf and Karbala, for multi-day mourning processions. Iraq’s prominent state-aligned paramilitary group Hashd al-Shaabi confirmed that more than 2.3 million people joined the procession held in Najaf alone, marking one of the largest public gatherings the country has seen in recent years. Iran’s sitting President Masoud Pezeshkian and senior commanders from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) traveled to Iraq to take part in the memorial events.

    Notably absent from all public mourning events has been Mojtaba Khamenei, Ali Khamenei’s son and the newly sworn-in Supreme Leader of Iran. A recent report from The New York Times revealed that Mojtaba’s request to attend his father’s funeral processions was denied by Iranian security officials over persistent fears that he could also be targeted for assassination. Since assuming the country’s highest office just days after his father’s killing, the new supreme leader has not made any public appearances and remains completely out of public view.

    The funeral and burial come at a moment of extreme volatility across the Middle East, with the resumption of hostilities between Washington and Tehran raising fears of a broader regional conflict that could draw in neighboring powers and global stakeholders.

  • India loses another series and T20 crisis deepens after latest heavy defeat to England

    India loses another series and T20 crisis deepens after latest heavy defeat to England

    BRISTOL, England – Men’s Twenty20 cricket is facing a seismic shift in form, as reigning world champion India has plunged deeper into an unprecedented losing streak following a ninth-wicket, 6.1-over demolition by England in the fourth match of their five-game bilateral series Thursday. The defeat locked in an insurmountable 3-0 lead for England, marking the first time the host nation has ever claimed a head-to-head T20 series win over India.

    The result extends India’s miserable run of form to five consecutive defeats in completed T20 matches, a new unwanted milestone for the side that lifted the 2024 T20 World Cup. This slump began earlier this month with a shocking 2-0 series whitewash at the hands of Ireland, with only a weather-abandoned match between India and England breaking the string of losses.

    At Bristol’s County Ground, Indian captain Shreyas Iyer won the pre-match coin toss and elected to bat first, a decision that delivered mixed results at best. India stumbled early, collapsing to 3-48 within the opening powerplay, before a late middle-order rally lifted the side to a final total of 158 for 7 off 20 overs. The team’s 18-year-old rising prospect Vaibhav Sooryavanshi continued his underwhelming start to international cricket, scoring only 15 before being dismissed. Iyer anchored the innings with a hard-hitting 49-ball knock, which included four boundaries and five maximums. England’s fast bowling duo Jofra Archer and Josh Tongue led the host’s defensive effort, sharing four wickets between them to keep India’s total well below par.

    England’s chase got off to a rocky start, when star wicketkeeper-batter Jos Buttler was caught behind off the bowling of Bhuvneshwar Kumar in the third over, leaving the host at 1 for 13. But a destructive unbroken partnership between opener Phil Salt and stand-in captain Harry Brook turned the match on its head. Brook, standing in for the rested Buttler, delivered a career-defining knock of 79 not out from just 35 balls, decorated with eight fours and four sixes. Salt finished the game unbeaten on 59 from 42 balls, guiding England over the finish line with more than six overs remaining. The win follows two lopsided English victories earlier in the series: in the third T20, England handed India its worst ever T20 defeat by a 125-run margin after bowling India out for only 76, while the second match saw England secure a four-wicket win. That second match marked Sooryavanshi’s international debut, where he became the youngest male player to represent India at 15 years and 99 days, scoring 14 runs off 10 balls. The teenage batter followed that debut with 13 runs in the third match and 15 in Thursday’s game, failing to post a significant score in his first three international outings.

    With the series already decided, only the fifth and final match remains to be played, with India looking to avoid a series whitewash and end its months-long run of poor T20 results.

  • Democratic hopeful Rahm Emanuel calls for end to unconditional US aid to Israel

    Democratic hopeful Rahm Emanuel calls for end to unconditional US aid to Israel

    Ahead of the 2028 U.S. presidential election, influential Democratic figure and likely White House hopeful Rahm Emanuel has delivered a sharp rebuke of Washington’s decades-long policy of unqualified, blind support for the Israeli government, calling the long-standing approach a fundamental misstep. Speaking at a public event hosted by Tel Aviv University’s Center for the United States on Wednesday, Emanuel — a Jewish former White House official with deep roots in U.S. Middle East policy — argued that current Israeli leadership has steered the country toward growing international isolation, branding it a “territorial pariah” on the global stage.

    Emanuel emphasized that no nation can sustain perpetual conflict once the international community no longer accepts the legitimacy of its fight. “You must instead find a new sustainable path to peace, security, and economic prosperity. America stands ready,” he added. He also took a sarcastic swipe at the Israeli government’s recent diplomatic efforts, noting that its most high-profile new diplomatic win is recognition from Somaliland, a self-declared state that lacks broad international recognition. Quoting his grandmother, he joked, “You lost Europe, you lost America, and you picked up Somaliland; such a deal,” prompting laughter from the audience.

    During his current visit to Israel, Emanuel held a meeting with Israeli President Isaac Herzog but intentionally skipped a meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The two have a long-standing feud: Netanyahu labeled Emanuel a “self-hating Jew” back in 2008 after Emanuel condemned Israel’s expansion of illegal settlements in Palestinian territories. Speaking to reporters ahead of his Wednesday speech, Emanuel explained his choice to avoid sitting with Netanyahu, noting that Israeli general elections are scheduled for this autumn. “I’m not going to give the prime minister an opportunity to twist this politically,” he said. In a post-meeting social media statement, Herzog highlighted that maintaining strong, positive ties with both U.S. major political parties — Democrats and Republicans alike — is a critical priority for Israel.

    Breaking from the long-standing mainstream U.S. framing of a two-state solution to the conflict, Emanuel put forward what he calls a “23-state solution”: he proposed that 21 existing Arab states take on active, shared responsibility to support the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, while also formalizing international recognition of Israel’s territorial claims.

    Throughout his remarks, Emanuel made clear that his criticism reflects a broader, long-building shift in attitudes within the U.S. Democratic Party toward U.S.-Israel relations, a shift that has sparked intense public debate since the launch of Israel’s 2023 military campaign in Gaza. He warned that the bilateral relationship between Washington and Tel Aviv is currently “at a crossroads” that demands “significant changes and a new direction.” “The status quo is unacceptable, where you can’t say anything negative, which acts as an implicit endorsement,” he stated.

    In his sharp rebuke of Netanyahu’s leadership, Emanuel argued that decades of unconditional U.S. backing have enabled the Israeli prime minister to act without accountability: “Unconditional support has produced a prime minister who has presumed that his strategic interest would incur no political costs if he ignored America’s concerns about settlements and sparked a regional war.” Emanuel also put forward concrete policy changes, suggesting that Washington cut defense subsidies to Israel, and impose targeted sanctions on Israeli settlers who carry out attacks against Palestinian civilians as well as Israeli politicians who openly endorse settler violence. In a separate interview with Israeli Channel 12, he even noted that Palestinian scholar and activist Edward Said is more popular among American Jewish voters than Netanyahu.

    Emanuel’s political credentials on Middle East policy carry significant weight: he served as a senior advisor to President Bill Clinton during the 1990s Oslo peace negotiations, and held the post of White House Chief of Staff under President Barack Obama from 2009 to 2010, where he shaped U.S. policy across the Middle East. A former U.S. congressman and Chicago mayor, he has been open about his plans to launch a 2028 Democratic presidential bid, even though no major contender has formally declared candidacy for the race yet.

    His high-profile criticism comes as public opinion across the United States has shifted dramatically on the Israel-Palestine conflict, particularly within the Democratic base. A recent joint poll conducted by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research recorded a steep drop in public support for Israel, with growing opposition among Democrats and emerging internal divisions among Republicans. The data shows that 58 percent of Democratic voters now believe the U.S. is “too supportive of Israel,” up sharply from 45 percent in January 2024. Furthermore, roughly one-third of all U.S. adults — including half of all Democratic respondents — agree that Israel has committed acts of genocide against Palestinian civilians in Gaza.

    Stances on unconditional U.S. support for Israel and the Gaza war have become a defining litmus test for Democratic candidates, most recently in party primary elections where progressive candidates openly critical of the status quo have secured multiple upset victories against more establishment opponents.