标签: Africa

非洲

  • Nigerian migrants returning from South Africa face the same economic issues they left behind

    Nigerian migrants returning from South Africa face the same economic issues they left behind

    LAGOS, Nigeria — For 52-year-old Iniebong James, the rush of relief after his repatriation flight touched down in Lagos last week quickly gave way to quiet anxiety. Nearly two weeks back on Nigerian soil, he is still struggling to rebuild a life he walked away from a decade earlier, when he first left for South Africa on a six-month visitor visa that he would ultimately overstay.

    After overstaying his visa, James carved out a living as a car mechanic in South Africa’s Eastern Cape Province, a quiet existence that unraveled in May when he was assaulted by anti-immigrant demonstrators, leaving him with a severe head injury, he told the Associated Press. His attack is far from an isolated incident: in recent months, South Africa has seen a sharp escalation of anti-migrant sentiment, with public marches demanding the expulsion of undocumented migrants and widespread reports of targeted violence against foreign nationals.

    In response to the rising threats and growing tension, several African governments have organized large-scale repatriation efforts to bring their citizens home from South Africa, with hundreds of Nigerians among the first groups evacuated. For decades, South Africa has drawn millions of migrants from across the continent, pulled by its relatively robust economy and greater access to economic opportunity compared to many neighboring nations. But this steady influx of migrants has been repeatedly punctuated by sporadic outbreaks of xenophobic violence, as many South Africans blame undocumented foreigners for the country’s persistently high unemployment rates, widespread poverty, strained public services and rising crime.

    For James, the decision to leave Nigeria back in 2014 was driven by economic collapse. Before his move, he worked as a truck driver for a Lagos-based haulage company, which shut down in 2016 when Nigeria entered its first economic recession in 20 years. Persistent job insecurity paired with crippling, days-long national power outages pushed him to seek opportunity abroad. During his years living in South Africa with an expired visa, James says he paid regular bribes to local police and immigration officials to keep operating his small mechanic shop, claims the AP has not been able to independently verify.

    James is among the first group of Nigerians repatriated on the government-organized flight that departed South Africa on June 11. While he says he values the freedom of being back in his home country, he faces a far grimmer economic reality than the one he left. Over the past decade, Nigeria’s economy has contracted significantly, prompting sweeping economic reforms from new President Bola Tinubu in 2023. Those reforms included eliminating long-standing national fuel subsidies that had kept fuel prices artificially low for decades, as well as allowing the Nigerian naira to float on the open market. These policy changes, compounded by global market volatility stemming from U.S.-Iran tensions, have sent inflation soaring across the country. When James left Nigeria in 2016, fuel cost roughly $0.10 per liter; on the day he returned, that same liter cost $1.03. “Everything is too expensive,” James noted. He says he is willing to take any available work, but is pinning his hopes on government support to secure stable employment.

    Nigerian authorities have stated that repatriated citizens will receive appropriate support before reuniting with their families, but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has not responded to questions about long-term support plans for returning migrants. Migration expert Margaret Monyani, founder of the Johannesburg-based OLAM Africa Research Institute, emphasizes that restarting life after repatriation is far from simple. “Reparation is not transformation,” Monyani explained. “Returning is not always as straightforward as it sounds. People just think, go back home and start again. No, what is home?”

    Twenty-year-old Omotola Adeniyi echoes that sense of disorientation. She moved to South Africa to join her mother in 2015, when she was just 8 years old. After finishing high school, she found herself locked out of formal employment and higher education entirely. “After I finished high school, that’s when I saw real life because everywhere I looked for a job, all I could get was, ‘No, we don’t want to employ foreigners,’” Adeniyi said. She began saving for a return flight last year, but airfare was out of reach, so she accepted the Nigerian government’s offer of a free flight home. After 11 years away, she says Nigeria now feels like a foreign country.

    The recent wave of anti-immigrant violence and protests has sparked widespread diplomatic backlash across the African continent. In addition to Nigeria, governments including Ghana, Malawi and others have organized repatriations for their citizens, and both Nigeria and Ghana summoned South Africa’s top diplomatic representatives to issue formal protest over the violence. “The price of your peace, and the safety of your children, is worth any sacrifices you have to make, or any assets you have to leave behind when fleeing a conflict zone or hate-infested environment. Survival is the noblest form of vengeance,” Nigerian Foreign Minister Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu told returning migrants in a statement delivered by her representatives upon their arrival in Lagos.

    Even amid the ongoing outbreaks of xenophobic violence, migration experts note that South Africa remains a top destination for most African migrants due to its more advanced economy and developed infrastructure. “It doesn’t mean South Africa has the perfect institutions, but they’re working to a large extent,” Monyani added.

    This coverage is supported by the Gates Foundation as part of the AP’s global Africa development reporting, with the AP retaining full editorial control over all content.

  • African and Caribbean nations call for formal apology for transatlantic slavery

    African and Caribbean nations call for formal apology for transatlantic slavery

    Three days of intensive talks focused on addressing the lasting harm of the trans-Atlantic slave trade concluded in Ghana’s capital Accra this week, with delegates from across Africa and the Caribbean unanimously backing a bold 19-point roadmap to advance reparatory justice against nations that profited from centuries of human trafficking.

    Hosted near Cape Coast Castle, one of the most infamous remaining strongholds that facilitated the forced displacement of millions of African people, the “Next Steps” conference built on a historic United Nations General Assembly resolution passed in March that formally labeled the 400-year transatlantic slave trade “the gravest crime against humanity.” That vote, which garnered 123 votes in support, was opposed by just three nations — the United States, Israel, and Argentina — while 52 countries including the United Kingdom and most European Union member states chose to abstain. Unlike binding Security Council measures, General Assembly resolutions carry no legal weight, but they carry significant symbolic and political capital for the global reparations movement.

    Between the 15th and 19th centuries, an estimated 12 to 15 million African men, women and children were captured from their homelands, trafficked across the Atlantic Ocean, and forced into chattel slavery in the Americas. The legacy of that exploitation continues to shape systemic inequality and underdevelopment across African and Caribbean nations today, delegates emphasized.

    The newly endorsed 19-point plan outlines core demands: sweeping debt relief for affected nations, the repatriation of thousands of cultural artifacts looted by former colonial powers during and after the slave trade era, and the creation of a dedicated global reparations fund — though negotiators did not announce a specific funding target in the final statement. The framework also for the first time centers the unique, disproportionate harm of slavery and intergenerational trauma on African women and girls, a gap that has long been overlooked in global conversations about the crime.

    Beyond material redress, conference leaders issued a unified call for former slave-trading nations to issue a “full, formal and unconditional apology” for their role in perpetuating the trade. Opening the conference, Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama framed the demand not as a push for collective modern guilt, but as a call to collective responsibility. “History does not ask us to inherit guilt, but it asks us to inherit responsibility,” Mahama told assembled delegates.

    French President Emmanuel Macron delivered a virtual address to the conference, acknowledging that enslaved people were systematically dehumanized and treated as disposable commercial goods rather than human beings. But he pushed back against framing reparations as a one-time financial settlement, arguing that the issue should not be reduced to “a cheque written to bring the story to a close.”

    To date, no sovereign nation has ever paid reparations to the descendants of enslaved Africans or to affected African, Caribbean and Latin American states. What little compensation has been distributed historically went exclusively to former slave owners, not to the people who were enslaved. Most notably, after abolishing slavery in the 1830s, the British government paid out compensation to enslavers equal to more than $21 billion in 2024 currency, a sum that was never redistributed to the families of the enslaved.

    The UK has maintained a long-standing refusal to entertain reparations claims, arguing that current generations and modern institutions cannot be held legally or morally responsible for atrocities committed centuries ago. During the March UN General Assembly debate, UK Ambassador to the UN James Kariuki argued that “No single set of atrocities should be regarded as more or less significant than another.” The US ambassador echoed that position, saying the United States does not recognize any legal basis for reparations for historical acts that were not classified as illegal under international law at the time they occurred, adding that the UN resolution failed to clarify who would qualify as recipients of reparatory justice.

  • Migrants deported by US to Sierra Leone risk return to countries where they fear persecution

    Migrants deported by US to Sierra Leone risk return to countries where they fear persecution

    A controversial U.S. immigration policy that sends asylum seekers to third-party African nations is facing fresh scrutiny after a new group of deportees arrived in Sierra Leone this week, with legal advocates warning the practice directly undermines existing court-ordered protections and puts vulnerable migrants at grave risk of persecution.

    Erica Reilly, an attorney representing one of the migrants who arrived Thursday, confirmed to the Associated Press that the flight marked the second such deportation to Sierra Leone in as many months. Last month, nine West African asylum seekers landed in the country under the same policy, and approximately 12 more joined them this week.

    Sierra Leone is just one of at least nine African nations that have struck formal third-country deportation agreements with the U.S., alongside a number of Latin American and Caribbean states that have reached similar arrangements. Under the terms of Sierra Leone’s agreement, which is backed by a $1.5 million U.S. government grant, the West African nation only accepts citizens of other West African countries, serving strictly as a temporary transit point rather than a place of permanent resettlement. A monthly cap of 25 deportees and an annual limit of 300 have been placed on the program, though Sierra Leonean authorities have not disclosed how long the agreement will remain in effect.

    Upon arrival in Freetown, Sierra Leone’s capital, deportees receive a briefing pamphlet from Kenvah Solutions, a private contractor hired by the Sierra Leonean government to manage deportees’ accommodations, food, healthcare, and transfers to their home countries. The document explicitly labels Sierra Leone a “temporary transit location” and confirms that “no long-term settlement is provided for or permitted,” adding that local authorities and contractors are working to “return you home as quickly and safely as possible.” Neither Kenvah Solutions nor Sierra Leonean government officials responded to requests for comment from the AP.

    Immigration advocates and legal representatives say the policy is a deliberate legacy of the Trump administration’s broad crackdown on irregular migration, which relies on often-unpublicized third-country deportation agreements to create a legal loophole. U.S. courts have issued formal orders barring the deportation of many of these asylum seekers directly back to their home countries, where judges have confirmed they face credible threats of persecution. By routing them through third-party nations like Sierra Leone, the U.S. effectively bypasses these protections.

    Reilly, who is representing a Nigerian asylum seeker among the most recent group of deportees, explained that once migrants arrive in Sierra Leone, they have almost no power to block their forced transfer to the countries where they face danger. “They’re put in a position where they just don’t have a say at all,” Reilly said. She added that U.S. authorities are fully aware of the risk facing most deportees sent through this program, choosing instead to disavow responsibility for their fates once they leave U.S. soil. “Our government is just saying, ‘What happens to them after they leave the United States is not our problem,’” she said.

    This is not the first challenge to the controversial policy. Earlier this month, human rights lawyers filed a legal case against Equatorial Guinea with the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Africa’s top regional human rights body, accusing the central African nation of violating international human rights law by forcing U.S.-deported asylum seekers back to their unsafe home countries.

  • Five-try Leinster rout Bulls to retain URC title

    Five-try Leinster rout Bulls to retain URC title

    Dublin’s iconic Croke Park played host to a one-sided United Rugby Championship (URC) final on Saturday, where Irish side Leinster produced a masterclass of clinical rugby to claim back-to-back titles with a resounding 36-7 victory over South Africa’s Bulls.

    The dominant win marks a significant redemptive moment for Leinster, just one month after they fell to a heartbreaking defeat against Bordeaux-Begles in the European Champions Cup final, where they missed out on what would have been their fifth continental crown. For the Irish province, this title further cements their status as the most successful side in the history of the tournament, now holding 10 league titles across all iterations of the competition, and becoming the first team to defend the URC crown since the tournament’s 2021 rebrand. For the Bulls, the result extends a painful run of final heartbreak, marking their fourth URC final defeat in the last five editions of the championship.

    Leinster seized control of the match from the opening whistle, capitalizing on early disciplinary chaos from the South African side to build an unassailable 22-0 halftime lead. Within the first two minutes of kickoff, Bulls centre Canan Moodie was sin-binned for a deliberate knock-on that stopped a promising Leinster line break, forcing his side to play with 14 men. Just four minutes later, Leinster turned the error into points: winger Tommy O’Brien pounced on a sloppy loose pass from Bulls fly-half Handre Pollard inside the opposition half, kicked the ball 30 meters upfield, collected it and sprinted clear to score under the posts, opening the scoring for the home side.

    A second try followed quickly. Jamison Gibson-Park’s quick hands set up a surging run from fullback Hugo Keenan, who shrugged off two would-be tackles before shifting the ball left to centre Rieko Ioane. Ioane stepped inside Bulls defender Kurt-Lee Arendse and dived over in the corner to extend Leinster’s lead.

    The Bulls produced some staunch goal-line defense to hold back further waves of Leinster attack, but indiscipline struck again when fullback Willie le Roux was also yellow-carded for a deliberate knock-on as Leinster pressed hard on the South African side’s line. Leinster converted their sustained pressure into a third try just before halftime, when Jack Conan, an early substitution brought on to replace the injured starting captain Caelan Doris, picked up the ball from a close-range ruck and barged over the line. Fly-half Sam Prendergast knocked over a penalty shortly after, when the Bulls failed to release a tackled Leinster player, sending the sides into halftime with the home side holding a 22-point advantage.

    Leinster picked up exactly where they left off in the second half. Prendergast darted over from one meter out at the base of a ruck to score his own try, then converted the score to push Leinster’s lead out to 29-0. The Bulls thought they had their first try shortly after, when Harold Vorster appeared to ground the ball over the line, but referee Andrea Piardi disallowed the score following a Television Match Official (TMO) review, in a call that sparked controversy for the South African side.

    Leinster were reduced to 14 men for 10 minutes shortly after, when winger James Lowe received a yellow card for a deliberate knock-on in his final appearance for the Irish province. The Bulls finally broke through Leinster’s defense after the 60-minute mark: Moodie accepted a perfectly timed offload and stretched over the line to score, with Pollard adding the conversion to put the Bulls on the board at 29-7.

    Any hopes of a dramatic comeback were quickly snuffed out, however, when the Bulls had a second try disallowed for a forward pass from Moodie in the build-up, after another TMO review. Leinster replacement fly-half Harry Byrne put the final nail in the coffin in the closing minutes of the match, rumbling over between the posts and converting his own try to seal the 36-7 final score.

    Speaking after the match, the result was a testament to Leinster’s depth and consistency across the season, turning a near-miss in European competition into domestic glory, while the Bulls were left to reflect on a tournament that ended in familiar disappointment for the side.

  • Africa CDC chief says the continent needs to invest its own funds in Ebola response, vaccine

    Africa CDC chief says the continent needs to invest its own funds in Ebola response, vaccine

    ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia – The African continent’s leading public health body has issued an urgent call for African governments to ramp up domestic financing to contain the ongoing Ebola outbreak spreading across the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Uganda, while stressing the critical need to end the continent’s long-standing reliance on international partners for emergency health responses. Since the outbreak was first detected on May 15, the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) confirms it has already killed more than 200 people among 894 confirmed cases, with more than 35,000 exposed contacts still to be fully traced. Public health experts warn the actual case count is likely higher, as the outbreak was only identified weeks after it first began spreading through local communities.

  • Ghana conference urges slave-trade nations to issue apologies and reparations

    Ghana conference urges slave-trade nations to issue apologies and reparations

    ACCRA, Ghana – In a pivotal gathering held in Ghana’s capital on Friday, leaders from across Africa and the Caribbean have amplified calls for formal apologies and reparatory justice from countries that orchestrated and profited from the transatlantic trafficking of enslaved African people. The summit, branded the “Next Steps” conference, comes three months after the United Nations approved a historic non-binding resolution that formally categorized the centuries-long Atlantic slave trade as “the gravest crime against humanity.”

    The final declaration issued at the conference lays out a clear demand: all nations that participated in the systematic enslavement and forced displacement of African people must issue “full, formal and unconditional apologies” as the fundamental first step toward advancing reconciliation, rebuilding broken trust, and delivering the reparatory justice that descendant communities have long demanded. While the UN resolution adopted in March carries no legal enforcement power, global activists and participating leaders note it carries unprecedented moral weight that shifts the global conversation on historical harm.

    Conference organizers emphasize that the Accra gathering is not just symbolic: its core goal is to move the global reparations debate beyond formal recognition of historical atrocities toward actionable, concrete policy measures. Among the key priorities under discussion is pushing to formalize compensation requirements under frameworks of international law.

    Historical records confirm that between the 16th and 19th centuries, an estimated 12 million African people were violently abducted from their homelands by European traders, then trafficked across the Atlantic to be forced into chattel slavery on colonial plantations. The forced labor of enslaved people generated enormous, enduring wealth for European and North American powers, a progress built entirely on the systemic violence, displacement and death of millions.

    Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama opened the summit by noting that the UN resolution has opened an unprecedented new window for constructive global dialogue on reparations. He stressed that the intergenerational harm of centuries of slavery continues to shape structural inequalities across Africa, the Caribbean, and the global African diaspora to this day.

    Addressing delegates representing more than 80 nations in attendance, Mahama stated: “We’re here because recognition creates responsibility, and because the enduring consequences of this history continue to demand thoughtful, coordinated, and sustained international engagement.”

    This summit builds on efforts launched at a 2023 reparations gathering also hosted in Ghana, where attendees first proposed the creation of a dedicated Global Reparation Fund, though key operational details for the fund have yet to be finalized. Global opinions on reparations remain deeply divided, particularly among nations that would be expected to contribute to compensation efforts. In the United States, for example, public opinion leans heavily against reparations for descendants of enslaved people: a 2021 Pew Research Center survey found that only 30% of U.S. adults support any form of compensation such as cash payments or land grants.

    Movement activists have outlined a broad vision for reparations that extends beyond direct cash payments to individual descendants. Many leaders call for targeted developmental aid to African and Caribbean nations impacted by the slave trade, as well as the return of cultural artifacts and natural resources stolen during the colonial era that followed the formal end of the slave trade.

  • Mourners bury a 6-month-old Ebola victim in the Congo outbreak’s 3rd orphanage death

    Mourners bury a 6-month-old Ebola victim in the Congo outbreak’s 3rd orphanage death

    BUNIA, Democratic Republic of Congo – On a somber Friday morning in eastern Congo, hundreds of mourners gathered to lay to rest a six-month-old girl, the latest fatality from the country’s escalating Ebola outbreak and the third child from a local orphanage to lose their life to the virus in recent weeks. As the small pine coffin was carried to its final resting place, attendees held small wooden crosses and stood several meters apart to reduce infection risk, while only trained health workers clad in full personal protective equipment (PPE) – including face masks, thick gloves, and fluid-resistant gowns – were permitted to lower the casket. A Catholic priest led the brief funeral service, offering prayers for the infant and comfort to grieving community members.

    “It is a profound sadness to lose one of our own, a child of this congregation,” said Father Innocent Ndogo, opening the service. “As we have always believed, the Lord gives, and the Lord takes away.”

    The ongoing outbreak, caused by the rare Bundibugyo strain of Ebola, is centered in Congo’s Ituri region, which has recorded more than 90% of all confirmed cases to date. Efforts to contain the spread have been severely hampered by repeated community clashes with response teams, rooted in longstanding distrust of public health measures and anger over altered burial practices that are required to stop transmission. The outbreak response has also faced criticism for its occasional militarization, which has further alienated local populations.

    Unlike the more common Zaire strain of Ebola – which has driven 16 of Congo’s previous outbreaks and has an approved, effective vaccine – the Bundibugyo strain has no licensed treatment or preventative vaccine. For many frontline workers, even basic PPE remains in short supply, leaving them exposed to the virus as they carry out critical contact tracing and safe burial work. Early in the outbreak, diagnostic testing for Bundibugyo was not widely available, meaning cases were misidentified as the more common Zaire strain, allowing the virus to spread undetected for weeks – a gap that public health officials now cite as a key reason for the outbreak’s current scale.

    During an official visit to Bunia on the same day as the funeral, Congolese Health Minister Roger Kamba released the latest official case count, confirming 933 confirmed infections and 245 deaths across affected regions. To expand access to care, Kamba announced that all healthcare facilities in Ituri would offer free Ebola-related treatment moving forward, and that hazard pay bonuses for frontline healthcare workers would be doubled to retain critical staff during the crisis.

    Africa Centres for Disease Control (Africa CDC) updated their contact tracing data a day prior, reporting that more than 35,000 people who may have been exposed to the virus are currently being monitored, one of the largest contact tracing operations the continent has seen in recent years. While the current outbreak has caused hundreds of deaths, it remains far less severe than the 2014 West African Ebola epidemic that killed more than 11,000 people across multiple countries.

    Alex Lock, communications officer at the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, which is supporting the outbreak response, warned against global indifference to the crisis, noting the human cost of each new case. “She was a baby. She had her whole life ahead of her. Unfortunately, she was taken by the disease, a disease that, as you know, is transmitted from one person to another,” Lock said, emphasizing the urgent need for additional global support.

    Though the outbreak is concentrated in Ituri, cases have now been recorded in neighboring North Kivu and South Kivu provinces, and the virus has crossed the international border into Uganda. Ugandan health authorities have confirmed 19 cases and two deaths linked to the Congo outbreak, prompting regional public health alerts. Donors and global health organizations have begun deploying additional resources, but many response teams warn that more support is urgently needed to stop the outbreak from spreading further across East Africa.

  • A boat with migrants capsized north off Libya, leaving 51 dead or missing, group says

    A boat with migrants capsized north off Libya, leaving 51 dead or missing, group says

    CAIRO – A devastating new tragedy has struck the perilous central Mediterranean migration route, after a smuggling boat carrying dozens of migrants hoping to reach Europe capsized off Libya’s eastern coast last week, leaving 51 people confirmed dead or missing, a regional migration monitoring group confirmed Friday.

    The Abreen Organization, which documents migrant movements across eastern Libya, reported that 10 migrants managed to survive the June 12 shipwreck. So far, recovery teams have pulled 11 bodies from the waters or shoreline, while 40 additional passengers remain unaccounted for, the group confirmed.

    This latest incident underscores the ongoing humanitarian crisis that has plagued the Mediterranean Sea for decades. Libya’s extensive northern coastline has long been the primary departure point for migrants from across Africa and the Middle East fleeing conflict, poverty, and political instability, who seek safety and better economic opportunities in Europe. Human smuggling networks operate with near-impunity across Libya, packing hundreds of desperate migrants into overcrowded, unseaworthy boats ill-suited for the open ocean crossing. Thousands have lost their lives attempting this dangerous journey year after year.

    Local authorities confirmed that recovery efforts have been ongoing for days. The Libyan coast guard and the Red Crescent branch based in the eastern Libyan port city of Tobruk confirmed that bodies began washing ashore in the area over the 24-hour period ending Friday, releasing footage that showed rescue teams carrying remains wrapped in white body bags onto the beach.

    Data from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) highlights the scale of the crisis. Between January 1 and May 16 of this year alone, more than 800 migrants were recorded as dead or missing along the central Mediterranean migration route. In all of 2023, the IOM documented more than 1,300 deaths and disappearances on the route.

    Libya descended into widespread political chaos and civil conflict following the 2011 NATO-backed uprising that toppled and killed long-time authoritarian ruler Moammar Gadhafi, creating a power vacuum that smuggling networks have exploited to expand their operations. In the years since, the country has become the world’s busiest transit hub for migrants heading to Europe, with criminal networks moving people across Libya’s unpatrolled, 4,300-kilometer border it shares with six neighboring countries.

    Migrants who survive the crossing attempt but are intercepted by Libyan authorities face further danger: those returned to Libya are typically held in overcrowded, government-run detention centers where systemic abuse is rampant. A UN-commissioned investigation has documented widespread human rights violations in these facilities, including forced labor, sexual violence, beatings, and torture, with many of these abuses classified as crimes against humanity under international law.

    This incident is the latest in a long string of maritime disasters that have drawn repeated international condemnation, yet policy solutions to address the root causes of the crisis remain stalled. For more coverage of global migration trends, visit AP News’ dedicated migration hub.

  • US to end funding of South Africa’s HIV programmes over claims of Afrikaner persecution

    US to end funding of South Africa’s HIV programmes over claims of Afrikaner persecution

    Long-strained diplomatic ties between the United States and South Africa have reached a new turning point, with the Trump administration confirming it will begin a phased withdrawal of critical U.S. funding for South Africa’s national HIV and AIDS response, linking the cut to unsubstantiated claims that the South African government has failed to protect the white minority Afrikaner community.

    For years, the U.S. President’s Emergency Fund for AIDS Relief (Pepfar) channeled roughly $400 million (£300 million) annually into South Africa’s HIV programs, covering approximately one-fifth of the country’s total public spending on the epidemic. South Africa carries the world’s heaviest HIV burden, with more than 8 million people living with the virus across the nation. The program received a last-minute temporary extension last October via a short-term bridge plan, but that reprieve has now expired.

    This funding cut marks the culmination of rapidly deteriorating bilateral relations that began shortly after Donald Trump’s second inauguration. Within his first weeks in office, Trump issued an executive order echoing his long-held false claims that South African government policies systematically erode equal rights for white South Africans and fuel violence against white landowners. The order also criticized two other major South African policies: the country’s landmark case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, and its documented diplomatic and economic ties to Iran. In justifying the aid cutoff, the White House framed these policies as “unjust and immoral” that disqualify South Africa from continued U.S. assistance.

    Trump has repeatedly amplified the discredited conspiracy theory of a “white genocide” targeting Afrikaners—descendants of 17th-century European settlers in southern Africa—an allegation that led his administration to launch a specialized refugee program prioritizing Afrikaner resettlement to the U.S. Currently, Afrikaners remain the only refugee group consistently approved for entry under the administration’s restrictive immigration policies. The rift was on public display just over a year ago, during a high-profile White House meeting between Trump and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, where Trump directly confronted his South African counterpart with unproven claims of anti-white persecution. Subsequent efforts to repair bilateral ties have failed to gain traction, and the U.S. went as far as boycotting the G20 heads of state summit hosted by South Africa last November.

    A senior U.S. State Department official confirmed the upcoming drawdown, explaining the decision stems from what the administration calls South Africa’s “failure to make demonstrable progress” on U.S. policy demands. Echoing the administration’s official framing, the official argued that the cut is intended to “foster self-reliance” and reduce South African dependence on American aid, noting that South Africa is classified as a middle-income country with the capacity to fund its own public health initiatives.

    South Africa’s health ministry has responded to the news with cautious calm, noting that it had not received formal advance notification of the decision, but the country has been preparing for this transition for years through a pre-existing national self-reliance plan. Ministry officials clarified that while Pepfar made valuable contributions to broader HIV programming, the procurement of life-saving antiretroviral therapy (ART) for South African patients is funded entirely through separate national government budgets, insulating core treatment services from the funding cut.

    Original reporting for this story was contributed by Pumza Fihlani in Johannesburg, with the original piece published by BBC Africa.

  • Africa’s greatest World Cup kits – pick your favourite

    Africa’s greatest World Cup kits – pick your favourite

    The FIFA World Cup is globally celebrated for its breathtaking goals, last-minute drama, and raw emotional moments — but it is also a stage where memorable football fashion is born. When it comes to bold, culturally rooted, and instantly recognizable kit designs, African national teams have produced some of the most iconic looks in the tournament’s history. BBC Sport Africa has curated a list of 10 standout designs from the continent, spanning more than 50 years of World Cup participation, inviting fans to weigh in on which they rank as the all-time greatest.

    The oldest entry on the list hails from 1974, when Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) took to the World Cup stage in a striking yellow and green ensemble that perfectly embodied the fashion sensibilities of its era. Featuring a wide collar and a dramatic deep V-neck, the kit made its biggest statement by emblazoning both the country’s name and the national team’s Leopards nickname and logo directly across the chest. While Zaire’s 1974 tournament ended in disappointment — including a lopsided 9-0 defeat to Yugoslavia — the kit itself has gone down in history as a bold classic. Even contemporary Congolese designers draw inspiration from it: Alvin Junior Mak, who went viral recently for creating the current DRC squad’s viral leopard-print arrival suits, says he looked back to 1974 to ground his work. “When you are in Africa, we say if you want to move forward, you have to see where you come from,” Mak explained to BBC Sport Africa.

    Next on the list is Algeria’s 1982 kit, created for the country’s first ever World Cup appearance. Mirroring Zaire’s 1974 design choice, the kit featured the country’s name printed across the chest, written in elegant Arabic script. Like the Zaire kit, it also boasts a deep neckline and oversized collar that marked it as a product of early 1980s fashion. Produced by Sonitex, Algeria’s defunct state-owned clothing manufacturer, the design is no longer bound by copyright protection — a detail that has made it widely reproduced by small local brands for both domestic fans and the Algerian diaspora. This accessibility has cemented its cult status among Algerian football fans, particularly self-described football hipsters, says Algerian sports journalist Maher Mazahi.

    Cameroon’s 1990 kit is forever tied to one of the most iconic runs in African World Cup history. That year, the Indomitable Lions became the first African nation to reach the tournament’s quarter-finals, stunning defending champions Argentina 1-0 in the opening match and capturing global attention with Roger Milla’s iconic corner flag dance celebration. The 38-year-old striker, who was called out of retirement by Cameroon’s President Paul Biya, scored four unforgettable goals during the run. The kit’s centerpiece was a roaring lion emblazoned across the chest, a symbol that still stands for national pride, courage, and determination for Cameroonians, explains Paul Njie, BBC World Service’s Yaounde correspondent. “Many people believe that was the best ever performance of the Cameroon national team and some of them attribute that to the luck which came with the kit,” Njie says.

    For Nigeria’s 1994 World Cup debut, the Super Eagles debuted an away white kit that would become legendary. In that tournament, Nigeria claimed 3-0 and 2-0 wins over Bulgaria and Greece respectively while wearing the white jersey, dropping only their matches against Argentina and Italy when wearing their traditional green home kit. That coincidence has only added to the kit’s mythos among Nigerian football fans. “We see the legends, the players that made the difference for Nigerian football, and if I close my eyes that’s the first shirt that comes to mind,” former Super Eagles captain William Troost-Ekong told BBC Sport Africa. “Nigeria’s greatest set of Super Eagles have worn that shirt and all of us strive to be able to imitate that.”

    South Africa’s 1998 kit, worn during the country’s first ever World Cup appearance after the end of apartheid, is a geometric-designed classic from Italian sportswear brand Kappa. The design was an updated iteration of the kit Bafana Bafana wore when they won the 1996 Africa Cup of Nations on home soil, a moment that remains a touchstone of national pride. Though South Africa failed to win any of their three group stage matches in their 1998 debut, the kit has endured as a fan favorite. “These days South Africa tend to wear yellow, but back in the 1990s their shirts were much more fun,” said Josh Warwick, co-founder of the Cult Kits website. “In our opinion, Kappa were one of the great brands from that era.”

    One of the most controversial entries on the list is Cameroon’s 2002 sleeveless kit. Originally designed as a basketball-style vest, the Indomitable Lions wore the sleeveless version to win the 2002 Africa Cup of Nations title just months before the World Cup, and it instantly won over players and fans alike. “When we came to the dressing room we said, ‘Wow, this is a new generation of shirt’. When we went on to the pitch the world was watching and it became famous. Everybody in Africa wanted to wear that shirt,” former Cameroon midfielder Eric Djemba-Djemba recalled in a 2023 interview. However, FIFA ruled the sleeveless design violated World Cup competition rules, forcing Cameroon to add awkward black sleeves for the tournament — a decision many fans still see as an unnecessary spoiler.

    Senegal’s 2002 kit is tied to one of the biggest upsets in World Cup history: the Teranga Lions’ 1-0 opening match win over defending champions France, courtesy of a winning goal from the large, imposing midfielder Papa Bouba Diop, nicknamed “The Wardrobe” for his massive frame. The kit’s signature baggy fit even became part of its iconic look, and it remains wildly popular among Senegalese fans decades later. “Of all our kits, 2002 is the best,” said Mamour Insa, a Senegal fan who followed his team at a recent World Cup watch event in New York. “All our generation, they wear just that kit. A lot of young people wear it more than new designs. It is very difficult to find.”

    Ghana’s 2010 red and gold kit is forever linked to one of the most gut-wrenching moments in African World Cup history: Asamoah Gyan’s late penalty miss against Uruguay that would have sent the Black Stars into the tournament semi-finals, the first for any African side. With the match tied 1-1 in the final moments of extra time, Luis Suarez was sent off for a deliberate handball that stopped a sure Ghana goal, but Gyan’s penalty clipped the crossbar and went over; Uruguay went on to win the match in a penalty shootout. Despite the heartbreaking outcome, the kit itself remains a fan favorite. “I think it was a great shirt, the players loved it,” former Ghana midfield legend Michael Essien told BBC Sport Africa, jokingly adding that its tight, figure-hugging cut required a well-built physique to pull off.

    Nigeria’s 2018 neon green kit became a global viral sensation before the tournament even kicked off, with fans queuing for hours outside retailers to get their hands on the popular design. The Nike design pays deliberate homage to Nigeria’s 1994 debut kit, creating a modern classic that circles back to the Super Eagles’ first World Cup moment. “The best football shirt ever,” Troost-Ekong said of the design. “Everyone was trying to get hold of it, I had so many calls and messages.” Despite its massive popularity, the Super Eagles only got to wear it once during the 2018 tournament, in a 2-0 group stage win over Iceland.

    The newest entry on the list is Ghana’s 2026 home kit, which features a striking spiderweb design inspired by Kwaku Ananse, the iconic trickster spider figure from Ghanaian folklore. The bold design has drawn comparisons to Spider-Man’s suit for its bright, web-patterned look, but it may never get its moment on the World Cup stage: FIFA has already ruled that Ghana will not be allowed to wear the home strip for any of its 2026 group stage matches, leaving fans to wonder if this will go down as a would-be classic that never got its spotlight.