作者: admin

  • The Supreme Court seems likely to shut down a lawsuit by Falun Gong over Cisco’s aid to China

    The Supreme Court seems likely to shut down a lawsuit by Falun Gong over Cisco’s aid to China

    WASHINGTON – During oral arguments held Tuesday, a majority of U.S. Supreme Court justices signaled clear openness to granting tech conglomerate Cisco’s request to dismiss a high-profile human rights lawsuit that alleges the company deliberately provided technology enabling the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners in China. The case centers on a challenge to a lower appellate court ruling that cleared the way for the suit to be heard in U.S. federal courts, bringing long-simmering debates over corporate accountability for overseas human rights abuses to the nation’s highest court.

    The lawsuit, first filed by Falun Gong adherents back in 2011, accuses Cisco of knowingly customizing its digital infrastructure to help Chinese authorities track, identify, detain and torture followers of the spiritual movement. Declassified internal documents and internal corporate materials leaked to the press in 2008, later confirmed by a 2023 Associated Press investigation, back up many of these claims: those records show Cisco framed China’s massive “Golden Shield” internet censorship and surveillance program as a lucrative business opportunity, openly referred to Falun Gong as an “evil cult” in alignment with Chinese government rhetoric, and advertised that its products could flag more than 90% of Falun Gong-related online content. The company even built a national-level tracking system specifically designed to monitor Falun Gong believers, marking the group as a national security “threat” in official marketing materials to Chinese officials.

    Cisco has forcefully denied all allegations, arguing it cannot be held legally liable in U.S. courts under the two statutes cited by plaintiffs: the 18th-century Alien Tort Statute (ATS) and the 1991 Torture Victim Protection Act (TVPA). The company’s legal counsel Kannon Shanmugam reiterated the firm’s denial during Tuesday’s arguments, telling the bench that “Cisco vigorously disputes those allegations.”

    The court’s conservative majority, which holds a 6-3 advantage in the chamber, centered its questions on the scope of authority for lower courts to hear similar transnational human rights cases. Multiple conservative justices raised concerns that lower tribunals have allowed too many foreign-focused civil rights claims to proceed. Justice Neil Gorsuch, one of the court’s most conservative members, pointedly asked whether the door to U.S. courthouses for such suits is being “not closely guarded,” signaling skepticism of retaining broad access for these claims.

    This skeptical tilt aligns with a years-long trend: both the Supreme Court and successive Democratic and Republican presidential administrations have pushed back against allowing U.S. courts to hear claims over human rights abuses committed by foreign governments on foreign soil. To counteract this well-documented skepticism, lawyers for the Falun Gong plaintiffs have emphasized that a significant share of Cisco’s decision-making and product development related to the Golden Shield project was carried out at the company’s U.S. headquarters, giving U.S. courts legitimate jurisdiction over the case.

    Only the court’s two liberal justices, Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson, voiced clear support for allowing the lawsuit to move to trial. Sotomayor pushed back directly on Cisco’s claims during arguments, noting “Cisco was a willing partner with the Chinese government. It knew that those people will be tortured.”

    The Supreme Court’s final ruling in the case is scheduled to be issued by the end of June 2024. The outcome will set a major precedent for future corporate human rights litigation, potentially closing off U.S. courts as a venue for holding American tech companies accountable for their role in enabling authoritarian surveillance and repression overseas.

  • Ex-TV showgirl’s pardon at centre of widening Italian scandal

    Ex-TV showgirl’s pardon at centre of widening Italian scandal

    A presidential pardon granted to a former associate of late Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi has erupted into a major political controversy, forcing Italy’s head of state to call for an immediate explanation from the country’s justice department. Nicole Minetti, a former television personality who was convicted over her role in the infamous “bunga bunga” sex parties scandal more than a decade ago, received the clemency from President Sergio Mattarella in February. The pardon, however, has now come under intense scrutiny after an investigative report by Italian outlet Il Fatto Quotidiano exposed potential fraud in the application, throwing the entire process into question and dragging Italy’s highest political office into the unfolding drama.

    Minetti’s conviction dates back to 2014, when she was found guilty of both facilitating prostitution for the private parties held at Berlusconi’s Milan-area villa and embezzling hundreds of thousands of euros in public funds. She was handed a total sentence of three years and 11 months in prison, which was suspended during her appeal process. Last year, she submitted a formal request for a presidential pardon, arguing that she and her partner needed to care for an adopted child with severe health issues, a claim the newspaper’s investigation has now called into question.

    According to Il Fatto Quotidiano’s reporting, Minetti submitted false information to support her humanitarian appeal for clemency. The outlet claims she misrepresented the child’s background, stating he was abandoned at birth when court records confirm his biological parents are still alive, though they live in extreme poverty. The report also notes that while Minetti claimed the child had received preliminary medical evaluations in Italy before traveling to the U.S. for treatment, no official records of these consultations have been found, and irregularities have also been uncovered in the Uruguayan adoption process.

    By Tuesday, the controversy had advanced to a formal criminal investigation: Milan prosecutors confirmed they had contacted Interpol as part of their probe into allegations of false declarations tied to the pardon. In Italy, presidential pardons are granted based on formal advice and vetting from the justice ministry and prosecuting authorities, meaning President Mattarella relies entirely on the recommendations of government bodies when approving clemency requests. This institutional structure has now put ruling government officials directly in the political crosshairs.

    The timing of the scandal could hardly be worse for Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s right-wing government. Meloni’s administration is already reeling from a major defeat in a recent constitutional referendum on judicial reform, a loss that has cut into the government’s public support and left it scrambling to rebuild momentum. Already facing widespread criticism over the referendum result, the emerging pardon scandal has given new ammunition to opposition parties, who are now demanding the resignation of Justice Minister Carlo Nordio, the top official who signed off on the recommendation for Minetti’s pardon.

    Opposition lawmakers have argued that Nordio’s ministry failed in its duty to vet the pardon application, and that the subsequent scandal has damaged the reputation of the Italian presidency. “The justice minister must step down before he causes further harm to the country’s institutions,” opposition leaders have publicly stated. While Minetti has forcefully denied all allegations of wrongdoing, calling the newspaper’s claims “unfounded and seriously damaging to my personal and family reputation” in a statement issued through her lawyer to Italy’s ANSA news agency, the political pressure on the government continues to mount.

    The justice ministry’s deputy leader, Francesco Paolo Sisto, has defended the government’s initial handling of the case, pushing back against claims of ministerial negligence. Sisto explained that the decision to launch a new investigation came only after new, unreported evidence of potential misconduct by Minetti emerged. He confirmed that the re-investigation will specifically examine whether the newly uncovered irregularities fundamentally invalidate the original case that was made to support granting the pardon.

    Minetti’s connection to Berlusconi stretches back more than 15 years. A qualified dental hygienist as well as a former showgirl, she first treated Berlusconi in 2009 after he was assaulted at a public rally in Milan. The following year, the then-prime minister tapped her to run as a regional councilor in Lombardy for his ruling People of Freedom party. She later became a central figure in the “Ruby Gate” scandal that brought down Berlusconi’s government: in 2010, Berlusconi sent Minetti to a Milan police station to collect 17-year-old Moroccan dancer Karima El Mahroug, also known as Ruby, who had been arrested on theft charges. Berlusconi falsely claimed the teen was the niece of the Egyptian president to secure her release, sparking a years-long legal battle that ultimately ended with a guilty verdict that was later overturned on appeal.

  • Path cleared for Everest climbers after huge ice block

    Path cleared for Everest climbers after huge ice block

    For two weeks, a massive fallen glacial serac had put all spring climbing plans on hold at Mount Everest, trapping teams below Base Camp and threatening to upend the annual prime climbing season. But following urgent days of work by elite high-altitude crews, a usable alternative path has been carved through the dangerous Khumbu Icefall, opening the way for climbing teams to resume their acclimatization rotations toward the summit.

    Ram Krishna Lamichhane, director general of Nepal’s Department of Tourism, confirmed to the BBC that specialized icefall doctors have successfully installed fixed ropes all the way to Camp 2, which sits at an altitude of roughly 6,400 to 6,500 meters (21,000 to 21,325 feet) above sea level. “Still there are some risks, but icefall doctors have picked up the most convenient available route and identified the path forward,” Lamichhane said. He added that climbers are expected to begin moving toward Camp 1 and Camp 2 for acclimatization exercises starting tomorrow.

    The disruption began in early April, when rope-fixing teams launching preparations for the 2026 spring season encountered the 100-foot (30-meter) tall serac that had calved off the glacier and blocked the standard route. Crews were forced to pause work for two weeks as they waited for the unstable ice block to begin melting naturally, putting all season preparations roughly two weeks behind the original schedule. This delay has sparked growing concerns that the backlog will lead to the dangerous summit queues that have plagued crowded Everest seasons in past years.

    The route-clearing work was a collaborative effort carried out by experienced icefall doctors from Nepal’s Sagarmatha Pollution Control Committee (SPCC) alongside veteran sherpas from expedition operator associations, who specialize in navigating the constantly shifting icefall terrain. Lakpa Sherpa, a veteran climber and expedition manager who oversaw part of the work, explained that modern technology played a key role in speeding up the operation. Airlift support was used to deliver critical supplies including fixed ropes, aluminum ladders, snow stabilizer bars and food to high-altitude crews during the most challenging phases of the work. Teams also leveraged cutting-edge survey tools: “3D photogrammetry and real-time drone surveys to map the Khumbu Icefall and assess hazards like seracs and crevasses,” he said.

    While the route to lower camps is now open for traffic, officials and expedition leaders have stressed that major hazards remain in the area. Lakpa Sherpa warned that the original massive unstable serac is still at high risk of collapse within the next four to five days, and urged climbing teams to avoid carrying heavy payloads through the affected section of the icefall. “Safety is our highest priority; further rotations should proceed with extreme caution and at your own risk,” he said. Acknowledging the delays to the season timeline, he urged permit holders to remain calm: “The season is slightly delayed but the summit will come,” he added.

    Nepal’s Department of Tourism echoed that safety message in a post to X, noting, “As climbers navigate the route, utmost caution is urged, particularly in the serac-affected section. Wishing all a safe ascent.”

    This year, 425 climbers have received official permits to attempt a summit of Mount Everest from the Nepali side of the border. According to the Department of Tourism, these permits will generate roughly 924.2 million Nepalese Rupees, equivalent to approximately $6.1 million or £4.5 million, in government revenue, making the spring climbing season a key contributor to Nepal’s tourism-driven economy.

  • Palestine Action defendant says guard ‘assaulted me multiple times’ during Elbit raid

    Palestine Action defendant says guard ‘assaulted me multiple times’ during Elbit raid

    On Monday, a key defendant in the high-profile trial linked to a Palestine Action raid on an Elbit Systems factory gave dramatic testimony at London’s Woolwich Crown Court, detailing what he says were repeated assaults by a on-site security guard during the August 2024 break-in near Bristol.

    Thirty-one-year-old Jordan Devlin is one of six people facing criminal damage charges connected to the incident at the Filton facility, which manufactures military technology. His co-defendants are 30-year-old Leona Kamio, 29-year-old Charlotte Head, 21-year-old Fatema Rajwani, 22-year-old Zoe Rogers, and 23-year-old Samuel Corner. Corner faces an additional charge of grievous bodily harm with intent, accused of striking a police officer with a sledgehammer during the incident.

    Taking the stand to testify before jurors, Devlin described the sequence of confrontation that unfolded after security guard Angelo Volante intervened in the raid. Devlin, who told the court he was unarmed when Volante first encountered the group, explained that Volante had already seized a sledgehammer from co-defendant Rogers, who was standing nearby. Devlin said he stepped between the two because he believed Volante intended to harm Rogers, triggering a physical altercation.

    “Volante assaulted me multiple times,” Devlin told the court, recounting that the guard kicked him and launched a series of wild swings at him after Devlin caught Volante’s leg during the attack. Body-worn camera footage from Volante was presented to jurors, and Devlin argued that when slowed down, the footage captures Volante delivering a downward swing that would have seriously injured him if it had connected with the back of his head. Devlin went so far as to accuse Volante of enjoying the confrontation, saying “He was looking like he wanted to hurt her… I could see from his face, he was enjoying the opportunity to bully people. He should have lost his job, been barred from the security industry altogether.”

    Photographs of injuries Devlin sustained during the raid were also shown to the court. Devlin pointed to a distinct red linear mark across his shoulder, which he said was likely caused by a blow from the handle of Volante’s sledgehammer. He further testified that after he grabbed the sledgehammer from Volante, the guard deliberately pressed against him to turn off his body-worn camera — and just seconds after the camera cut out, Volante attempted to bite his neck.

    Devlin also described a second, unrecorded confrontation in a factory alcove that was not captured by either body-worn cameras or on-site CCTV. During that grapple over the sledgehammer, Devlin said Volante drove the weapon into his face, leaving him with the black eye visible in his post-arrest mugshot, which was shown to jurors. “The moment I was struck my tinnitus went off, and I stepped back stunned,” Devlin recalled, adding that he even attempted to de-escalate the tension by joking about a “Star Wars moment,” suggesting the two duel with the sledgehammer as if they were light sabers. Devlin noted he has been unable to verify this second altercation because CCTV footage from the relevant part of the factory is missing, a gap the court has previously confirmed.

    The trial proceedings have already revealed that two on-floor CCTV cameras never had their footage retrieved by investigators, a point defense counsel raised earlier this month when questioning PC Sarah Grant, the officer tasked with recovering the facility’s security recordings. Body-worn footage shown to the court also captures a separate incident where Volante runs at Devlin and strikes him across the neck with a sledgehammer handle, knocking him to the ground.

    Devlin also detailed his confrontation with responding police officer PC Aaron Buxton. He told the court Buxton put him in a headlock and pulled him to the slippery floor, which had been covered in fire extinguisher fluid during the raid. After Buxton fell to the ground, Devlin said he was unable to identify the man as a police officer or see anyone approaching because his goggles were coated in Pava spray, an incapacitating agent Buxton had fired just moments earlier. Devlin told the court he did not learn Buxton was a police officer until three days after his arrest, adding “If they had said they were police, it would have been over a lot easier.”

    Jurors viewed Buxton’s body-worn camera footage from the ground, which shows Corner raising a sledgehammer and striking the officer. Devlin told prosecutors he had no idea Corner was nearby at the time, as he was crouched focused on Buxton. When prosecutors asked Devlin if he admitted to causing property damage during the raid, he openly acknowledged the damage, telling the court “Yes I do, and it was an honour.”

    The trial of the six Palestine Action defendants is ongoing.

  • Indian billionaire’s son offers to save Escobar’s hippos

    Indian billionaire’s son offers to save Escobar’s hippos

    Decades after the death of Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar, a decades-long ecological crisis in Colombia has drawn an unexpected offer from one of Asia’s wealthiest families. The crisis traces back to Escobar, the infamous leader of the Medellín Cartel who was killed by police in 1993, who illegally smuggled a pair of African hippopotamuses into his luxurious Hacienda Nápoles estate, located 155 miles northwest of Bogotá. After Escobar’s death, the two hippos were left to roam freely, and the Magdalena River basin, with its fertile swamps, lack of natural predators, and ideal conditions in the Antioquia region, allowed the species to explode in population. Now numbering in a growing herd recognized as the largest population of hippos outside their native Africa, these animals, nicknamed the ‘cocaine hippos’, have been officially classified as an invasive species by the Colombian government.

    Colombian authorities and environmental groups have long documented the damage caused by the non-native hippos: they have displaced local native wildlife, threatened fishing communities along the Magdalena River, and disrupted the regional ecosystem. Adult male hippos can weigh up to three tons, making aggressive encounters with humans a serious public safety risk. For years, Colombia attempted multiple population control measures, including surgical castration, but all efforts failed to slow the herd’s rapid growth. Facing an uncontrolled population projected to expand far beyond current limits, the government made the controversial decision to cull approximately 80 hippos to manage the crisis.

    That plan is now facing a potential alternative following a public proposal from Anant Ambani, son of Mukesh Ambani—Asia’s richest man. In a formal letter to Colombia’s Minister of Environment, the CEO of Vantara, Ambani’s private zoo in Gujarat’s Jamnagar district, stated that the facility is ‘willing to receive and care for’ the targeted hippos, offering to provide lifelong care for the entire herd on its grounds. The proposal, shared publicly on the zoo’s official Instagram account, emphasized that ‘at the heart of this proposal is Vantara’s belief that every life matters and that we have a shared responsibility to protect life wherever possible’. As of this reporting, Colombian officials have not issued any formal response to the offer.

    Vantara, a 3,500-acre private zoo located near the world’s largest oil refinery owned by Mukesh Ambani, currently houses more than 2,000 animal species including elephants, tigers, and other large megafauna. The facility gained global attention in 2024 when it served as one of the venues for Anant Ambani’s high-profile, extravagant pre-wedding celebrations. However, the zoo has also faced repeated criticism from wildlife conservation activists, who have raised concerns over a range of issues including the incompatibility of Gujarat’s hot, dry climate for many of the species held in captivity there.

    The ‘cocaine hippo’ dilemma remains one of Colombia’s most intractable environmental challenges, balancing ecological protection for native ecosystems and public safety against animal welfare advocacy. The unexpected offer from the Ambani family has opened a new chapter in a debate that has divided conservationists for years, with the Colombian government yet to indicate whether it will accept the proposed relocation plan.

  • Mali’s junta leader meets Russian ambassador after attacks the Kremlin called a coup attempt

    Mali’s junta leader meets Russian ambassador after attacks the Kremlin called a coup attempt

    Three days after a massive, coordinated wave of attacks by al-Qaida-aligned Islamic militants and separatist fighters rocked the West African nation of Mali, the country’s ruling junta chief has made his first public appearance, meeting with a top Russian diplomatic delegation in the capital Bamako.

    Authorities confirmed that Assimi Goita, the military leader who took power via a 2020 coup, held talks with a Russian team led by Ambassador Igor Gromyko on Tuesday. Photos released by Goita’s office show the meeting taking place in Bamako’s presidential palace. Russia, a key strategic and military ally of Mali’s junta, has framed the weekend attack as an attempted coup against the current government.

    The coordinated attacks, launched simultaneously on Saturday by a coalition of militants and the separatist Azawad Liberation Front, targeted at least four population centers across Mali’s central and northern regions—areas long labeled as a global hotbed for terrorist activity. Assaults hit Bamako’s international airport, the nearby garrison town of Kati, and the northern cities of Kidal and Sevare.

    In the wake of the violence, the Azawad Liberation Front claimed its fighters seized full control of Kidal after Malian and Russian military forces withdrew from the strategic northern city. The attack also resulted in the death of Mali’s Defense Minister General Sadio Camara. As of Tuesday, the full scope of casualties across all attack sites and the current status of territorial control in contested areas remain unconfirmed, with the Malian government yet to release a detailed public account of the incident.

    The U.S. Embassy in Bamako responded to the ongoing instability by issuing an urgent security alert, warning of potential terrorist movements within the capital and confirming reports of forced school closures across the city. Bamako remains on high alert three days after the attacks, with many local residents reporting widespread anxiety over personal safety amid the unclear security situation.

    Russia’s Ministry of Defense has issued an unusually detailed statement on the violence, echoing the ambassador’s framing of the offensive as a failed coup attempt. The statement claimed the attack was foiled by joint operations between Malian security forces and the Russian Africa Corps, the unofficial military contingent that provides support to Goita’s junta. Russian defense officials claimed roughly 12,000 attackers participated in the offensive, armed with advanced weaponry. The statement also acknowledged the withdrawal from Kidal, framing the move as a pre-planned strategic decision by the Malian government, noting that outnumbered Malian troops stationed in the city fought off four large-scale assaults for more than 24 hours while fully encircled by enemy forces.

    To date, The Associated Press has not been able to independently verify the claims made in the Russian defense ministry’s statement, and the lack of official updates from Mali’s government has left critical details of the attack unresolved.

  • What next for Mali’s junta after shock of rebel offensive?

    What next for Mali’s junta after shock of rebel offensive?

    A wave of coordinated cross-country attacks has sent shockwaves across West Africa, triggering one of the most serious security and political crises to hit Mali’s military government since it seized power in 2020. On Saturday, residents across multiple Malian cities woke to the sound of gunfire and explosions, carried out by a rare tactical alliance between two armed groups: the Tuareg separatist Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM). The assaults culminated in Tuareg separatist fighters securing full control of the strategic northern city of Kidal after joint Malian and Russian forces withdrew from the area, leaving the junta led by Colonel Assimi Goïta scrambling to respond.

    Days passed before Goïta made any public appearance following the offensive, stoking widespread speculation about the stability of his rule and casting doubt on the effectiveness of Russian security support that the junta has leaned on since expelling French counter-insurgency forces from the country. Three days after the attacks, Mali’s presidency released images on social media showing Goïta meeting with Russian ambassador Igor Gromyko and visiting wounded attack victims at a local hospital, but the military leader has yet to issue an official public statement addressing the unfolding crisis. The most damaging blow to the junta’s ability to respond came with the assassination of Defense Minister Sadio Camara, a powerful figure within the ruling structure who served as Russia’s primary contact in Mali and the architect of the Russian mercenary deployment to the Sahel. Analysts warn Camara’s death will not only weaken military coordination for an expected counter-offensive but also strain the junta’s already fragile relationship with Moscow.

    The FLA has already made clear its ambitions to push further south beyond Kidal, raising the stakes for the beleaguered Malian military. FLA spokesman Mohamed Elmaouloud Ramadane told the BBC that the separatist group has its sights set on the major northern city of Gao, claiming most of the city’s entry points are already under separatist control, with the historic UNESCO World Heritage Site of Timbuktu as the next target after Gao is secured. “It will be easy to take over once we fully control Gao and Kidal,” Ramadane said.

    When Goïta’s junta seized power nearly six years ago, it rode a wave of popular support built on promises to end Mali’s decades-long persistent insurgency and security crisis. But over the past 12 months, the government has been pushed steadily onto the defensive, as JNIM expanded its campaign to include economic warfare through a widespread fuel blockade that has crippled military logistics. Now, with Kidal fallen and armed groups advancing south, the future of military rule hangs in the balance. While analysts note the military still retains control of major urban centers and core state institutions for the moment, the coming days will be critical as the junta attempts to launch a counter-offensive against the FLA-JNIM alliance. According to Beverly Ochieng, senior analyst at global risk consultancy Control Risks, the success or failure of that counter-attack will “determine the longevity of the junta.”

    The fall of Kidal has also dealt a significant blow to Russia’s reputation as a reliable security partner in the Sahel, a region where Moscow has spent years expanding its influence through military partnerships after Western forces withdrew. After the 2020 coup, the junta expelled French counter-insurgency troops that had been deployed to support the Malian military, replacing them with Russian fighters from the Africa Corps to curb the growing insurgency. “Russia’s reputation has taken a huge blow” after the Africa Corps failed to defend Kidal, said Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel programme at the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation.

    In the wake of the security collapse, Mali is now widely expected to look beyond its exclusive reliance on Russian security support and diversify its military partnerships, analysts say. One potential new partner is Turkey, which has already built existing defense ties with Mali: Turkish drones played a decisive role in the Malian military’s 2024 recapture of Kidal, and there are already unconfirmed reports that Turkish security personnel have been deployed to train Mali’s presidential guard. Mali has also signaled a recent shift toward renewed engagement with the United States after years of strained relations. Earlier this year, Nick Hocker, head of the U.S. State Department’s African affairs section, traveled to Bamako to reaffirm U.S. respect for Mali’s sovereignty and outline a “new course” for bilateral relations, with plans to deepen security and economic cooperation with Mali and its fellow junta-led Sahel neighbors, Burkina Faso and Niger. The junta could also turn to the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a bloc of military-led governments formed by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger that has already issued statements of support for Mali, though the bloc has yet to operate as a unified joint fighting force.

    For Russia, the crisis in Mali represents a major test of its broader regional strategy across Africa. If Russian-backed forces are seen as unable to protect a key ally like the Goïta junta, other pro-Moscow governments in the Sahel and beyond may reconsider their dependence on Russian security support, analysts warn.

    Saturday’s coordinated offensive marks the most significant challenge to Mali’s military rule in years, and growing public discontent over the security failure opens the door to a range of possible outcomes. One potential scenario is a second domestic military coup, with a new faction of officers seizing power from Goïta’s administration. Another possibility is that the FLA-JNIM alliance could displace the current junta, though deep ideological differences between the two groups would complicate any long-term power-sharing arrangement.

    The FLA positions itself as a Tuareg separatist nationalist movement, while JNIM is a committed al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamist group. The two movements have had a fraught, on-again-off-again relationship dating back to 2012, when Islamist militants hijacked an earlier Tuareg separatist rebellion in northern Mali. While FLA spokesmen have described JNIM fighters as “cousins” who share a common enemy in the Bamako junta, FLA leader Sayed Bin Bella clarified to the BBC that there is no formal merger between the two groups. “All the flags we have raised are our own, not those of al-Qaeda. If they wish to merge with us, they must withdraw from the global al-Qaeda organisation,” Bin Bella said.

    Ochieng notes that JNIM has in recent years downplayed the openly global jihadist rhetoric that defines core al-Qaeda ideology, opening the door to a possible power-sharing scenario similar to post-civil war Syria, where an al-Qaeda-affiliated group eventually rebranded and took control of large swathes of territory. Already, hard-line Islamist groups have criticized JNIM for its tactical alliance with the secular separatist FLA, and analysts say underlying ideological differences are almost certain to become a major source of future tension unless the FLA secures full control of northern Mali and distances itself from national-level politics in Bamako.

  • Musk faces off with OpenAI in court over broken promises

    Musk faces off with OpenAI in court over broken promises

    A high-stakes legal battle that could reshape the future of the global artificial intelligence industry kicked off Tuesday in a California federal court, where Tesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk went head-to-head with OpenAI leader Sam Altman over allegations of broken founding promises. The Oakland trial, held just across the San Francisco Bay from OpenAI’s headquarters, is already being framed by industry observers as more than a corporate dispute: it is a fundamental clash over who gets to control the rapidly advancing AI sector, and for what ultimate purpose. Opening statements began Tuesday morning, with Musk’s legal team taking the podium first to lay out the tech billionaire’s case against OpenAI and its major backer Microsoft. Lead attorney Steven Molo told the nine-seat jury that the defendants “stole a charity” from its original mission of open, altruistic AI development for the public good. Molo acknowledged Musk’s polarizing public standing, telling jurors “He is a legend, like him or dislike him.” The jury selection process, completed Monday, laid bare the deep divide in American public opinion toward Musk: while the entrepreneur is celebrated globally for revolutionizing electric vehicles and commercial space travel, his sharp shift to conservative politics and public alliance with former President Donald Trump has alienated large swathes of the public. Just ahead of opening remarks, Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers issued a rare public directive to both Musk and Altman: the two rivals would need to limit inflammatory social media posts for the duration of the trial. The order came after Musk unleashed a barrage of critical posts on X — the social platform he owns — on Monday, derisively referring to Altman as “Scam Altman.” What began as a professional partnership between the two men has curdled into open enmity, with Altman now widely regarded as Musk’s most high-profile nemesis in the global AI race. The roots of the feud stretch back to OpenAI’s founding in 2015, when Altman recruited Musk to join as a co-founder. At the time, the organization was billed as a non-profit research laboratory, with a stated mission to develop AI technology that “would belong to the world.” Musk put at least $38 million into the venture in its early days, but the pair split acrimoniously in 2018. One year later, the OpenAI Foundation launched a for-profit commercial subsidiary, and tech giant Microsoft stepped in with a series of large investments that have now grown to a total commitment of $13 billion. Today, Microsoft’s stake in OpenAI is valued at roughly $135 billion, and the company has become a commercial juggernaut worth $80 billion on paper, riding the unprecedented global success of its ChatGPT chatbot, which launched in 2022 and changed the public perception of AI overnight. OpenAI is now preparing for a high-profile initial public offering, though its unusual governance structure — which leaves ultimate control in the hands of a non-profit board, rather than commercial shareholders — has long made investors nervous. After exiting OpenAI, Musk launched his own rival AI research firm, xAI, which he merged into SpaceX in February of this year. SpaceX is currently valued at $1.25 trillion, and its own upcoming IPO, expected to launch in June, is projected to become the largest in U.S. history. In his lawsuit, Musk argues he was deliberately deceived about OpenAI’s commitment to its original non-profit, altruistic mission. Outside the courthouse Monday, OpenAI’s legal team pushed back against the claims, with attorney William Savitt saying co-founders Altman and Greg Brockman “are confident in their position and look forward to the facts being known.” In official court filings, OpenAI has countered that the 2018 split was caused by Musk’s own desire to seize total control of the organization, not any shift away from non-profit principles. The company has dismissed Musk’s lawsuit outright in public posts, calling it “nothing more than a harassment campaign that’s driven by ego, jealousy and a desire to slow down a competitor.” The trial will wrap up with a decision from Judge Gonzalez Rogers by late May, with the jury providing an advisory finding to guide her ruling. Musk’s legal team is asking the court to force OpenAI to reverse its transition to a hybrid commercial structure and return to being a pure non-profit, as well as remove Altman and OpenAI president Greg Brockman from their leadership roles. Though Musk initially sought up to $134 billion in damages, he has since said he would not keep any award, pledging to redirect any monetary settlement to the original OpenAI non-profit foundation. The outcome of the case could force OpenAI to fundamentally restructure its business model, sending ripples through the entire fast-growing global AI industry.

  • ‘We were left alone’: Along Israel’s ‘Yellow Line’, Lebanese feel abandoned by the state

    ‘We were left alone’: Along Israel’s ‘Yellow Line’, Lebanese feel abandoned by the state

    Every dawn and dusk along the Mediterranean seafront of Sour, Lebanon’s largest southern coastal city, a quiet, anxious ritual plays out. Dozens of residents gather along Nabih Berri Street, their gazes fixed southward across the glittering water, all the way to the border town of Naqoura, where the line between their homeland and occupied territory now blurs.

    On the horizon, eight kilometers from Sour, the white limestone cliffs of al-Bayada rise from the sea. Today, those cliffs are an advanced forward operating base for Israeli troops, part of the expanding ground invasion that has pushed deep into southern Lebanon. Even when the soldiers are hidden from view, their presence hangs heavy over the city, leaving locals with a constant, unsettling feeling of being watched.

    Lina, a local resident whose apartment overlooks the newly seized territory, spoke with quiet despair. “Israel has long targeted Naqoura. The headland gives them unobstructed view of our entire coastline,” she explained. “We already lived under constant drone surveillance for years. Now they watch us directly from that cliff.”

    Sour has become a hub for thousands of displaced Lebanese who fled their homes near the Blue Line – the UN-drawn boundary established in 2000 to mark Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon. Even Sour has suffered severe damage from repeated Israeli strikes, but for these displaced families, it remains the only available refuge. For most of them, their original homes are either uninhabitable after weeks of bombardment or now lie under Israeli occupation.

    After Hezbollah granted limited press access to the frontline, journalists were able to travel a short distance south of Sour for a few hours to document the situation on the ground. The winding coastal highway that once bustled with local traffic and tourist traffic is now almost entirely empty. Only a handful of vehicles pick their way through a landscape of ruin, where posters of Hezbollah fighters killed after the Lebanese front opened on 8 October 2023 line every damaged guardrail.

    A checkpoint manned by a small contingent of Lebanese army personnel blocks the road further south; no civilian or journalist can pass. Israeli troops hold positions less than a kilometer away, in al-Bayada, the first coastal town to fall within Israel’s self-imposed “Yellow Line” – a new demarcation drawn roughly 10 kilometers inside Lebanese territory, established after a 10-day ceasefire took effect. This new occupation buffer zone follows the same model Israel employed in Gaza, barring tens of thousands of residents of border communities from returning to their land and homes.

    A short drive inland from the coast lies al-Mansouri, a small village that mirrors the devastation seen across every community in southern Lebanon. Empty streets stretch between piles of collapsed concrete, and every structure bears the scars of Israeli bombardment. Even the village mosque was not spared: its minaret was sheared off by an airstrike, leaving a jagged stump against the sky.

    After the ceasefire came into force on 17 April, a new tragedy unfolded when a small group of villagers tried to return to their homes to assess damage and retrieve belongings. Almost immediately, they came under direct fire from Israeli forces. One resident, speaking on condition of anonymity to Middle East Eye, described the chaotic aftermath. “We scattered across the village to hide when the firing started,” they said. “Neither our security forces nor the Red Cross were allowed to come in. This is land we’ve spilled blood to defend, and we were left completely alone.”

    Survivors recounted that any attempt to escape by car was met with immediate gunfire from both ground troops and attack aircraft. What followed was a four-day siege, where trapped residents survived only by picking wild lemons from orchards to eat. Mohammad, a 30-something villager who was not present during the siege, described how he pieced together his own father’s final moments from surviving witnesses. “He was trapped in a ring of fire,” Mohammad said, his gaze vacant. “Then the building he was hiding in was hit by a strike.”

    Official data from Lebanon’s health ministry confirms the escalating human cost: more than 2,500 people have been killed in Israeli strikes across southern Lebanon since 2 March alone, including 177 children, 277 women, and 100 medical personnel.

    While al-Mansouri does not technically fall inside the Yellow Line, it sits directly on its edge, and Israeli positions on the overlooking hilltop give troops full visibility across the entire village. Moussa Zein, a 65-year-old resident who recently returned to al-Mansouri to try to rebuild, said locals are still struggling to process the new reality of occupation on their doorstep. “The ceasefire is violated dozens of times every single day, while our government drifts aimlessly into talks with the enemy,” Mohammad added, referencing the recent direct negotiations between Tel Aviv and Beirut hosted in Washington – the first such talks in 30 years.

    Like many residents, Moussa is determined to stay in his home, despite the daily risk of Israeli strikes that have continued even after the ceasefire. What deters him more than the threat of violence is the scale of destruction: the village has no running water, no electricity, and basic services remain completely destroyed. “Our lives, our parents’ lives, have all been shaped by repeated wars and invasions,” Mohammad said. “For years, no one paid attention to what was happening here. But now the whole world can see: Hezbollah is just a pretext for Israel to seize our land.” As evidence, he points to comments Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made last summer on the I24 news network, where he described his goal as fulfilling a “historic and spiritual mission” deeply tied to the vision of Greater Israel and the Promised Land. “The occupation cannot last. We believe in the resistance – it is the only thing that can protect us,” Mohammad said.

    A few kilometers southeast of al-Mansouri, Majdal Zoun, another small town on the Yellow Line’s edge, shares the same fears and uncertainty. Once home to roughly 5,000 residents, the hilltop town is now almost entirely deserted. Almost every house bears the scars of Israeli strikes, and it is nearly impossible to find a single intact structure. A group of young women displaced to Sour return to the town every day, refusing to abandon their ancestral home. “This is our village. We will not leave it to the enemy, so we come back and forth every day. We believe in the resistance,” they said in unison, standing at the village cemetery looking out toward Sour on the horizon. When a surveillance drone hums low overhead, they glance up anxiously, their faces tightening with fear. “Majdal Zoun’s geographic position makes it a prime target for Israel. We are scared they will try to seize it any day now,” one added.

    From the southern edge of Majdal Zoun, the occupied village of Shama is visible just two kilometers away. Its historic fort, which houses the shrine of the prophet Shamoun al-Safa, has been heavily damaged in Israeli strikes. In mid-April, Lebanon’s Ministry of Culture announced it had filed an urgent complaint with UNESCO, calling for immediate international intervention to protect the archaeological and religious site. During the Middle East Eye visit, no troop movements were visible, but several Israeli flags flying over the fort can be seen clearly from Majdal Zoun.

    Further inland to the east, the village of Tayr Harfa is also under Israeli occupation. Regular explosions echo across the hills, and plumes of smoke rise above the tree line. “They are blowing up every house that’s still standing. After bombing us, they want to raze everything to the ground, just like they did in Gaza,” said Ali, a 39-year-old resident from the area. Ali’s own village is now surrounded on its southern flank by the Israeli army, and he fears for its future. “Unfortunately, we expect nothing from the Lebanese army. We only have the resistance to rely on. Otherwise, Majdal Zoun will fall too,” he said. Ali praised what he called the heroic resistance of Hezbollah fighters, who inflicted significant losses on Israeli troops before the ceasefire and stopped them from advancing further into Lebanese territory. Confrontations continue even after the truce: on 23 April, Hezbollah announced it had shot down an Israeli surveillance drone operating over the area.

    A few kilometers further north in the village of Qlaileh, the community is mourning the loss of several Hezbollah fighters killed in recent combat. One mother sits gently stroking a portrait of her dead son, her eyes filled with constant tears. Beside her, 30-year-old Rana said the fighters’ sacrifices will not be forgotten. “We cannot rely on anyone but ourselves. We will fight to keep our land, because this is all we have,” she said.

  • America’s special relationship ‘probably Israel’, says UK ambassador to US

    America’s special relationship ‘probably Israel’, says UK ambassador to US

    In a controversy that has erupted just as King Charles III undertakes a high-stakes state visit to the United States, newly revealed comments from Britain’s newly appointed ambassador to Washington have thrown long-held assumptions about the UK-US ‘special relationship’ into question.

    Sir Christian Turner, who took up the ambassadorial post in December 2025, made the unguarded remarks during a private, off-the-record meeting with British sixth-form students visiting the US back in February. A leaked audio recording of the session first obtained and reported by the Financial Times this week captures Turner pushing back against the decades-old rhetorical framing of the bilateral tie.

    Turner told the student group that he actively avoids using the phrase ‘special relationship’ altogether, arguing that the term has become steeped in nostalgia, anchored in past shared history rather than current geopolitical reality, and carries too much outdated ideological baggage. Going a step further, he asserted that if any nation can claim to hold a truly special relationship with the United States, it is almost certainly Israel.

    The ambassador did not reject the depth of the UK-US partnership entirely, however. He acknowledged that the two countries share centuries of intertwined history and deep cultural affinity, particularly in the spheres of security and defense cooperation, noting that the pair collaborate on initiatives that no other two allied nations undertake together. He also pushed back against claims that the bilateral relationship is facing an outright break, but argued that the current moment marks a clear end to a decades-old geopolitical era, with the global order and transatlantic dynamics shifting dramatically.

    The timing of the leak, which comes during King Charles III’s state visit designed to repair frayed UK-US ties amid rising tensions over the ongoing conflict over Iran, has amplified the political impact of the comments. The UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office has moved quickly to distance the British government from Turner’s remarks, emphasizing that they were private, informal off-the-cuff comments that in no way represent the official position of the administration in London.