作者: admin

  • US bans foreign-made humanoid robots, targeting China over national security

    US bans foreign-made humanoid robots, targeting China over national security

    In a move that escalates the ongoing technological competition between the world’s two largest economies, the U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) announced Tuesday it will block imports of Chinese-manufactured humanoid robots, four-legged quadrupeds commonly called robot dogs, and foreign-made power inverters, citing unsubstantiated national security and supply chain risk concerns.

    This new restriction comes as part of a growing series of American trade barriers targeting Chinese technology, following earlier bans on Chinese-built drones and ongoing deliberations over limiting access to Chinese open-source artificial intelligence models — a sector where Chinese innovation has rapidly advanced in recent years. The decision is expected to add new strain to already tense bilateral relations ahead of the planned Trump-Xi summit scheduled for this September, which follows a high-profile meeting between the two leaders in Beijing this past May.

    Industry data underscores China’s dominant position in the global humanoid robotics market: analysts estimate Chinese manufacturers hold roughly 85% of global market share, a figure confirmed by both Barclays and industry research firms. For 2025, Omdia data shows that of around 15,000 humanoid robots shipped worldwide, China’s two leading robotics firms — Unitree and AGIBOT — each delivered more than 5,000 units, while top U.S. competitors Tesla and Figure AI shipped only a few hundred units or fewer apiece.

    Projections from Morgan Stanley indicate China’s domestic humanoid robot market could balloon to $15 billion by 2030, driven by aggressive manufacturing scaling and cost-cutting that has outpaced most Western rivals. Morningstar analyst Kangyuxiao Li explained that the import ban serves to protect emerging U.S. robotic developers from price competition and cuts off Chinese manufacturers from a high-value future export market. However, Li noted the restriction will not meaningfully slow China’s overall robotics advancement, thanks to the enormous size of China’s domestic manufacturing base and robust demand for Chinese robotics in other global export markets.

    Unlike the U.S., China has actively expanded its robotics footprint across other major markets, with Europe identified as a key target for Chinese humanoid and advanced robot exports, per Omdia. Beijing has repeatedly pushed back against U.S. restrictions, framing its technological progress as a global economic opportunity rather than a security threat, even as Washington warns of a potential “China Shock 2.0” that could disrupt Western manufacturing and labor markets.

    The ban also carries risks for cross-border tech collaboration between U.S. and Chinese firms, warned Omdia chief analyst Lian Jye Su. A high-profile example of this interconnectedness: in June, U.S. chip giant Nvidia unveiled a humanoid robot reference design that relies on the physical chassis built by Chinese robotics firm Unitree. Just recently, the Pentagon added Unitree to a list of Chinese companies it accuses of having ties to the Chinese military, a designation Beijing has said it “firmly opposes.”

    Samm Sacks, a senior fellow focused on Chinese technology policy at Washington-based think tank New America, noted the new import ban is just the latest in a growing string of potential diplomatic flashpoints ahead of the September leadership meeting. “It’s a steady drumbeat of potential flashpoints heading into the Trump-Xi summit planned for September,” Sacks said.

    FCC Chair Brendan Carr defended the agency’s decision in a formal statement, framing the ban as a necessary step to “secure America’s critical supply chains.”

  • Austria’s 16th century bell foundry adds modern technology to keep the casting process alive

    Austria’s 16th century bell foundry adds modern technology to keep the casting process alive

    Tucked in the mountain city of Innsbruck, western Austria, one of Europe’s last remaining bell foundries hums with activity as artisans clad in heat-resistant protective gear work to pour glowing molten bronze into custom-shaped molds. For the Grassmayr Bell Foundry, a family-owned enterprise tracing its origins back to 1599, this routine of crafting massive, ton-weight bells for religious communities across the continent has persisted through centuries of upheaval — from continental wars and widespread famines to global pandemics and crippling economic downturns.

    Today, the legacy is carried forward by brothers Johannes and Peter Grassmayr, the latest generation to steward the centuries-old trade. What was once a crowded craft with hundreds of foundries operating across Europe during the late medieval Renaissance has dwindled to just a handful of active operations on the continent. For Grassmayr, the key to outlasting competitors and navigating centuries of change lies in a rare balance: unwavering dedication to time-honored craftsmanship paired with deliberate adoption of cutting-edge innovation.

    “Certain core practices have not changed in 400 years, but we have pushed for significant innovation, particularly over the past two decades, that has transformed how we work,” Johannes Grassmayr explained in an interview with the Associated Press.

    A full production cycle for a single custom bell takes three to four months from start to finish. In decades past, cleaning and polishing a newly cast bell accounted for 30% of total production labor. Today, modern digital and mechanical tools have cut that processing time to just one-tenth of the original schedule. The foundry keeps many of its most innovative proprietary processes private: this includes a specialized high-pressure sandblasting cleaning chamber, as well as custom-built software applications designed to model and predict the unique acoustic profile of each individual bell.

    Even with the advantages of modern technology, the most labor-intensive and high-stakes step of the process — designing and crafting the molds for large, multi-ton bells — still takes up to six months of careful work. As Johannes emphasizes, a bell is not simply a hunk of cast metal: it is a precision musical instrument that requires accurate calculation, careful shaping, and controlled casting to achieve the desired tone.

    The greatest risk during casting comes from the extreme pressure generated by tons of liquid bronze. For a large multi-ton bell, molten bronze can exert up to 125 metric tons of pressure against the inner walls of the mold. To prevent catastrophic collapse, the foundry sources only highest-quality clay for mold construction, then encases the clay form in reinforced steel sleeves engineered to withstand these extreme forces.

    Beyond the inherent technical challenges of bell casting, the foundry now faces mounting modern economic pressures that threaten its long-term stability. Shifting cultural trends have led to a sharp decline in new church construction across Europe, drastically reducing demand for new custom bells. Compounding this challenge are skyrocketing operational costs spurred by recent global events: energy prices have surged following the outbreak of war in Ukraine, and labor costs have jumped 30% across the industry since the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic.

    For finished bells, the single largest cost driver remains raw material prices. Premium bronze, blended to a traditional ratio of 80% copper and 20% tin to produce the best acoustic quality, has seen explosive price growth in recent years. Just a few years ago, bronze cost 8 euros (roughly $9.23) per kilogram; today, that same kilogram costs 23 euros ($26.17). This volatility makes long-term pricing impossible for the foundry.

    “That’s why I can’t even predict what a bell will cost a year from now,” Johannes said. “I just hope we see metal prices fall again in the near future.”

    To adapt to shrinking demand for new bells and offset rising costs, the Grassmayr team has increasingly expanded into a new line of work: restoring historic defective bells, leveraging modern technology to repair and refinish centuries-old pieces that remain important to communities. To date, the foundry has restored hundreds of damaged bells from 12 different European countries.

    Despite the challenges, the foundry’s work reaches across the globe: Grassmayr bells now hang in churches and public buildings in more than 100 countries, from Japan to the United States. Some of the brothers’ most iconic works include a 25-metric-ton bell cast in 2016 for Romania’s National Cathedral in Bucharest, standing 3.3 meters tall, and a 15-metric-ton bell installed in a church on Israel’s Mount Tabor.

    As he showed AP journalists a set of recently cast bells, left to cool for a full week before being removed from their clay molds, Johannes pointed to the crisp, precise negative imprint left in the clay form. One of the newly finished bells was bound for a church in Zethau, Germany. “I’m very happy with how this casting turned out,” he said. “I’m particularly glad that the innovations we’ve rolled out over the past decades have helped us make bells that are ever more beautiful and better sounding than ever before.”

  • Senate confirms Clayton as Trump intelligence chief

    Senate confirms Clayton as Trump intelligence chief

    In a narrow, party-line vote held Tuesday, the United States Senate has approved Jay Clayton’s nomination to serve as President Donald Trump’s permanent director of national intelligence, placing a new top leader at the helm of the nation’s sprawling intelligence community just as Trump reignites unsubstantiated claims of widespread 2020 election fraud ahead of upcoming midterm elections. The final vote tally split along partisan lines, with 51 senators supporting the confirmation and all 47 Democratic members of the upper chamber opposing the nomination. Minutes after the vote concluded, Trump praised his nominee in a post on his social platform Truth Social, declaring “Jay is outstanding in every way, and will do a spectacular job as Director!”

    Clayton, a former federal securities regulator and career federal prosecutor, takes over the role that was most recently held on an acting basis by Bill Pulte, a Trump loyalist whose lack of prior intelligence experience and sweeping policy moves sparked bipartisan alarm in Congress. He succeeds former Representative Tulsi Gabbard, who stepped down from the post just one month ago. The role he inherits oversees a network of 18 separate intelligence agencies that has been roiled by repeated leadership turnover and deep staff cuts in recent weeks.

    The confirmation arrives at a moment of growing national concern that Trump is working to co-opt U.S. national security institutions to advance his political agenda, as he pushes to revisit the results of the 2020 presidential election and undermine public trust in the integrity of the upcoming midterm vote. Earlier this month, Trump delivered a primetime televised address from the White House to release declassified intelligence materials he claims prove Chinese interference in the 2020 election, while once again repeating his false assertion that the contest was stolen from him.

    During Pulte’s short tenure as acting director, the former housing regulator drew fierce criticism for using his government position to refer several of Trump’s political opponents for potential criminal prosecution, while also pushing through aggressive staff reductions at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. Just hours before Clayton’s confirmation vote, Pulte publicly announced that a fifth round of layoffs would cut the agency’s total staffing by roughly 30% within the coming weeks.

    Democratic lawmakers initially signaled cautious optimism about Clayton as a more mainstream, experienced alternative to the controversial Pulte, but unified in opposition to his nomination after his appearance before the Senate Intelligence Committee. When repeatedly pressed by senators to directly answer whether current President Joe Biden legitimately won the 2020 presidential election, Clayton refused to give a clear affirmative response, only stating that Biden had been “certified” as the winner and asserting “I’m not an election denier.”

    Mark Warner, the ranking Democratic vice chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, acknowledged after the vote that he left Clayton’s confirmation hearing with “serious reservations about whether he would be willing to stand up to political pressure.” He added, “I sincerely hope he proves those concerns unfounded, because the Intelligence Community deserves steadier leadership than it has received in recent months.” Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer went even further, previously describing Clayton’s performance during the confirmation hearing as “abysmal.”

    Republican lawmakers defended Clayton’s record, pointing to his tenure as chairman of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission during Trump’s first term in office and his recent service as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York. Senate Majority Leader John Thune, a Republican, argued that Clayton’s track record fighting transnational financial crime and leading high-stakes national security investigations made him a proven, capable leader at a moment when the United States faces growing global threats.

    The confirmation of Clayton is also expected to unlock stalled negotiations over the reauthorization of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, a controversial surveillance authority that allows U.S. intelligence agencies to collect communications of foreign targets located overseas without requiring individual warrants. Congressional Democrats had refused to move forward with reauthorization while Pulte remained in the acting role, citing widespread fears that the Trump administration would misuse the broad surveillance authority for political purposes. However, legislative action on any extension is not expected before September, as the U.S. House of Representatives has already adjourned for its annual summer recess.”

  • Greece call up Konstas to help T20 World Cup bid

    Greece call up Konstas to help T20 World Cup bid

    Greece has launched an unexpected push to seal a spot at the 2028 Men’s T20 World Cup, turning to its large diaspora community in Australia to bolster its national cricket squad for the first qualifying round this summer. The Hellenic Cricket Federation has named 24-year-old Billy Konstas – the older brother of rising Australian men’s Test batter Sam Konstas – to its 14-man roster for the European sub-regional Qualifier C, set to run from August 14 to 21 in Finland.

    Billy Konstas, who is four years senior to 19-year-old Sam who made headlines for his memorable 2024 Boxing Day Test debut against India with three sensational ramp shots off Indian pace ace Jasprit Bumrah in a single over, splits his time between playing grade cricket in Sydney and working as a physiotherapist and cricket coach. He is not the only Australian-raised player of Greek descent to earn a call-up: 21-year-old leg-spin all-rounder Blake Faunce, a former age-group representative player for the Australian Capital Territory, has also been included in the squad.

    Federation officials have also held selection discussions with 26-year-old Blake Nikitaras, a first-class cricketer for New South Wales and former Big Bash League player with Sydney Thunder, whose father Steve previously represented Greece’s national team at the end of his professional playing career. Another high-profile target, 27-year-old short-format franchise veteran Peter Hatzoglou – who boasts stints in elite T20 competitions including the Big Bash, England’s The Hundred, and the Pakistan Super League – has also held talks, but he currently does not meet international eligibility requirements for selection. At this stage, neither Nikitaras nor Hatzoglou are expected to be available for the upcoming qualifier, but if Greece advances past the 10-team tournament, the pair could enter consideration for future rounds.

    Greece’s strategy of drawing on its Australian diaspora, which numbers more than 400,000 people of Greek ancestry across the country, has drawn inevitable comparisons to Italy’s 2024 T20 World Cup campaign. Italy made its maiden World Cup appearance earlier this year after advancing through regional qualifying, with an entire squad of players born outside the country including five Australian-Italian players – among them two sets of brothers. However, senior Greek federation leaders emphasized to BBC Sport that they are prioritizing the long-term development of homegrown talent, rather than relying entirely on overseas-based players of Greek heritage.

    Cricket has been played on the Greek island of Corfu, the historic heart of the country’s domestic cricket scene, for more than 200 years, and building a clear development pathway for local players remains a core organizational priority. Around two-thirds of the squad heading to Finland, led by head coach Tim Dellor, were born in Greece, with two additional players based in the UK – Dimitrios Triandafillithis and Christodoulos Bogdanos, who both compete in club cricket in Yorkshire.

    Greece has been an associate member of the International Cricket Council (ICC) since 1995, but the side has not played enough sanctioned matches in recent years to earn an official ICC T20 global ranking. Their path past the first qualifying hurdle is far from guaranteed: they have been drawn in a group alongside tournament favorites Germany, and will also face a Portugal side boosted by veteran former Australia all-rounder Moises Henriques, who was born in the Portuguese autonomous region of Madeira. Portugal is also expected to add opening batter Ricardo Vasconcelos to its roster, pending his domestic commitments with English county side Northamptonshire.

  • The athlete who has never held her Olympic medal

    The athlete who has never held her Olympic medal

    Fourteen years after she fled Cameroon and claimed asylum in the United Kingdom following the 2012 London Olympics, elite weightlifter Madias Ngake is preparing to step onto one of the world’s biggest multi-sport stages again, this time competing for her adopted home nation of England at the 2026 Glasgow Commonwealth Games. Her journey from homeless asylum seeker to top-seeded Commonwealth contender is one of extraordinary resilience, marked by personal sacrifice, unexpected second chances, and an unbreakable love for the sport that gave her purpose.

    Ngake’s story begins in Douala, Cameroon’s largest coastal city, where a childhood defined by systemic challenges led her to discover weightlifting as a pathway to opportunity. She dreamed not just of personal athletic success, but of shifting cultural attitudes toward women in sport in her home country, proving the strength and capability of female athletes. By 18, she had already qualified for the 2010 Delhi Commonwealth Games, where she narrowly missed a bronze medal after tying India’s Laishram Devi’s total lift, losing out only due to a higher body weight. She collapsed moments after her final 121kg lift and left the arena on a stretcher, but still left the competition proud just to have qualified for the global stage – an achievement few Cameroonian athletes managed at the time, hampered by limited resources and widespread corruption within national sports federations.

    When she arrived at the 2012 London Olympics, Ngake was ranked so low internationally that she was placed in the lower-tier B Final, grouped with athletes not expected to contend for medals. Against all odds, she won the B Final and lifted more total weight than many athletes in the elite division, finishing sixth overall. But any celebration of the breakthrough result was cut short: her sexuality had become publicly known during the Games, and with homosexuality criminalized and punishable by imprisonment in Cameroon, the 20-year-old faced a deadly threat if she returned home. Faced with no other choice for safety and freedom, she disappeared from the Olympic Village and chose to build a new life in the UK.

    The years that followed were far from the glamour of Olympic competition. With no connections, no savings, and no permanent residency status, Ngake spent two months homeless, sleeping on buses and outside in public spaces, before she could formally apply for asylum and access temporary housing. For nearly a decade, she stepped away from sport entirely to build stability: she worked full-time as an office cleaner for nine years, moving from Leeds to Nottingham, and waited five years to secure the documentation needed for permanent paid work. Few people around her knew she had been an elite Olympian, as she built a quiet, low-key life in her new home.

    A twist of fate brought her back to weightlifting four years ago, when the 2022 Commonwealth Games were relocated from Durban to Birmingham, bringing former Cameroonian teammates and coaches to the UK. One of her old coaches reached out, stayed with her, and repeatedly encouraged her to pick up a barbell again. When she did, it felt instantly natural – like coming home. Within just a few years, her meteoric return to elite competition saw her win gold at the British International, take silver in the snatch at the 2024 World Championships, and claim a European bronze medal earlier this year. She earned UK Sport funding, allowing her to quit cleaning and compete as a full-time athlete, and qualified for the 2026 Glasgow Commonwealth Games as the top seed in the women’s 86kg division.

    Ngake will be joined on Team England by another Cameroonian-born weightlifter, Cyrille Tchatchet II, who also sought asylum in the UK after the 2014 Glasgow Commonwealth Games. Open to the debates surrounding asylum seekers in the UK, Ngake says that while there is a mix of people claiming asylum, those who build a life in the country must respect its laws and contribute to their new community. “I’ve worked here for a very long time, I pay tax,” she says. “If you want to live here, you have to respect the country and love this country, that’s why you stay. I love this country, and it would be amazing to win a Commonwealth medal for this country – that’s my goal.”

    Remarkably, Ngake was retroactively awarded an Olympic bronze medal for her 2012 London performance, after three weightlifters who finished above her were disqualified for doping. The medal was sent to Cameroon seven years after the Games, and today it remains unclaimed, stuck in a government drawer 5,000 miles from where Ngake lives now – she says she would love to have it, but cannot return to Cameroon due to the country’s anti-LGBTQ+ laws. If she wins a medal in Glasgow, or qualifies for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics (her next long-term goal), it will be a medal she can hold in her own hands, representing the nation that gave her a second chance at life and freedom.

  • ‘No safe options’ for thousands sheltering in key Sudan city as RSF fighters advance

    ‘No safe options’ for thousands sheltering in key Sudan city as RSF fighters advance

    Two years into Sudan’s devastating civil war, the North Kordofan regional capital of el-Obeid has become the next flashpoint of catastrophic violence, with thousands of already displaced civilians trapped between advancing paramilitary forces and a looming threat of mass atrocities mirroring the 2024 el-Fasher massacre. What was once a relatively safe refuge for people fleeing conflict across surrounding areas now faces an imminent attack that could push an already desperate humanitarian crisis over the edge.

    The ongoing power struggle between Sudan’s regular military, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has escalated sharply in North Kordofan, a strategically critical territory that acts as a geographic gateway between opposing sides’ controlled lands. El-Obeid, currently held and heavily defended by the SAF, has drawn more than 83,000 displaced civilians fleeing violence in neighboring districts since fighting resumed in 2023, according to United Nations estimates.

    Satellite imagery confirms that the city’s main displacement camp has expanded dramatically since March 2026, with hundreds of new tents erected to accommodate a steady stream of new arrivals. Aid workers on the ground report 80 to 100 new households arriving every day, many of whom have already been displaced multiple times from their original homes. “Families have run out of safe options to protect themselves,” explained Mohamed Refaat, IOM’s chief of mission in Sudan. “Many have already been displaced before and are once again forced to leave behind their homes, livelihoods and support networks.”

    Warnings of an impending RSF assault have come from multiple global bodies, including the United Nations and G7 foreign ministers, who have raised urgent alarms that the paramilitary group is preparing to repeat the mass atrocities that unfolded in el-Fasher last October. When RSF forces overran the SAF-held city, thousands of civilians were killed in systematic mass executions, one of the worst single atrocities of Sudan’s ongoing civil war. Verified open-source footage now confirms dozens of heavily armed RSF fighters in armored vehicles are stationed in Nyala, a key RSF stronghold just 40 kilometers from el-Obeid, with multiple commanders publicly vowing to “liberate” the city from military control in videos posted to the group’s official channels.

    According to conflict monitoring group Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (Acled), the RSF launched a record number of drone strikes on el-Obeid throughout June 2026. Analysts note the decline in attack frequency in July is not a de-escalation, but a temporary redirection of forces to counter SAF offensives elsewhere in the country.

    As civilian numbers have swelled, living conditions in el-Obeid have deteriorated to catastrophic levels following months of RSF efforts to cut off all supply routes into the city, creating what one senior UN official has described as a “functional siege”. Last week, the UN warned that nearly 400,000 people in and around the city are facing acute food insecurity. Local residents report that overland supply convoys have been repeatedly targeted by drone strikes, and aid flights into el-Obeid’s airport have been completely halted, according to international charity Islamic Relief.

    Critical infrastructure attacks by RSF drones have compounded shortages of food, clean water and fuel. Verified footage from last month captured a massive explosion at a central el-Obeid fuel station following a direct strike, and satellite analysis confirms visible damage to city power stations and aid supply warehouses located in the central market district. While a recent lull in drone strikes has allowed limited aid distribution and partial restoration of power, humanitarian workers emphasize the situation remains extremely volatile, with crippling fuel shortages still preventing large-scale relief efforts.

    Tensions have also frayed within el-Obeid’s population. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk has documented growing hostility and suspicion toward displaced civilians, with local residents fearing RSF sympathizers have infiltrated the city alongside fleeing families.

    To prepare for the coming assault, the SAF has constructed a large defensive earthen berm around el-Obeid’s perimeter, a defensive fortification designed to repel RSF attackers unlike the siege barrier the RSF built around el-Fasher that trapped civilians inside the city. Earlier this week, the SAF announced it had completed a military operation to secure the critical highway connecting el-Obeid to the capital Khartoum. In response, RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, commonly known as Hemedti, ordered his frontline commanders to “move straight forward. No more retreat. No more hesitation.”

    Nohad Eltayeb, a senior research assistant at Acled, explained that el-Obeid’s strategic value makes it a make-or-break objective for both warring parties. “It is the critical juncture connecting RSF-controlled western territories with the military-held central and White Nile regions,” Eltayeb said. For the RSF, capturing the city would also help the group regain momentum after recent territorial losses in the eastern Blue Nile region, as well as ongoing internal instability and defections in its traditional Darfur strongholds.

    In a joint statement, the EU and G7 have warned of impending mass atrocities and called on all external actors to suspend any armed, logistical, or financial support to either side of the conflict. Earlier this month, the European Parliament publicly named the United Arab Emirates as a key backer of the RSF, a claim Emirati officials have repeatedly denied. Alan Boswell, Horn of Africa Group director for the International Crisis Group, argues that the urgent international warnings stem from global regret over failing to prevent the el-Fasher massacre, which unfolded after months of gradual RSF buildup and siege. “Many are trying to turn up the volume on those warnings to prevent another round of mass atrocities in el-Obeid,” Boswell said. “The key is if world leaders will put enough pressure on the RSF and its main backer to make a difference this time.”

  • Four women accuse Jared Leto of criminal sexual conduct

    Four women accuse Jared Leto of criminal sexual conduct

    A bombshell new BBC documentary titled *Jared Leto: Hollywood’s Dark Secret* has brought forward explosive new allegations of criminal sexual misconduct against Oscar-winning actor and Thirty Seconds to Mars frontman Jared Leto, with 10 women sharing accounts of abuse spanning 14 years, nine speaking publicly for the first time. All alleged encounters occurred between 2002 and 2016, when Leto was between 30 and 44 years old; the now 54-year-old star has not responded to multiple requests for comment from the BBC on the claims.

    Four of the 10 contributors have leveled accusations of criminal sexual conduct, all stating they were teenagers when the alleged offenses took place. One woman, identified only by the pseudonym Isabel, described a 2002 assault in a Las Vegas motel bathroom. Then 17, Isabel had shown Leto and his friends around the retail store where she worked, and agreed to meet him at what she described as a run-down motel expecting to join a group outing. When Leto called her into the bathroom while he showered, he assaulted her, Isabel told the documentary. She pulled away immediately and asked to leave, and Leto let her exit only after checking to see if anyone was outside the room. For decades, Isabel blamed herself for the encounter, saying she spent most of her life labeling herself as “a stupid girl” for trusting Leto. She only recently let go of this self-blame, she added.

    A second accuser, former model Alex, detailed a 2013 incident at a London hotel when she was 19. Alex told the BBC that Leto’s crew regularly solicited local modeling agencies for young female models to offer free VIP tickets and backstage access, a request that came directly from Leto, according to a former long-time crew member. Alex’s agency was invited to Leto’s O2 Arena concert that year, and she was lured to a private after-party at a nearby hotel, where she found only Leto waiting in the dark room. When she asked to borrow a charger or for cash to get home, Leto refused. When she asked if she could sleep on the room’s chaise longue, Leto repeatedly threatened her with sexual assault, saying she would “wake up with a dick in her ass.” Alex said she immediately fled the room, and only recently came to terms with her belief that the encounter was pre-planned, with Leto’s assistant aware of the plan to lure her there.

    The third criminal allegation comes from a woman named Clara, who says she had statutory sexual contact with Leto at his California home in 2006, when she was 17 and Leto was 34. California sets the age of consent at 18, meaning any sexual contact with a 17-year-old constitutes the criminal offense of statutory rape. Clara told the documentary that an associate of Leto’s approached her backstage at a Thirty Seconds to Mars concert to get her phone number on the musician’s behalf. When she visited Leto’s home, he pressured her to refer to him as “daddy” and frame her as a minor in their interactions. Clara recalled a conversation where she brought up California’s age of consent law, and Leto simply shrugged off the issue, showing no concern for the legal violation. She told the BBC she was deeply naive and vulnerable as a teenager, and only came to understand how abusive and inappropriate the interaction was as she got older. “There is no well-adjusted man in his 30s who’s going to look at a teenager and think… she would be a great partner,” Clara said.

    The fourth core accuser, Etta (also a pseudonym, now speaking publicly for the first time), alleges that Leto groomed her starting when she was 16 years old. Etta met Leto in 2014 at a Los Angeles modeling agency, where he offered to send her and her mother an invite to his Oscar party after taking an interest in her modeling ambitions. What started as professional outreach quickly shifted to inappropriate sexual communication: Etta said Leto began making repeated sexually explicit phone calls, asking her explicit questions including whether she was a virgin and what sexual kinks she had, and at one point directly suggested the pair have sex. Too young to confidently set boundaries, Etta said she felt constant anxiety and discomfort during the calls. Leto later asked for her number to pass to a friend called “Christian”, who Etta says repeatedly pressured her to shoot porn, saying it did not matter she was underage. Etta told the BBC she would not be surprised if “Christian” was actually Leto using an alias – a suspicion shared by two other women who received similar inappropriate calls. In 2016, Leto sent Etta a non-disclosure agreement to silence her about their interactions, which the BBC has obtained. Etta refused to sign the document.

    In addition to the four core criminal allegations, six more women shared their own accounts of inappropriate behavior. One, named Taylor, says Leto made a lewd comment about her 14-year-old body when she asked for an autograph at a 2005 music festival. Leto signed her T-shirt directly across her breasts, commented on her chest with a crude term, and ordered his security guard to take her backstage without asking if she wanted to go. When Taylor’s mother confronted Leto over the comment, he repeated it openly, showing no remorse. Taylor said the traumatic encounter changed her life completely, and stopped her from attending live concerts entirely.

    Two former long-time crew members for Thirty Seconds to Mars corroborated the pattern of behavior alleged by the women. One former staffer, identified as Brad, confirmed that Leto directly ordered him to solicit only young female models from local agencies for VIP tickets and backstage access, a request he described as uncomfortable. He added that Leto regularly invited teenage fans on stage for closing songs, then instructed crew to send them back to his dressing room after the performance. A second former staffer, Simon, said he saw an average of two young women visit Leto daily at the rental home where the band was recording one album.

    The BBC has verified multiple elements of the accusers’ accounts, confirming that many told friends or family members about the encounters immediately after they happened, and obtained physical evidence including text messages, photos, and the NDA sent to Etta that supports the women’s claims.

    Allegations of inappropriate behavior toward young women have followed Leto for decades, with the BBC counting more than 120 separate public online allegations of misconduct spanning decades. Public claims reignited last year when Los Angeles DJ Allie Teilz shared her own account of assault at age 17 on social media, prompting other women to come forward. Nine women also shared accusations of sexual impropriety with U.S. outlet Air Mail last year, which Leto denied at the time.

    Leto has been one of Hollywood’s most prominent A-list stars since the 1990s, winning the 2014 Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor for his role in *Dallas Buyers Club*, and appearing in major blockbusters including *Fight Club*, *Blade Runner 2049*, and *Suicide Squad*. His multi-platinum rock band Thirty Seconds to Mars, formed in 1998, is scheduled to tour the U.K. and mainland Europe next spring, including high-profile stops at London’s O2 Arena and Manchester’s Co-op Live arena. The BBC did not receive any comment from Leto or his representatives despite repeated outreach to address the new allegations.

  • Tebboune says Algeria will stand by Tunisia against ‘any threat’

    Tebboune says Algeria will stand by Tunisia against ‘any threat’

    In a fiery televised address this week, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has issued a stark pledge to protect neighboring Tunisia from what he frames as coordinated external threats, warning that any aggression against Tunis would be treated as an attack on Algeria itself. During the Monday interview, the Algerian leader emphasized that his nation has no hostile intentions toward any regional state, but will not stay idle when the security and stability of its close ally is put at risk. Using a vivid colloquial Algerian Arabic turn of phrase, Tebboune warned that any actor that brings terrorism to Tunisia or its border regions would face overwhelming, decisive retaliation. Tebboune went on to claim that unnamed parties are pursuing a deliberate strategy to first cut diplomatic and economic ties between Tunis and Algiers, before moving to undermine the Tunisian government itself. Though he stopped short of naming all the actors he accused of plotting against the bilateral alliance, he renewed existing allegations that the United Arab Emirates has actively worked to destabilize Algeria in recent months. Tebboune’s remarks arrive at a moment of profound crisis for Tunisia, both domestically and internationally. The North African nation is currently grappling with one of the most severe electricity shortages it has seen in a decade, with extended rolling blackouts cutting power to residential neighborhoods, commercial operations and public services across the country amid record summer high temperatures. The crippling outages have sparked widespread public anger, forcing renewed scrutiny of the government’s management of national infrastructure five years after President Kais Saied’s 25 July 2021 power consolidation, when he suspended the elected parliament, dismissed the sitting government and began ruling by executive decree. Since Saied seized full executive authority, dozens of politicians, legal professionals, judges, journalists and grassroots activists have been detained or prosecuted in a crackdown that international human rights organizations have labeled an unprecedented attack on political pluralism and civil liberties in the country. Saied has consistently rejected claims of political persecution, maintaining that Tunisia retains an independent judicial system and that all defendants facing charges are being tried for standard criminal violations, not their political beliefs. When Saied first moved to consolidate power in 2021, Algeria initially called for an immediate return to constitutional governance. However, Algiers has since evolved into Saied’s most critical regional backer, providing consistent political support as Tunisia has become increasingly isolated from Western governments over its documented democratic backsliding. Over the past several years, the relationship between the two North African leaders and their respective administrations has deepened dramatically, with both framing their partnership as a strategic alliance rooted in overlapping regional security priorities. Last year, the two governments signed a landmark new defense cooperation accord covering areas including joint military training, cross-border intelligence sharing, border security coordination and combined military exercises. Only limited details of the agreement have been released to the public, a lack of transparency that sparked sharp criticism from Tunisian opposition groups, who accuse the Saied administration of hiding the treaty’s terms from the public. Speculation around an unauthorized leaked draft of the agreement also fueled claims that Tunis is surrendering key elements of national sovereignty to its larger neighbor. The growing bilateral alliance has also reignited long-running domestic debate in Tunisia over the country’s increasing economic and political dependence on Algeria. The two neighbors already maintain close collaboration on counterterrorism operations, border management and energy trade, and Algeria has emerged as one of Tunisia’s most important economic partners in recent years. But critics argue that the power imbalance in the relationship has grown sharply since Saied consolidated authority, with the Tunisian president aligning Tunisian foreign policy almost entirely with Algeria’s regional positions. In a notable break from decades of Tunisian neutrality on the Western Sahara dispute, Saied hosted Brahim Ghali, leader of the Polisario Front, in Tunis in 2022, a move that triggered a major diplomatic dispute with Morocco. Human rights groups have also raised concerns about expanding judicial cooperation between the two governments, pointing to the extradition of Tunisian opposition figure Seif Eddine Makhlouf from Algeria earlier this year, which took place despite formal objections from multiple international rights organizations.

  • US Biathlon considers joining US Ski & Snowboard in rare merger of Olympic sport organizations

    US Biathlon considers joining US Ski & Snowboard in rare merger of Olympic sport organizations

    A rare proposed consolidation between two U.S. Olympic national governing bodies has thrown the future of American biathlon into question, as leaders of the U.S. Biathlon Association push to bring the sport under the umbrella of U.S. Ski & Snowboard (USSS) — a move backed by financial necessity according to supporters, but decried as an existential threat by long-time participants of the sport. The U.S. Biathlon board of directors is scheduled to cast its final vote on the integration plan this Wednesday, months after exploration of the proposal began in the wake of another medal-less performance by American biathletes at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics. Members of the association were first formally notified of the talks in May.

    U.S. Biathlon CEO Jack Gierhart told association members that shifting fiscal pressures left leadership with little choice but to explore the partnership: the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee has cut the organization’s funding by 22%, and private corporate sponsors have reduced their commitments amid broader economic tightening. Integration with USSS, Gierhart argues, would open access to expanded funding streams, enhanced support services for competing athletes, and greater exposure to the larger cross-country skiing community to recruit new competitors to biathlon, a hybrid sport that combines cross-country skiing and precision rifle shooting. Sophie Goldschmidt, CEO of USSS, told the Associated Press that the larger governing body is well-positioned to elevate American biathlon to new competitive heights, saying “We feel that we can help take biathlon to the next level.”

    USSS is undeniably a powerhouse in American winter sports: it currently oversees 11 Olympic disciplines, counts 250 elite athletes among its ranks including global superstars like alpine skiing champion Mikaela Shiffrin and cross-country skiing gold medalist Jessie Diggins, holds a $70 million annual budget, and boasts 40,000 registered members. By comparison, U.S. Biathlon operates on just a $4 million annual budget and counts only 1,407 registered members. Though biathlon is a massively popular spectator and participation sport across much of Europe, it has never produced an Olympic medal for the United States, a long-standing performance gap that has contributed to its limited domestic funding and profile.

    Supporters of the merger argue the partnership would deliver mutual benefits for both organizations. Kikkan Randall, an Olympic cross-country skiing gold medalist and current USSS board member, noted that tapping into biathlon’s massive European popularity could open new marketing and sponsorship opportunities for the merged organization. “There’s a recognition of how big biathlon is in Europe. Being able to tap into that popularity and marketability is really intriguing,” Randall said. Under the proposed terms of the alliance, U.S. Biathlon would retain its own governing board (expanded to include USSS-appointed representatives) to manage sport-specific decisions, all existing U.S. Biathlon staff would transfer to the larger organization, and biathlon would secure two permanent seats on the USSS board. Gierhart emphasized that the additional resources from USSS would allow the organization to invest in grassroots growth: providing equipment to local clubs, expanding existing youth recruitment programs, and delivering much-needed support to underresourced community programs. “The long-term implications of what this could bring is really profound from a growing-the-sport perspective and pushing support out to the communities and clubs that need it,” Gierhart said.

    But the proposal has sparked fierce pushback from a large cohort of long-time biathlon athletes, coaches, and supporters, who have organized town halls, launched an opposition website, and filed formal ethics complaints against U.S. Biathlon board leadership. Critics argue the board has fast-tracked the merger without sufficient input from rank-and-file members, and warn that biathlon will be sidelined and eventually erased within the larger organization, overshadowed by more popular, high-revenue sports like alpine skiing and snowboarding. Many opponents fear the merger will lead to eventual funding cuts for the national biathlon team, pointing to USSS’s past cuts to funding for U.S. ski jumping in 2010 and Nordic combined in 2014 as a cautionary example.

    “I don’t want to see biathlon disappear into another organization,” said Art Stegen, author of *Unique and Unknown: The Story of Biathlon in the United States*, who is one of the most visible voices of opposition. Stegen, retired sports lawyer Ed Williams, and former Olympic biathlete Joan Wilder filed a formal ethics complaint with the U.S. Biathlon ethics committee last week, alleging that board chair Bob Hall violated organizational rules by holding closed merger discussions without notifying the full membership, and that board member Dexter Paine holds an unreported conflict of interest due to his concurrent seat on the USSS board. While the ethics committee acknowledged this month that “it appears there is merit to some of the allegations,” it dismissed the complaints entirely, noting it lacks the legal authority to remove a sitting board member.

    A 2024 analysis of the merger conducted by veteran biathletes Jon Schafer and Marc Sheppard concluded that any partnership with USSS should only be pursued as a “last resort.” The pair’s interviews with hundreds of members of the biathlon and cross-country skiing communities found that “The overwhelming consensus is that everyone is terrified of destroying the long-term future of the organization for possible short-term financial gain.” Opponents also argue that grassroots growth is already underway through existing programs, and that the sport can expand its revenue and membership without ceding control to a larger governing body.

    Beyond internal opposition, the proposal also faces a potential major legal obstacle under federal Olympic law. Steven Bank, a UCLA law professor specializing in sports law, explained that the 1978 Ted Stevens Olympic and Amateur Sports Act bars one national governing body from overseeing multiple sports that fall under separate international federations. Currently, USSS falls under the governance of the International Ski and Snowboard Federation, while biathlon is governed by the International Biathlon Union — a separation that could put the merger in conflict with the 46-year-old law, which was designed to prevent jurisdictional disputes over team selection, rule-setting, and competitive standards.

    This is not the first time USSS leadership has pursued expansion through acquisition: Goldschmidt launched a bid to take over USA Surfing last year, but abandoned the effort after widespread opposition from surfing community members. Goldschmidt confirmed to the AP that USSS is also currently in exploratory talks with USA Skateboarding about a potential future partnership, signaling that the biathlon merger is part of a broader push by the winter sports powerhouse to expand its footprint across Olympic sports.

  • Vietnam’s biggest company, Vingroup, expands overseas as its home market slows

    Vietnam’s biggest company, Vingroup, expands overseas as its home market slows

    Against a backdrop of cooling domestic growth and shifting national economic priorities, Vietnam’s largest private conglomerate Vingroup has launched an ambitious global expansion push, with nearly 24 planned projects across at least 15 countries spanning Central Asia, South Asia, Africa and Europe. This overseas pivot comes as the company’s core domestic profit driver — its flagship real estate division — faces mounting headwinds, and it seeks new revenue streams to fund its high-stakes ambitions in electric vehicles, artificial intelligence and advanced robotics, sectors that sit at the heart of Vietnam’s broader goal to emerge as Asia’s next high-growth tiger economy.

    For decades, Vingroup fueled its diversification from real estate into new manufacturing and technology sectors with profits from its booming domestic property market. But that model has broken down in recent years: Vietnam’s once red-hot property sector has cooled sharply, with unaffordable home prices in major urban centers and a glut of unsold units in secondary markets pushing the company’s Vinhomes division to halt domestic land bank expansion to focus on completing existing projects. At the same time, Vingroup’s loss-making electric vehicle subsidiary VinFast, which has struggled to gain traction in saturated Western markets after its 2023 U.S. launch and Nasdaq listing, posted a $3.87 billion net loss in 2025 and recently shifted its core growth focus to emerging markets.

    The expansion pushes Vingroup into a diverse range of projects tailored to local market needs. In Central Asia, where Uzbekistan has actively courted extra-regional foreign investment since loosening Soviet-era state controls in 2017, Vingroup signed a December agreement to build a mixed-use “Vietnam Town” in Tashkent, the country’s capital. Modeled after the conglomerate’s successful domestic developments, the project will integrate residential housing, retail centers, healthcare facilities, schools and electric vehicle charging infrastructure. This focus on Central Asia aligns with Vietnam’s own growing regional trade ties: bilateral trade between Vietnam and Uzbekistan grew 26.5% to $202 million in 2024, and Vietnam upgraded its partnership with Kazakhstan to a strategic partnership in 2025. Regional analysts note Central Asian nations are actively diversifying trade partners beyond Russia following its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, and are eager to balance growing Chinese investment with deeper ties to other dynamic Asian economies.

    In South Asia, Vingroup is building on rapidly growing bilateral ties between Vietnam and India, where total trade tripled from $5.4 billion in 2016 to a record $16.4 billion in 2025. The conglomerate’s Indian portfolio already includes a VinFast EV factory in Tamil Nadu, an electric taxi service launched in New Delhi in June, and signed agreements for smart city developments, hospitals, schools, a theme park and a zoo across multiple states. It has also expanded into Southeast Asia, with an EV factory under construction in Indonesia and an electric taxi service already operating in the Philippines.

    Across Africa, Vingroup is pursuing large-scale infrastructure and e-mobility projects to tap into fast-growing demand for zero-emission transport and urban development. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the company has agreed to develop a 6,300-hectare riverfront smart city between the Congo River and Kinshasa’s international airport, while VinFast plans to supply hundreds of thousands of EVs and electric buses to support the DRC’s national plan to replace its fossil fuel vehicle fleet. In West Africa, Vingroup has partnered with Ghana’s Jospong Group to distribute VinFast’s electric cars, scooters, bicycles and buses across the region. Analysts point to Ghana as a particularly strategic market for VinFast, thanks to its eight-year EV tax incentive guarantee, 35-million-plus population, established car market and limited competition from Chinese EV manufacturers.

    In Europe, Vingroup’s plans include a facility to develop motors and moving components for industrial robotics in Germany, rounding out its global footprint across emerging and developed markets.

    Vingroup’s global push aligns with a broader shift in Vietnam’s national economic strategy. For decades, the country lifted millions out of poverty through an export-led growth model heavily dependent on a small number of key foreign markets, with the U.S. accounting for more than 30% of total Vietnamese exports. But that model came under severe strain after former U.S. President Donald Trump imposed sweeping tariffs on Chinese and Vietnamese goods, exposing the risks of over-reliance on a handful of export destinations. In a recent speech at the Shangri-La Dialogue, Communist Party General Secretary To Lam acknowledged the shift, noting that “growth is slowing. Public debt and the cost of capital are rising. Climate change is threatening the livelihoods of hundreds of millions. Disruptive technologies create immense opportunities, but also new divides.” Like China before it, Vietnam now aims to build homegrown globally competitive corporations that can drive the next phase of national economic growth.

    Vingroup’s leadership is betting that its tested domestic business model — starting with large-scale real estate development, then adding complementary community infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and retail before expanding into consumer goods like EVs — can be replicated in other developing economies at similar stages of growth. The company’s founder Pham Nhat Vuong first built his fortune manufacturing instant noodles in 1990s Ukraine before pivoting to large-scale housing development in Vietnam, growing the conglomerate into the country’s largest private sector player through this iterative integrated development strategy.

    Despite its ambitious plans, the expansion faces significant potential obstacles. Analysts note that many large megaprojects in the DRC never move beyond the initial agreement stage, and the country’s weak infrastructure, limited widespread smartphone penetration and lower average incomes may limit demand for the type of integrated urban development Vingroup plans to build. Even as VinFast has shifted to emerging markets, it will also face growing competition from established global and regional players as it scales up its operations across multiple continents.