作者: admin

  • Watch: Three times Trump has promised money to Americans

    Watch: Three times Trump has promised money to Americans

    Following former President Donald Trump’s recent pledge that he would distribute $5,000 direct payments to U.S. adult citizens if Republicans secure control of Congress in the upcoming midterm elections, BBC correspondent Samira Hussain has launched a retrospective look at three major unfulfilled monetary promises Trump has made to the American public throughout his political career.

    The examination comes as Trump’s latest commitment has dominated early midterm campaign discourse, with observers questioning whether the new pledge follows a pattern of unmet outreach to voters. Over the years, Trump has positioned himself as a champion of working-class Americans, often tying his policy proposals to direct financial benefits that would reach households across the country. But Hussain’s reporting tracks how those past commitments never came to fruition, leaving voters to question the credibility of his latest announcement.

    As the midterm campaigns ramp up across the nation, control of the House and Senate hangs in the balance, and Trump remains the most influential figure in the modern Republican Party. His latest monetary pledge is seen as a key push to energize his base ahead of election day, but the scrutiny of his past promises has underscored ongoing debates about his track record of delivering on policy commitments to American voters.

  • ‘Slow it down’ – Bernie Sanders speaks to the BBC about proposal to ban AI superintelligence

    ‘Slow it down’ – Bernie Sanders speaks to the BBC about proposal to ban AI superintelligence

    In a wide-ranging interview with the British Broadcasting Corporation, longtime US progressive Senator Bernie Sanders has laid out a bold, precautionary policy agenda for the rapidly expanding artificial intelligence sector, headlined by a call to halt the race to develop advanced superintelligence systems.

    The call comes amid growing bipartisan and expert concern over the unregulated pace of AI advancement, with many leading figures in the technology itself warning that ungoverned development of systems that can outperform human cognition across most domains poses existential and widespread economic risks. Sanders used the platform to amplify these warnings, urging policymakers to rein in the breakneck speed of innovation that prioritizes corporate profit over public safety and equity. His core message to the industry and regulators alike was straightforward: “Slow it down.”

    Beyond the call for a ban on AI superintelligence, Sanders has put forward a groundbreaking structural economic proposal to reshape how the United States engages with the AI boom. The plan would establish a new federal sovereign wealth fund that grants the U.S. government a 50% equity stake in major artificial intelligence companies. The senator argues that this model would ensure that the massive economic gains generated by AI innovation are not concentrated solely in the hands of a small group of corporate executives and wealthy shareholders, but instead are shared broadly across the American public. Proponents of similar models suggest the revenue generated from the stake could fund social programs, infrastructure development, and support for workers displaced by AI-driven automation.

    The proposal marks one of the most aggressive federal policy frameworks for AI governance put forward by a sitting elected official in the U.S., setting up a potential new debate over regulation, public ownership, and equitable distribution of tech sector gains in the lead-up to future congressional policy debates.

  • London university lifts suspension of pro-Palestine student Usama Ghanem

    London university lifts suspension of pro-Palestine student Usama Ghanem

    After 12 months of sustained legal challenge and widespread public advocacy, King’s College London (KCL) has reversed its disciplinary suspension of Egyptian student activist Usama Ghanem, who was penalized by the institution for his public pro-Palestine organizing. The outcome marks a landmark turning point for student activists across the United Kingdom who have pushed back against institutional crackdowns on Palestine-related political speech and protest. Ghanem, a former political refugee who fled Egypt after being imprisoned with his father and brother for opposing the Egyptian government in 2020, framed the ruling as a broader victory rather than a personal win. In an interview with Middle East Eye, he emphasized that the win extends beyond his own case. “After a year-long legal and public battle, I can now say that we took on a 200-year-old institution and we won,” Ghanem stated. “This sets a new precedent that university crackdowns on pro-Palestine speech and protest ought to be overturned.” The activist stressed that the reversal of his suspension is a victory for the dozens of other KCL students who have risked their academic standing to participate in pro-Palestine advocacy, as well as for student organizers across the UK and Western nations who have opposed restrictions on Palestine-focused activism. “But this is not a win for me. It is a win for the 25 other students who have put their degrees on the line,” he said. “This is their win, and the win of every single student at KCL, in London, across the UK, the West and beyond who campaigned against this crackdown.” Ghanem’s case carried uniquely high stakes due to his fragile immigration status in the UK. As someone who already faced persecution and imprisonment in his home country for political dissent, the suspension threw his right to remain in the UK into question, with Ghanem facing the imminent threat of deportation to Egypt, where he risked torture and further persecution. Documents included in his original KCL admissions application outlined the history of persecution his family faced at the hands of Egyptian security forces, meaning university leadership was fully aware of the risks his suspension posed to his safety, Ghanem confirmed. The reversal of Ghanem’s suspension unfolds against a backdrop of growing national controversy over the treatment of pro-Palestine student activists on UK university campuses, a conversation that intensified after Israel launched its military offensive in Gaza in October 2023. Student organizers and human rights campaigners have repeatedly accused UK higher education institutions of enacting disproportionate, politically motivated restrictions on speech and protest related to Palestinian rights, while university administrations have defended their disciplinary actions as necessary enforcement of existing institutional policies. Data collected last year by Liberty Investigates confirmed that KCL has disciplined more students for pro-Palestine activism than any other university across the United Kingdom. Activists have long argued that the wave of disciplinary action at the institution has created a chilling effect, discouraging students from exercising their right to peaceful protest and political expression. Middle East Eye has reached out to KCL for official comment on the reversal of Ghanem’s suspension, with no response released as of yet.

  • Sudan chemical weapons allegations highlight Israel’s involvement in war

    Sudan chemical weapons allegations highlight Israel’s involvement in war

    Over the past weekend, two leading U.S. news outlets, The New York Times and The Washington Post, published details from a confidential evidence dossier that accuses Sudan’s ruling Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) of developing and deploying chemical weapons amid its ongoing two-year civil conflict with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary group. According to initial reports, the dossier was provided to media by an unnamed Middle Eastern intelligence agency, and it comprises more than 150 pages of materials, including visual evidence, intercepted communications between senior SAF officers, bomb design blueprints, audio recordings, and thousands of text messages pulled directly from the mobile devices of top military commanders. Multiple independent sources speaking to Middle East Eye (MEE) have since confirmed that the intelligence agency in question is Israel’s Mossad, and that the document shared with major U.S. media matches nearly identically a dossier Israel handed over to the U.S. government ahead of Washington’s January 2025 sanctions on SAF leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan.

    The dossier outlines that the SAF launched a six-month secret chemical weapons program in 2024, led by a covert military unit within the force, amid a worsening battlefield situation that saw the RSF seize control of most of Sudan’s capital Khartoum by mid-year. According to the intercepted communications laid out in the document, senior SAF General Tariq Hussain, identified as the head of the initiative, proposed repurposed chlorine gas as a low-cost, accessible weapon to gain a tactical edge in battle for the capital. The dossier claims that from July 2024, a hidden facility assembled prototype chlorine bombs, using repurposed civilian barbecue canisters and liquefied gas tanks, with initial testing conducted in remote desert regions of Sudan. Unlike internationally banned chemical warfare agents such as sarin, chlorine is not classified as a controlled substance under global non-proliferation frameworks. The documents also note that 20 large chlorine cylinders were imported into Sudan from Egypt, a known backer of the SAF throughout the civil war.

    A former senior U.S. official familiar with the dossier described the large-scale interception of officer communications as a striking demonstration of the capabilities of Pegasus, the controversial Israeli spyware developed by NSO Group that enables full remote infiltration of smartphone devices. A senior anonymous Sudanese security analyst told MEE that while it was widely understood that Israel maintained strategic intelligence interests in Sudan, the scale, depth and duration of the surveillance operation detailed in the dossier reveals a far deeper level of Israeli engagement in the country than previously acknowledged publicly. Both the Israeli government and foreign ministry have been contacted by MEE for comment on the origins of the dossier, but no response has been issued as of publication. The Sudanese army-backed national government has issued a full, vehement denial of all chemical weapons allegations.

    Sudan’s ongoing civil war erupted in April 2023 following a bitter power split between the SAF, led by Burhan, and the RSF, a former state-aligned paramilitary group commanded by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, widely known as Hemedti. The two factions had previously joined forces to carry out a 2021 coup that ousted the civilian interim government established after the 2019 revolution that toppled longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir, but competing claims to power and divergent networks of financial and military influence ultimately pushed the country into full-scale conflict. The RSF has received extensive backing from the United Arab Emirates, Israel’s closest regional ally, while Egypt and most recently a coalition of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan have publicly supported the SAF.

    The dossier notes that internal SAF communications reveal debate among top leadership over whether to move forward with the chlorine bomb program: while senior officials formally agreed to abandon the project, a small clique of officers continued development in secret, according to a former U.S. official. In September 2024, the RSF issued a public statement accusing the SAF of launching toxic missile strikes on the strategic al-Jaili oil refinery north of Khartoum, which was under RSF control at the time. A subsequent intercepted message from General Hussain referenced that “they drank the gas,” referencing RSF fighters being exposed to chlorine during the attack. However, the dossier contains no confirmed records of fatalities from the attack, no other verified instances of chlorine bombs being deployed in combat, and no medical evidence or victim testimony to corroborate the use of chemical weapons.

    In an official response to MEE, the Sudanese government emphasized that it is a signatory state to the Chemical Weapons Convention, and has remained fully compliant with all convention requirements, including commitments to forgo the production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. The government added that all chlorine supplies within Sudan’s borders are exclusively earmarked for civilian uses including water purification, industrial production and energy generation, and that the country is willing to open its facilities to inspection by any competent international verification body. It also noted that after the allegations first emerged, Sudan implemented a series of cooperative measures in coordination with the United States, but that Washington has never produced concrete evidence to back up the claims. It should be noted that the RSF itself has been formally accused by both the United Nations and United States of perpetrating genocide against civilian populations in the Darfur region, with eyewitness accounts documenting widespread mass executions, sexual violence and looting carried out by RSF fighters.

    The revelation that the evidence dossier originated from Israeli intelligence has sparked new questions about Israel’s covert alignment in Sudan’s civil war, confirming reporting by multiple independent sources that Israel has shifted its support to the RSF, whose primary patron is the UAE. Israeli officials have previously claimed that Israel maintains neutral relations with multiple factions in Sudan, but regional analysts point to a long-building relationship between Israel and Hemedti that deepened starting in 2021. Sudan first moved toward normalizing relations with Israel after the 2019 overthrow of al-Bashir, with Burhan meeting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 2020 and signing the U.S.-brokered Abraham Accords that same year, though normalization has never been finalized. Ahead of the 2023 outbreak of war, then-Israeli foreign minister Eli Cohen held a high-profile meeting with Burhan to finalize the normalization deal, but the war derailed those plans. Throughout the conflict, Hemedti has maintained close ties to Israeli intelligence, while the UAE has continued its backing of the RSF – support that Abu Dhabi continues to deny despite mounting evidence from the UN and independent investigators.

    Recent reporting from Africa Intelligence revealed that two of Hemedti’s brothers made secret trips to Tel Aviv in May 2025 and again earlier this year to hold meetings with senior Israeli intelligence and foreign ministry officials. One regional analyst noted that the timed release of the chemical weapons dossier closely follows the recent signing of the Mecca Agreement, a defense pact between Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan that explicitly reaffirms the bloc’s support for the SAF. The release of the dossier, the analyst argued, represents a show of influence from the Abraham Accords bloc in response to the pro-SAF Mecca Agreement, with the leaked intelligence successfully pushing the U.S. to impose sanctions on Burhan and the SAF leadership. As one former U.S. official put it, “The intelligence they shared with Washington succeeded in getting Burhan and the SAF sanctioned,” adding that the strategic alliance between Israel and the UAE has only deepened amid the Sudan conflict.

  • Exclusive: UAE pursuing ‘port imperialism’ across Africa, Eritrean foreign minister says

    Exclusive: UAE pursuing ‘port imperialism’ across Africa, Eritrean foreign minister says

    In an exclusive interview with Middle East Eye held in Eritrea’s capital Asmara, Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh has leveled a sharp accusation against the United Arab Emirates, claiming the Gulf state is pursuing a strategy of “port imperialism” across the African continent, particularly in the strategic Horn of Africa region.\n\nThe UAE’s two major state-linked port operators, DP World and AD Ports Group, currently hold stakes in or manage port infrastructure across multiple East African locations: Egypt, Tanzania, the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland (recognized only by Israel), and Puntland, a semiautonomous region of Somalia that defied the central Somali government’s order to sever ties with Abu Dhabi earlier this year. While UAE investment in regional ports has drawn welcome from some host nations, Abu Dhabi’s push to secure port access along East Africa’s Indian Ocean and Red Sea coastlines has faced growing pushback from a number of regional governments. Djibouti terminated DP World’s operating concession for its main container terminal in 2018, and Sudan’s transitional government canceled a 2022 deal that would have allowed AD Ports to build a $6 billion new port on Sudan’s Red Sea coast. The UAE has been widely documented as a key backer of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group facing international accusations of perpetrating genocide and mass atrocities in its ongoing war against Sudan’s regular military.\n\nEritrea itself, a strategically positioned Red Sea nation with more than 700 miles of coastline, offers a clear case study in the wariness many regional states hold toward UAE expansion, even as Abu Dhabi has repeatedly denied any imperial ambitions in Africa. The UAE first established a military base at Eritrea’s southern Assab port in 2016, which it used to launch military operations against the Houthi movement in Yemen as part of the Saudi-led coalition. But relations between the two nations quickly deteriorated after the base was established.\n\nWhile Eritrea’s independence movement maintained historically warm ties with Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the founding father of the UAE, current Eritrean leadership has clashed repeatedly with UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. A senior unnamed Eritrean official confirmed to Middle East Eye that Asmara rejected a 2016 UAE request to build a shared military base for the UAE and Israel on one of the islands in Eritrea’s Dahlak Archipelago — a proposal that came nearly five years before the US-brokered Abraham Accords formalized public diplomatic ties between the two nations.\n\nUnlike the commercial port operation the UAE runs in Tanzania’s Dar es Salaam, many of Abu Dhabi’s other port acquisitions across the region have come paired with a permanent military presence, most notably at the Berbera port in Somaliland. When asked about DP World’s efforts to enter Eritrea, Saleh made Eritrea’s position clear: “We do not want any foreign power to have a ‘hub’ in Eritrea.”\n\nEritrea and the UAE now find themselves at odds across multiple regional theaters. In Sudan, the UAE backs the RSF, while Eritrea has hosted Sudanese army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan twice in the two months prior to the interview; the Sudanese military is also backed by Egypt, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia.\n\nIn the Horn of Africa’s broader power dynamics, Eritrea has found itself increasingly opposed to the growing alliance between the UAE, Ethiopia, and Israel. Eritrea and Ethiopia formed a temporary tactical alliance to fight the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) during Ethiopia’s 2020–2022 Tigray War, a conflict that saw widespread allegations of mass atrocities and war crimes committed by all sides. That alliance has since collapsed entirely, and the two nations are now openly hostile to one another. Ethiopia has accused Eritrea of supporting remnant TPLF factions, a charge Eritrea has repeatedly denied. Tensions have been further exacerbated by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s open claims to Eritrea’s Red Sea coastline. While Eritrea says it is open to negotiating a commercial access agreement for landlocked Ethiopia, Abiy has frequently framed his claims in expansionist, revisionist terms.\n\nIn recent years, Ethiopia has emerged as one of the UAE’s closest partners in the Horn of Africa. Abiy maintains a close personal relationship with Mohamed bin Zayed, Addis Ababa has deployed Emirati-built drones and other weapons systems in its internal conflicts, and multiple independent media outlets including Middle East Eye have confirmed Ethiopia hosts RSF training bases on its territory.\n\nEritrean officials in Asmara say they have observed growing military and political cooperation between the UAE and Israel in Ethiopia. For Eritrea, this alignment echoes a historical pattern: Israel provided military arms to Ethiopia’s Marxist Derg regime in the 1970s and 1980s, weapons that were used to suppress Eritrea’s independence struggle.\n\nSaleh emphasized that Israel and the UAE have already formalized their cooperation in Somaliland, where breakaway regional officials have openly stated they are seeking a permanent Israeli military presence. He drew a parallel between Abiy’s regional ambitions and Israeli expansionism, noting: “[Abiy Ahmed] has a two-waters strategy like Israel. Only for him it is from the Nile River to the Red Sea.”\n\nEven after establishing diplomatic relations immediately following Eritrea’s 1993 independence, and a pivotal 1993 incident where Israel provided life-saving medical treatment to Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki when he fell ill with cerebral malaria, relations between Asmara and Jerusalem have cooled dramatically in recent years. In response to growing regional alignment against Eritrea, Saleh said Asmara made the decision to expel the Israeli embassy and cut formal relations: “We are not antagonistic to Israel, but we just decided we didn’t want any relations.”\n\nSaleh closed by questioning the broader intentions of outside powers in the strategically critical Horn of Africa, asking: “We have to ask why Israel is running to control the Horn of Africa? Why do they need a base in Somaliland?”

  • Coach crash kills several people in Swiss Alps

    Coach crash kills several people in Swiss Alps

    A devastating highway accident has shaken cross-border travel communities after a tourist coach carrying dozens of Dutch nationals overturned in the southeastern Swiss Alps on Thursday afternoon, leaving multiple people dead and an untold number injured, local law enforcement officials confirmed.

    The crash unfolded along the route connecting the small Alpine towns of Susch and Zernez, located in Switzerland’s mountainous Graubünden region – widely referred to as Grisons by locals and international visitors. Emergency response teams quickly mobilized a large-scale search and rescue operation, dispatching multiple helicopters and ground crews to the remote crash site to access and treat injured passengers.

    According to a spokesperson for the General Dutch Association of Travel Companies, speaking on behalf of Netherlands-based tour operator OAD, the coach was carrying exactly 48 Dutch passengers when the accident occurred. In an initial statement to leading Dutch newspaper De Telegraaf, the spokesperson noted that officials were still working to confirm the exact number of fatalities and injured individuals as of Thursday evening, as response teams continued clearing the scene and accounting for all passengers.

    Preliminary photos published by local Swiss news outlets show the large passenger coach resting on its side adjacent to a narrow rural road, with dozens of ambulances parked along the route and rescue teams working systematically across the crash site to extract passengers and provide emergency care.

    Further details about the trip itinerary show the coach departed the Netherlands on Monday, and was operating a day excursion into Switzerland from neighboring Austria when the crash occurred. Zernez, the town closest to the crash site, is best known as the primary entry point for visitors accessing the Swiss National Park – a 100-square-kilometer protected Alpine reserve that spans the rugged Engadine valley and draws thousands of outdoor tourists each year.

    As of late Thursday, authorities have not released additional details about the cause of the crash, nor updated the public on the condition of injured passengers. Investigations into the accident are ongoing, with Swiss local police expected to release an updated statement once all passengers have been accounted for.

  • Algeria suspends diplomatic relations with ‘dwarf state’ UAE

    Algeria suspends diplomatic relations with ‘dwarf state’ UAE

    In a major escalation of long-simmering bilateral discord, Algeria formally announced Thursday it is severing all diplomatic relations with the United Arab Emirates, a decision that came after Algiers said it had exhausted every possible avenue to preserve cooperative ties between the two nations.

    The Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs outlined the break in an official public statement, noting that the country had repeatedly issued warnings to the UAE over what it describes as persistent hostile actions against Algerian interests. According to the statement, Algeria invested extensive diplomatic effort into drawing Abu Dhabi’s attention to the severe fallout that could stem from its “regrettable and unjustified behavior.”

    “Despite these numerous warnings, the United Arab Emirates has persisted in these actions, which have reached a point where they can no longer be considered acceptable or tolerable within the framework of relations between two sovereign states, or remain unanswered,” the statement continued. The ministry confirmed it has formally notified the UAE’s ambassador to Algeria of the decision and issued a 48-hour deadline for the envoy to leave the country.

    Tensions between the two North African and Gulf nations have built steadily over recent years, driven by growing Algerian concern over what regional analysts frame as the UAE’s increasingly destabilizing interventionist role across the broader Middle East and North Africa region. As far back as 2023, prominent Algerian daily newspaper Le Soir d’Algerie labeled the UAE a “pyromaniac state” in a scathing headline, condemning what it called the UAE’s harmful meddling along Algeria’s borders.

    Over the past decade, the UAE has poured significant funding into authoritarian factions and breakaway movements across the Sahel and North Africa, according to regional security researchers. In war-torn Libya, Abu Dhabi has long backed eastern-based military strongman Khalifa Haftar, a sponsorship that deepened fragmentation within Libya and ripple instability into neighboring Chad, Sudan and Niger.

    The UAE has also leveraged its presence in Libya to funnel military and political support to Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a militia that has faced widespread international accusations of perpetrating genocide amid the ongoing Sudanese civil war. As early as April 2024, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune made public comments widely interpreted as a direct rebuke of the UAE, saying: “Wherever there is conflict, the money of this state [the Emirates] is there – in Mali, Libya, and Sudan.”

    Tebboune has also made veiled, disparaging references to the UAE as a “dwarf state” that attempts to interfere in regional affairs from which Algeria has already blocked much larger global powers. He notably declined to name the country in those earlier remarks, choosing instead to criticize it indirectly for months before the formal diplomatic break.

    Andreas Krieg, an associate professor of security studies at King’s College London, told Middle East Eye that the break was a long time in the making, and that its true significance extends far beyond the severing of ties itself to reveal how Algeria now views the UAE’s regional ambitions.

    “Algiers has effectively concluded that Abu Dhabi’s regional playbook – cultivating what I call an ‘axis of secessionists,’ from Haftar in Libya to the RSF in Sudan to the southern movement in Yemen – was being turned toward Algeria itself,” Krieg explained.

    Algeria has spent much of 2024 signaling its growing dissatisfaction with Abu Dhabi’s actions. Back in February, Algiers moved to cancel its bilateral air services agreement with the UAE. While no formal official explanation was issued for that decision, most regional analysts agree it was a direct response to the UAE’s continued intervention in territories along Algeria’s periphery.

    Krieg noted that Algeria’s sharpest concern stems from suspected contact between the UAE and the Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylie (MAK), an autonomy movement that Algiers has designated a terrorist organization and views as an existential threat to national unity. That suspected contact crosses a clear red line for Algerian leadership, he added.

    Earlier this year, when the UAE announced its early withdrawal from OPEC+, Tebboune publicly downplayed the move as a “non-event,” noting that Saudi Arabia remained the core pillar of the oil producers’ bloc, and adding that “the book is closed” on the UAE’s role in the grouping.

    “The foreign ministry’s wording is the tell,” Krieg said. “It says the decision came ‘after exhausting all means’ to save the relationship, and it pointedly names no single trigger. That’s deliberate: this wasn’t one incident but an accumulation – the suspected outreach to separatists, the UAE’s military footprint in Libya and the Sahel, and Abu Dhabi’s backing of Morocco on Western Sahara, which for Algeria is the most sensitive file of all.”

    “President Tebboune had spent the better part of a year railing against a ‘small state’ bent on stirring trouble; today he just stopped pretending it was anonymous,” Krieg added.

  • Man jailed after threatening to kill son’s teacher in French village

    Man jailed after threatening to kill son’s teacher in French village

    A disturbing case of aggression against education staff has shaken a small southwestern French village, resulting in a six-month prison sentence for a father who threatened to kill a local primary school teacher following a classroom disciplinary incident. The sentence was handed down during an expedited fast-track hearing held in Toulouse on Thursday, exactly six days after the confrontation unfolded in Le Fauga, a quiet rural community of roughly 2,600 residents located just outside the major southwestern city.

    Local authorities have laid out the full sequence of events that led to the threat. According to Karim Benmiloud, the regional director of education services, the father was first summoned to the school for a discussion after his son repeatedly disrupted class activities. Le Fauga mayor Jean-Marie Puig told French broadcaster BFMTV that the classroom teacher had initially moved the disruptive boy to a separate classroom to defuse tension, but the misbehavior continued. When the teacher in the receiving classroom reportedly told the child to stop acting like a small bully, the boy’s father became enraged.

    Puig confirmed that the father waited for the female educator outside the school entrance after classes ended. In his threatening outburst, the parent told the teacher he would have beheaded her if she were a man. Though the father later issued an apology for his actions, school officials moved forward with a formal judicial complaint, leading to his rapid appearance before prosecutors.

    Following the incident, the targeted teacher has been placed under official state protection and has taken medical leave to recover from the trauma. The teacher’s colleagues also staged a coordinated walkout on Monday, refusing to enter the school in protest of the attack on their coworker.

    French Education Minister Édouard Geffray has publicly condemned the act, emphasizing that no educator should ever have to work in fear. “Attacking one teacher is an attack on the entire education institution,” the minister stated. This case marks one of the first applications of a new school safety law that Geffray shepherded through the French legislative process over the summer of 2026. The new decree, formally adopted in July, allows education authorities to quickly transfer students to other campuses when a family member poses a significant safety or health threat to school staff. Officials are now expected to use this new authority to move the offending father’s son, as well as the boy’s younger sister, to a different school outside of Le Fauga.

    The incident has also resurfaced painful national memories of one of France’s most devastating attacks on education. Six years prior, middle school teacher Samuel Paty was beheaded outside his school in Conflans-Sainte-Honorine, a suburb of Paris, by an 18-year-old Chechen refugee in an attack that shocked the entire nation and sparked widespread calls for better protection of school staff.

  • US airport security weighs major changes 25 years after 9/11

    US airport security weighs major changes 25 years after 9/11

    Twenty-five years after the 9/11 terror attacks triggered sweeping overhauls of American airport security protocols, the U.S. Transportation Security Administration (TSA) is rolling back some of the most restrictive long-standing travel rules, enabled by advances in screening technology that have redefined what air travel safety can look like.

    The first major change comes to gate access: for the first time in decades, non-ticketed individuals will be allowed to pass through TSA security checkpoints to accompany ticketed passengers to their departure gates or greet arriving loved ones. This new pilot program, tied to the TSA PreCheck trusted traveler network, will initially launch at 13 U.S. airports. Eligible participants — individuals who already hold TSA PreCheck approval or a known traveler number — can submit an online application 1 to 3 days ahead of their planned visit to gain access.

    In a statement posted to its official website, TSA framed the policy as a step toward restoring small, meaningful moments that defined air travel for generations: “This new program makes it easier to return to the gate for welcomes and send-offs, meet friends during a layover, and enjoy dining and shopping along the way, bringing back the moments that once defined air travel.”

    A second landmark policy shift is also under consideration, multiple U.S. media outlets have reported: the TSA is reviewing whether to reverse the 17-year ban on full water bottles passing through security checkpoints for PreCheck travelers. That restriction was implemented immediately after British authorities foiled a 2006 terror plot that planned to hide liquid explosive mixtures in disposable drink bottles. The BBC requested official confirmation of the proposed change, but the TSA has not yet issued a response.

    Aviation security experts emphasize these changes are not a rollback of safety standards, but a response to dramatic improvements in screening technology. Jeff Price, an aviation security professor at Metro State University Denver, explained that post-9/11 restrictions on non-ticketed gate access were originally designed to reduce the volume of people requiring screening, allowing officers to focus their attention on ticketed passengers. Today, updated technology has eliminated the need for that trade-off.

    “Newer security machines that TSA is installing to replace traditional X-ray machines have computed tomography capabilities, which can do a much better job of detecting liquid-based explosives,” Price told the BBC. These updates follow a 2025 TSA change that ended the 20-year requirement for all passengers to remove their shoes during screening, a policy that was widely unpopular with travelers for decades.

    Public reaction to the announced changes has been split along generational lines on social media. Older travelers who remember air travel before the post-9/11 restrictions have praised the move as a return to normalcy and the personal connections that air travel once enabled. But many younger travelers, who have never known air travel without these strict security rules, have raised questions about whether the shifts could weaken overall safety.

    Price pushed back on concerns about declining security, noting that the policy changes rely on upgraded technology and are limited to pre-vetted trusted travelers, so core safety standards remain intact. “People have a nostalgia for a pre 9/11, it’s a calling back to a normal world, and I can see that part of it. I can see people wanting to get back to something that they feel more comfortable with, which was a pre 9/11 world,” he said. “I don’t want to compromise valid security measures simply for a nostalgic feeling before 9/11. I don’t think we should make those types of decisions so that we feel better. We can make those types of decisions as long as the security measures are not compromised, and that’s always what I look for in these situations.”

  • Israel uses Lebanese civilians as bargaining chips

    Israel uses Lebanese civilians as bargaining chips

    Before the first light of dawn broke over southern Lebanon on September 3, Saleh, a local farmer who has refused to abandon his land and home despite escalating cross-border tensions, stepped outside to begin harvesting his fig crop in the border village of Halta. It took only a moment for him to recognize the danger: bright lights illuminated the yard of a neighboring home, a property that had been empty since the most recent round of open conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

    The lights belonged to an Israeli infantry unit conducting house-to-house searches across the small village, which sits just kilometers from the Israeli-occupied Syrian Golan Heights. The soldiers contacted three Halta residents by mobile phone, ordering them to exit their homes and surrender immediately. After hours of on-site interrogation, the unit detained all three men, among them Hatem Abdel-Aal, a sitting member of Halta’s municipal council. Abdel-Aal was eventually released and returned to the village around midnight, following instructions from soldiers to walk to the designated handover point without any vehicle.

    “He couldn’t refuse. They told him exactly what to do, and he followed,” Saleh, whose name has been changed for personal security, told Middle East Eye in an on-site interview. During the entire raid, military loudspeakers blared warnings ordering all other villagers to remain locked inside their homes, while Israeli artillery repeatedly fired on the forested hills rising above Halta. “This is their standard practice everywhere they operate here,” Saleh explained. “They fire artillery to warn locals not to approach, to keep us locked in our homes. I’ve stayed here through every round of fighting because if I leave, I know I’ll lose everything I’ve built – my home, my land. We’ve learned to live with these patterns.”

    Halta, a small Sunni community of roughly 350 people located on the outskirts of Kfarchouba, has escaped the total widespread destruction that gutted most majority-Shia border towns caught in the crossfire of the 2023-2024 Israel-Hezbollah war. But the village has been no stranger to repeated Israeli cross-border incursions and enforced detentions of local civilians.

    This is not an isolated incident. Over the past three years, Israeli forces have repeatedly abducted Lebanese civilian residents during cross-border military operations, with the Israeli government framing the detentions as legal captures of enemy combatants. While no official government tally of detained Lebanese exists from the two most recent conflicts between the two states, a local committee tracking detainee cases has compiled a public list of 35 people held by Israel – including at least 12 members of Hezbollah and 16 confirmed civilians.

    Just hours after the Halta raid, the Israeli government announced it would release five detainees, two of whom were Syrian nationals, after concluding the group had no links to Hezbollah. The fate of Lebanese citizens held in Israeli detention has long been a core sticking point in US-mediated negotiations between Israel and Lebanon, but little to no progress has been made on the issue, as larger disputes remain deadlocked. Most notably, Israel has yet to withdraw its forces from the contested “pilot zones” established under a 2024 framework agreement that was meant to allow the Lebanese army to fully take control of the southern border area.

    Earlier the same week, US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa traveled to Tel Aviv to meet with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in a push to break the months-long negotiation impasse and address key Lebanese demands. The subsequent small-scale release of detainees was quickly praised by Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam as a tangible success from Issa’s diplomatic outreach. But the Halta raid, which resulted in new detentions just as the release was being announced, has undercut that narrative.

    The incident echoes a similar abduction in May, when Israeli soldiers seized three farmers from the Atiyyeh family as they worked their land near Kfarchouba. More than four months later, the fate of the three men remains unknown. Local municipal officials have repeatedly attempted to secure information on their whereabouts through the International Committee of the Red Cross and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), but all requests have gone unanswered.

    “They have no connections to any armed group, no political affiliations at all. They are just working laborers, trying to earn a living to feed their families,” explained Lubna Salha, a member of Kfarchouba’s municipal council.

    Regional analysts argue that Israel’s recent partial release of detainees is little more than a symbolic gesture, crafted to ease domestic pressure on the Lebanese government, which has faced widespread public criticism for failing to deliver meaningful results from the US-brokered talks. “Israel gave a little with one hand, and took more with the other,” explained Johny Mounayer, a Beirut-based political analyst. “They abducted new civilians from areas like Halta, while also asserting operational control over the Ali al-Taher ridge. In practical terms, they have given Lebanon nothing of substance.”

    The Ali al-Taher ridge, a strategic high point that overlooks the major southern Lebanese city of Nabatieh on the edge of Israel’s self-declared border buffer zone, has been one of the most active flashpoints for cross-border clashes in recent months. Israel claims Hezbollah has built a command center and a network of attack tunnels under the ridge, claims Hezbollah has disputed.

    Michael Young, senior editor at the Carnegie Middle East Center, added that the detainee release also serves as a diplomatic goodwill gesture to Washington, which has struggled to keep the faltering Israeli-Lebanese negotiations on track. “There are clear signs this move was done as a favor to the Americans,” Young noted. “A lot of Israeli actions in this process aren’t aimed at Lebanon at all – they’re aimed at the mediator.”

    Late last week, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun released a public statement expressing gratitude to the Trump administration for its role in facilitating the detainee release. Local Lebanese media outlets have reported that the next round of formal negotiations between Israeli and Lebanese delegations is scheduled to take place on September 15 and 16. But for residents of border villages like Halta, every additional day of deadlock brings new uncertainty and danger.

    From his home in Halta, Saleh describes a daily reality of occupation: “We sit locked in our houses, and Israeli flags fly on the hills and surrounding villages all around us. We are surrounded on every side.”