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  • US inflation holds steady as diesel prices pass $6 a gallon

    US inflation holds steady as diesel prices pass $6 a gallon

    U.S. inflation remained stuck at 3.4% in the 12 months ending August 2026, matching July’s reading as soaring energy costs pushed the nation’s cost of living higher, new official government data reveals. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), the stubborn reading comes just one week ahead of the U.S. Federal Reserve’s highly anticipated monetary policy meeting, where market analysts and investors have increasingly priced in an interest rate increase. Policymakers are widely expected to lift borrowing costs to cool persistent upward price pressure and bring inflation back down to the central bank’s longstanding 2% target.

    American household finances have been squeezed tighter by the ongoing price acceleration, with pain particularly acute at fuel pumps across the country. On Friday alone, the national average price for a gallon of diesel hit an all-time record high, crossing the $6 threshold for the first time in U.S. history. The sharp jump in retail fuel prices traces directly to skyrocketing global crude oil costs, which have been pushed up by widespread supply disruptions stemming from the escalating U.S.-Iran conflict. Global benchmark Brent crude has held steadily above the $100 per barrel mark in recent trading sessions as conflict tensions have intensified.

    The impact of elevated oil prices extends far beyond direct fuel costs for consumers. Higher crude rates raise transportation expenses for every sector of the economy, from grocery distributors to retail shipping networks. These added operational costs are almost always passed downstream to end consumers, resulting in steeper prices for everyday goods including groceries, household products and other basic staples. This secondary ripple effect further amplifies upward pressure on the overall U.S. cost of living.

    BLS data breaks down the contributors to August’s inflation, showing that gasoline prices alone jumped 3.9% month-over-month. This single category accounted for more than one-third of the overall monthly increase in consumer prices, underscoring the outsized role that the global energy market shock is playing in the current inflationary environment.

  • Remembering 9/11 from the still-screaming streets of New York

    Remembering 9/11 from the still-screaming streets of New York

    It has been 10 days since the catastrophic September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center, and Ground Zero remains a smoldering, jagged ruin encasing the bodies of nearly 3,000 victims. On that 10th day, for the first time, a fully costumed clown in traditional red-nose regalia stepped into the site, attempting to lift the spirits of gas-masked emergency crews and the thousands of visitors already streaming past the still-smoking wreckage.

    What was once the site of the world’s most iconic twin skyscrapers has quickly become both a massive open-air urban funeral and a chaotic gathering place where grief, opportunism, faith, and political fury collide. Thousands of dazed, mournful people travel to the perimeter of the obliterated site, where armed National Guard troops and police have allowed public access within just a few blocks, despite the lingering acrid stench that still requires responders to wear protective gas masks. Surrounding skyscrapers stand deserted, their infrastructure knocked out by the attack, creating a walled, hollow corridor for wandering visitors who move through the area in solemn silence.

    Crowds jostle for the perfect view and photograph, most aiming to capture three specific elements in their frame: the smoking wreckage, an American flag in the background, and uniformed U.S. Army troops in the foreground. The entire site is bathed in the constant strobing flicker of camera flashes. Many visitors wear newly printed souvenir T-shirts emblazoned with the twin towers and the American flag, while others bear more aggressive slogans: one young man’s shirt threatens Osama bin Laden, the identified mastermind of the attack, while another declares “America Under Attack. I Can’t Believe I Survived.”

    Even as the nation reels from the surprise atrocity, commerce has already reemerged in unexpected, often jarring forms. Mass-produced pre-attack World Trade Center memorabilia—keychains, refrigerator magnets, paperweights, desk decorations, and spoons—are being bought and sold by private vendors, the once-cheerful trinkets now transformed into macabre, commercially priced tokens of the disaster. Near the site, sidewalk vendors hurriedly sell hastily printed postcards and posters showing the towers in flames, while online sellers list charred shrapnel purportedly recovered from the wreckage, including damaged stop signs and other fire-scared debris. Visitors themselves comb through the scattered rubble: one man hesitates over whether to take a handful of broken glass and plaster from the collapsed towers, while a woman bends to pick up small sharp chunks of concrete from the tangled, crushed wreckage. Even lower Manhattan shop displays, coated in a thick layer of ash from the collapse, are photographed as if they are surreal 21st-century Pompeii artifacts.

    Raw grief and anger paint the scene as well. Countless visitors scrawl revenge-filled slogans and the names of lost loved ones across the ash-caked walls and windows of surrounding buildings. One Irish visitor, who traveled to the site just for the day, can barely process the horror of what she sees, noting “Up there, they were jumping out of the windows. It’s too horrible to even think about.” One anecdote shared among visitors encapsulates the scale of personal loss: when a reporter asked a woman wiping ash off a car if it belonged to her, she simply pointed to the ash and said, “No. These are my friends.”

    Alongside grief, competing social and religious forces have also converged on Lower Manhattan. Black Christian evangelists bang tambourines and preach salvation near the site, while a group of Missionaries of Charity nuns from India, clad in their signature white-and-blue saris, distribute prayer cards for the upcoming canonization of Mother Teresa, who died in 1997. Pundits in the immediate aftermath have already predicted the end of “frivolous” pop culture obsessions like celebrity gossip, arguing the attack has permanently shifted American priorities.

    Beyond Ground Zero, the attack has already upended American society and exposed deep political divides over how the nation should respond. In New York’s Times Square, just 10 days after the attack, nearly 2,000 anti-war activists gathered for the first major post-9/11 protest, holding signs challenging planned military action in Afghanistan and questioning political and corporate motives for war. Their demonstration was met with hostility from counter-protesters, who taunted marchers with claims the event amounted to martial law. Above the crowd, giant outdoor screens looped a tribute to first responders killed in the attack, while electronic headlines scrolled below updating the public on plans for a U.S. assault on Afghanistan.

    Protesters challenged the emerging pro-war consensus, with voices ranging from anti-globalization activists to communist organizers to anarchists. Many warned that the attack would be used to justify expanded domestic surveillance, roll back civil liberties, and profit wealthy defense contractors while working-class people paid the price in blood. “This alleged war that is going to start, is going to make a lot of billionaires into multi-billionaires, and a lot of body bags,” Daniel O’Connor, a member of the anti-globalization Direct Action Network, told a reporter over a battery-powered loudspeaker. Even within the protest, tensions boiled over: a blonde activist got into a shouting match with a Palestinian mother over fears that U.S. bombing would kill Afghan children, yelling “Why not? They are only going to grow up to be adult Talibans and attack us!” before the woman left in anger.

    Critics also decry the rapid commercialization of the tragedy, with vendors selling revenge-themed T-shirts calling for bin Laden’s death for profit. “I think it’s revolting that they’re making money off of a tragedy. It’s like a novelty for us,” observed Charlotte Bormann, an accessories designer who attended the Times Square protest. Media figures have also split along pro- and anti-war lines: the New York Post published a column attacking veteran CNN correspondent Christiane Amanpour for anti-U.S. bias in her coverage, while respected human rights writer Nat Hentoff warned that new repressive measures would target any American who spoke out against the coming war on terror.

    In the wider country, the attack has left minority communities fearful of backlash. Narinder Singh, a Sikh man from Lenexa, Kansas, wrote that he planned to wear clothing matching the U.S. national colors out in public, because he feared neighbors would mistakenly blame him and other Sikhs for the attacks carried out by Arab suicide hijackers. “Am I ashamed of myself, my ethnicity or my faith? Am I afraid of my fellow Americans? Did I commit a crime of some sort?” he asked in an open letter, pushing back against the unfair targeting. At the same time, conservative supporters of President George W. Bush pushed back against anti-administration criticism: one Dallas woman wrote to the Village Voice snapping that any critic of Bush should move to Afghanistan, a letter the paper headlined “A Load of Kabul.”

    Across every corner of public life, the attack has already reshaped American culture: advertisers have rushed to add American flags to their branding and publish heartfelt messages about unity and national endurance, while posters calling for Osama bin Laden “dead or alive” for mass murder line shop windows across the city. As New Yorkers grapple with their loss, they also disagree sharply on what comes next—with some optimistic that the nation will rebuild like Japan after World War II, and others bracing for more deadly attacks at home, spurring thousands to buy $85 gas masks out of fear of chemical or biological assaults, even as officials downplay their effectiveness.

  • Bed at 6:45am – US Open semi-finalists fight effects of late-night finishes

    Bed at 6:45am – US Open semi-finalists fight effects of late-night finishes

    New York’s moniker as the city that never sleeps has taken on new meaning at this year’s US Open, where a string of historic late finishes has sparked a heated debate over competitive fairness and tournament scheduling. What began as a quirky alignment with the city’s nocturnal reputation has now become a major point of contention, as top players push through disrupted sleep cycles and lopsided preparation gaps heading into the tournament’s semifinal round.

    Two semifinalists, Alexander Zverev and Ben Shelton, have each been part of two of the five latest finishes in this year’s tournament, with multiple matches stretching past 1 a.m. and into the early hours of the morning. For Zverev, three of his five matches over the first two weeks finished after 1 a.m., leaving the German star juggling a sleep schedule completely out of sync with normal daily routines. “I’ve been to bed as late as 6:45am in the past week so I’m kind of a bit jet-lagged,” Zverev explained. “I feel like I’m playing the Australian Open in New York right now.”

    Ahead of his Friday semifinal against Karen Khachanov, Zverev will step onto court for his first daytime match of the entire tournament. The contrast in preparation could not be starker: Khachanov wrapped up his quarterfinal win shortly before 7 p.m. local time on Wednesday, and has never played a match that stretched past midnight at this year’s event, giving him a full, uninterrupted recovery period.

    The lopsided preparation gap is even more visible in the other men’s semifinal. American underdog Ben Shelton made history when he claimed a stunning five-set upset win over defending champion Carlos Alcaraz, finishing the match at 3:34 a.m. on Wednesday. His opponent, 11th seed Frances Tiafoe, wrapped up his own quarterfinal victory by 7 p.m. on Tuesday, giving him nearly two full extra days of unbroken rest compared to Shelton.

    Elite tennis performance experts warn that this scheduling discrepancy creates a major competitive advantage for players who finish early. Matt Little, long-time strength and conditioning coach for former world number one Andy Murray, notes that disrupted sleep has lasting knock-on effects that can hinder performance for days. “We can all relate to it – if you have one really bad night’s sleep, you have the knock-on effect of that for the coming days,” Little told BBC Sport. Little saw the impact firsthand when Murray finished a second-round match at the 2023 Australian Open at 4 a.m., leaving the former champion with just three hours of sleep before he was required to return to the venue the next morning.

    While Shelton has downplayed concerns, saying he will recover “all right” thanks to two days off court, Little says the young American will need to take intentional steps to reset his body clock. “He’ll have to be napping to catch up some sleep,” Little explained. “On the nutritional side, he’ll be making sure he gets as many carbs and as much protein as he can in for that next match, and trying to get back to a bit of a routine. It’s about making sure you can optimise the hydration and get as much sleep as possible without completely going into a full slumber.”

    This year’s tournament has already rewritten the record books for late scheduling. Venus Williams and Sofia Kenin kicked off the tournament by setting a new US Open record for the latest match start, beginning their first-round clash at 12:13 a.m. By the quarterfinal stage, Shelton’s win over Alcaraz claimed the record for the latest finish in US Open history. Two-time Grand Slam singles champion Martina Navratilova, who won 18 Grand Slam singles titles throughout her career, has called for urgent change. “Something has got to give,” Navratilova said. “This is not OK and it is not normal.”

    Some fans and commentators argue that these late-night epics are part of the US Open’s unique identity, fitting perfectly with New York’s reputation for round-the-clock energy. But the spike in early-morning finishes this year can be partially attributed to a broader trend: professional tennis matches are getting longer on average, and the three consecutive five-set quarterfinals on Arthur Ashe Stadium this year created a cascade of delays that pushed Shelton’s match deep into the night.

    The conversation around scheduling reform has reignited long-running debates about how to fix the issue at Grand Slams. The most widely discussed proposal is moving the start time of main court night sessions earlier, but the idea has faced pushback from television broadcasters and practical barriers: many working fans in New York are not able to travel to Flushing Meadows much before 7 p.m. local time.

    A more controversial proposal is abandoning the traditional best-of-five set format for men’s Grand Slam matches, an idea that gained traction earlier this year when Tennis Australia CEO Andrew Abdo suggested the Australian Open could consider the shift. The suggestion drew immediate backlash from current players, including Tiafoe, who defended the historic format. “Do I love five-setters? Absolutely not,” Tiafoe admitted. “But it’s tennis, man. I grew up watching so many incredible five-setters. Novak-Rafa, Federer-Rafa, epic five-setters that go on for hours and hours. That’s the history of the game.”

    Rule changes introduced by the ATP and WTA in 2024 limit non-Grand Slam three-set matches from starting after 11 p.m., but these regulations do not apply to the four major tournaments, leaving the US Open and other Slams to set their own scheduling policies. Following the controversial 4 a.m. finish at the 2023 Australian Open, that tournament made a small adjustment, cutting the number of day session matches on main courts from three to two to reduce the risk of cascading delays. For now, though, the US Open remains a testing ground for the impacts of late scheduling on player well-being and competitive fairness, as the sport continues to debate how to balance tradition, fan experience, and fair play.

  • More than 100,000 watch 49ers shock Rams at MCG

    More than 100,000 watch 49ers shock Rams at MCG

    The National Football League etched a new milestone in its global expansion history on Saturday, as the San Francisco 49ers delivered a commanding 27-7 win against pre-season Super Bowl favorites the Los Angeles Rams at Melbourne’s iconic Melbourne Cricket Ground. The historic contest, played before a sellout crowd of more than 100,000 passionate fans, marked the first-ever NFL regular season game held in the Asia-Pacific region, and kicks off a record-breaking 2026 season that will see nine international matchups across the globe – the largest schedule of overseas games in the league’s history.

    The outcome of the game was heavily shaped by the two teams’ very different approaches to the 16-hour intercontinental travel required to reach Australia. The 49ers prioritized acclimatization, arriving in Melbourne a full seven days ahead of kickoff to adjust to the time zone and get settled, while the Rams opted for a last-minute arrival, touching down in the country just 24 hours before the opening kickoff. Coming into the match, the Rams entered as heavy favorites: head coach Sean McVay’s squad added star defensive end Myles Garrett in the off-season and lured future Hall of Fame defensive tackle Aaron Donald out of retirement to bolster what is already considered one of the most talented rosters in the league.

    Speaking to Australia’s Channel Seven after the final whistle, 49ers star wide receiver Deebo Samuel pointed to the preparation difference as a key advantage for his side. “I love when they [the Rams] came out and they were booing. We were out here for a week. We enjoyed the city. I don’t think you can fly 16 hours and be ready to play,” Samuel said.

    The game got off to a slow start, with the 49ers opening the scoring with just an early field goal in the first quarter. The contest finally came alive in the second quarter, when Rams running back Kyren Williams punched in a rushing touchdown to put McVay’s side up 7-3, a four-point advantage. But the 49ers responded quickly, as wide receiver Demarcus Robinson hauled in a Brock Purdy touchdown pass just before halftime to retake the lead, shifting the full momentum of the game to San Francisco.

    After the break, the 49ers never looked back. Purdy connected with wide receiver Mike Evans for a second touchdown, then found Samuel for a third scoring pass late in the second half. A second 49ers field goal capped off the scoring, sealing a comfortable 20-point win. Purdy turned in a polished performance overall, finishing 25-of-34 for 205 passing yards and three touchdown passes, leading an efficient offensive attack that never surrendered control after the first half.

    McVay, for his part, refused to blame travel or preparation for the loss, taking responsibility for his team’s underwhelming performance. “I make no excuses. Whether you want to say it’s about travel, whatever. We just weren’t good enough,” McVay told reporters after the game. “I didn’t coach good enough, and we’ll look at it and we’ll move forward.”

    The historic event off the field drew just as much fan excitement, with pre-game ceremonies featuring a full display of the Australian national flag and a ceremonial flyover of military planes above the MCG. The iconic venue, which hosted a British and Irish Lions test match against Australia just last summer, also welcomed pop supergroup the Jonas Brothers for a high-energy halftime performance for the sold-out crowd. The match kicks off the NFL’s ambitious 2026 global expansion push, marking a new chapter for the league as it works to grow its audience beyond North America.

  • Has Trump won over voters with his midterm convention?

    Has Trump won over voters with his midterm convention?

    In a historic break from long-standing U.S. political tradition, former President Donald Trump convened the first Republican National Convention ever held during a sitting president’s term, a move that has sparked widespread debate over whether the high-profile gathering has succeeded in winning over critical swing voters. As the 2024 presidential election cycle gains momentum, the unprecedented midterm convention marks a sharp departure from the decades-old norm, where major party nominating conventions are held in the summer immediately preceding a general election.

    Sarah Smith, the BBC’s veteran North America editor, has unpacked the most consequential takeaways from the unusual political event, examining its strategic purpose and potential electoral impact. What makes this gathering unique is its timing: rather than being a one-off nominating event to formally anoint a party’s presidential candidate, the midterm convention was framed by Trump’s team as an early, sustained push to consolidate party support and court undecided voters months before formal general election campaigning typically heats up.

    Political analysts point to two core goals behind the unorthodox move: first, to capitalize on Trump’s existing lead in Republican primary polls and lock in party unity ahead of the general election against President Joe Biden, and second, to use the national media spotlight generated by the convention to pivot toward moderate voters who abandoned the GOP in the 2022 midterms. Smith’s analysis notes that while the convention drew enthusiastic crowds from Trump’s loyal base, it remains unclear whether the spectacle has translated to measurable gains among the independent voters who will ultimately decide the outcome of the 2024 race. Critics of the event argue that the early convention amounted to an unnecessary expense that highlighted deep intraparty divisions, rather than unifying the GOP ahead of the general election.

  • As Trump dominates convention, some Republicans quietly ask who comes next

    As Trump dominates convention, some Republicans quietly ask who comes next

    In a break with decades of political tradition, the Republican Party gathered in Dallas this week for the first-ever midterm convention in U.S. history, an event crafted almost entirely around a sitting President with record-low approval ratings: Donald Trump. The stated goal of the two-day gathering was simple: reverse the party’s sliding midterm fortunes and energize conservative voters ahead of the critical November congressional elections. But for many attendees and party insiders leaving the convention, anxiety about the GOP’s November prospects and its long-term identity after Trump leaves the Oval Office has only deepened.

    Vice President JD Vance, who is widely tipped by party observers as a leading contender to claim the Republican presidential nomination in 2028, offered attendees a rare preview of what the post-Trump future could hold during his prime-time keynote address on the convention’s second night. Staying focused on the immediate task at hand, Vance told the packed crowd at downtown Dallas’ American Airlines Center, “We’ve got to take care of business this November. Then we’ll worry about what comes next.” At one point, his speech was interrupted by spontaneous chants of “48” — a reference to the fact that the next Republican president will be the 48th person to hold the office. Vance allowed the crowd’s chant to continue for a few moments before moving on with his prepared remarks, neither embracing nor rejecting the implicit suggestion that he would be that successor.

    From the opening gavel to the closing balloon drop, the convention laid bare deep internal divisions within the party over the wisdom of centering a midterm campaign entirely on a president whose approval ratings hover near historic lows, at a moment when many American voters are frustrated over persistent economic instability and the ongoing war with Iran. Supporters of the unconventional event argue it offered a unique opportunity to unify the base and test campaign messaging before a large, receptive audience. “I think it will make a difference. If anything it allows us to test the [campaign] message in front of a large audience,” Jeff Ryer, chairman of the Virginia Republican Party, told reporters in an on-site interview.

    Critics within the party, however, say Trump’s rambling, nearly two-hour opening address on Wednesday did little to win over undecided voters who will decide control of Congress. One anonymous Republican operative offered a blunt assessment of Trump’s performance, noting that the president’s core appeal to voters — to treat the midterm election as if he himself were on the ballot — was always going to fall flat. “Do I wish Trump gave a shorter speech? Sure, but that’s not who he is,” the operative said. “I don’t think saying ‘pretend I’m on the ballot’ will work. He’s not.”

    Current polling gives Democrats a strong shot at retaking control of the U.S. House of Representatives, while control of the Senate remains a toss-up that is seen as a slightly longer shot for Democrats. For all the focus on November, the convention served as an unavoidable reminder that the Trump era is rapidly approaching its final chapter, and speculation about the party’s next chapter was impossible to avoid. The president’s presence dominated every part of the proceedings: all attending House and Senate candidates opened their speeches with effusive praise for Trump, and thousands of supporters filled the arena in the signature red “Make America Great Again” hats that have become the symbol of his political movement. Even with its compressed two-day schedule, the convention mirrored the full-scale pageantry of the four-day presidential nominating conventions held every four years, complete with branded signs, a closing balloon drop and live musical performances.

    Georgia-based party activist Vikki Consiglio framed the unorthodox gathering as proof of Trump’s ability to upend outdated political norms and command national attention. She pointed to one of Trump’s biggest speech announcements — a pledge to send $5,000 direct payments to every U.S. adult if Republicans keep control of Congress — as evidence of his forward-thinking agenda. “He’s a visionary. This whole convention is nothing but a vision,” Consiglio said.

    Yet even as attendees cheered Trump’s policy proposals, many openly acknowledged they were already focused on the 2028 presidential contest. Aiden Buzzetti, 26-year-old president of the pro-Trump group The Bull Moose Project, said Trump had already reshaped the ideological foundation of the Republican Party in lasting ways, but he made clear he was eager to see a new generation of conservative leaders take the reins. “I’m very concerned about the next 10, 15, 20 years. I’m absolutely thinking about the future of the party,” Buzzetti said.

    In on-the-record interviews with reporters, most convention attendees named two figures as the leading potential contenders to succeed Trump: Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio. “Trump needs to pass the torch. We need to look forward,” said Sandy Money, an Arizona Republican who attended the event. “I love Vance. But Rubio is my choice if he runs in 2028.” Trump himself has openly discussed the potential 2028 bids of both men, though both Vance and Rubio have repeatedly pushed back on speculation about their presidential plans. Rubio was not in attendance at the Dallas convention, as he was conducting official diplomatic business in Ecuador as part of his role as Secretary of State.

    In his keynote, Vance leaned into the administration’s policy record, arguing that the Trump White House had delivered major wins for Americans, including improved economic growth, strengthened border security and lower prescription drug costs. He drew a sharp contrast with the opposition, arguing that the Democratic Party had shifted dramatically to the far left and become what he called the “party of crazy”, before closing with a direct appeal to voters who had not yet decided how they would vote in November: he told the crowd his party was actively working to win over “the people who are still making up their minds”.

    Never one to cede the spotlight, Trump returned to the stage after Vance’s address to deliver the convention’s closing remarks, shifting the conversation back to the urgent, immediate stakes of the upcoming election. For Trump, questions of succession were secondary to turning out the conservative base in November. “You know what happens if you don’t vote?” he asked the crowd. “You go to hell.”

  • Anthropic blocks ‘malicious use’ of AI that could develop biological weapons

    Anthropic blocks ‘malicious use’ of AI that could develop biological weapons

    In a landmark first public threat intelligence report released Thursday, U.S. artificial intelligence firm Anthropic has detailed a sweeping array of malicious misuse incidents targeting its popular Claude AI models over an eight-month period, spanning from biological and conventional weapons research to state-linked cyber espionage and disinformation campaigns. The disclosures come as global alarm over unregulated advanced AI development reaches new heights, with leading researchers and policymakers pushing for urgent action to mitigate catastrophic risks.

    Between December 2025 and August 2026, Anthropic’s security teams identified and disrupted multiple bad actor attempts to leverage three of its public Claude models — Haiku, Sonnet, and Opus — for harmful activity, the report confirms. Notably, the more restricted Claude Fable and high-capacity Mythos-class models were almost entirely unaffected, with only one minor incident involving model distillation, a process that uses large AI models to train smaller, cheaper alternatives.

    Among the most serious threats documented are five separate cases where bad actors attempted to use Claude to advance work on biological weapons, a risk Anthropic identifies as one of the most severe posed by cutting-edge frontier AI. The company confirmed it blocked access for researchers whose work violated its usage policies by pursuing research that could support offensive biological weapons development. While Anthropic acknowledges that the same AI capabilities that can aid weapons development also enable critical public health breakthroughs like vaccine development, it warned that unregulated use without proper safeguards could lead to catastrophic global consequences.

    Jacob Klein, Anthropic’s head of threat intelligence, told the *New York Times* that the misuse scenarios are far more nuanced than popular fictional portrayals. “You are not seeing someone in a comic book kind of way say, ‘Hey, I want to build a biological weapon to kill everybody,’” he explained.

    The report also documents six cases of actors using Claude to develop software for conventional weapons systems, including firearms, missiles, armed drones, bombs, munitions, and the targeting and control infrastructure that operates these weapons. Beyond weapons development, Anthropic detailed a wide range of other harmful use cases, from common cybercrime schemes such as fake dating applications and compromised hotel Wi-Fi scams to state-sponsored surveillance tools designed to track political dissidents.

    Multiple state-aligned and criminal hacking groups were named in the report. A hacking group linked to Russia’s Midnight Blizzard was found to have used Claude to build an automated system that detects when the group’s malware is flagged by cybersecurity defenses, then rewrites the malicious code repeatedly until it evades detection. The report also confirmed that Claude was exploited in a Russia-linked cyber espionage campaign and utilized by an Iranian state propaganda outlet. Anthropic also accused Chinese AI companies of attempting to copy and replicate the core capabilities of its Claude models, and named China-based research labs among the actors misusing its technology. Notorious criminal hacking group ShinyHunters was also linked to misuse of the platform.

    Anthropic justified its public disclosure of the incidents by stating that the company has a core responsibility to be transparent about malicious misuse of its AI services. Since identifying the patterns of abuse, the California-based developer has updated its internal safety protocols to better prevent, detect, and disrupt similar harmful activity going forward, and has shared relevant threat intelligence with law enforcement authorities and industry partners where appropriate.

    The release of the report follows a high-profile warning from a top Anthropic AI safety researcher, who recently cautioned that unregulated rapid AI advancement carries a greater than 10% risk of human extinction within the next decade. That warning has echoed across the global tech and policy communities, with other leading AI leaders backing calls for urgent action to slow development until robust global safeguards can be put in place.

    Jakub Pachocki, chief scientist at ChatGPT developer OpenAI, published a call for the industry to implement voluntary slowdowns in advanced AI development just last week, noting that “no one is prepared for the consequences of a continued rapid rise in machine intelligence.” Pachocki added that while OpenAI is investing heavily in building its own internal safety systems, broader collective action from governments and the global industry is required to manage systemic risks.

    The growing chorus of warnings from AI insiders has already spurred policy action on both sides of the Atlantic. A group of safety advocates recently published an open letter to UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham calling for a new multinational treaty to govern the safe development of AI, urging global governments to collaborate on establishing binding frameworks for superintelligence development. In the U.S., independent Senator Bernie Sanders has introduced new legislation that would ban the development of unregulated AI superintelligence and impose a temporary pause on cutting-edge advanced AI research.

    Speaking to BBC’s *Newsnight* on Thursday, Sanders defended the controversial proposal, arguing: “When scientists tell you there is a chance, a chance that it could have a cataclymic impact on humanity, you’ve got be a moron not to say, slow it down.”

  • Is Trump’s $5,000 pledge a sign of panic?

    Is Trump’s $5,000 pledge a sign of panic?

    Long known for rejecting the conventional guardrails of American political campaigning, former president and current Republican Party leader Donald Trump has once again upended expectations with a startling, understated campaign promise: a $5,000 cash payout to every U.S. citizen if Republicans seize control of Congress in the upcoming 2026 midterm elections. Even by Trump’s own history of norm-breaking political theater, the trillion-dollar pledge stands out as an extraordinary departure from standard campaign messaging. The promise was not delivered as a marquee highlight of Trump’s keynote opening night address at the Republican midterm convention in Dallas; instead, it was slipped into the speech roughly an hour in, as audience attention began to fade, with no advance warning to party allies or advance policy preparation. In the weeks following the announcement, the White House has offered no concrete details on how the massive $1 trillion-plus program would be funded, how payments would be distributed to eligible citizens, or what administrative framework would be required to roll it out. When pressed for clarification by reporters, a White House statement only reiterated that the pledge proves Trump can deliver results that establishment experts dismiss as impossible, offering no additional clarity on implementation. Inside the Dallas convention arena, the offhand announcement drew enthusiastic applause from Trump’s loyal base of supporters in attendance. But the reveal exposed deep rifts within the Republican Party, particularly among candidates competing in competitive battleground races who need to win over skeptical swing voters, including moderate Republicans and independent voters. Most high-profile vulnerable Republican incumbents skipped the Dallas convention entirely, and many party members were caught completely off-guard by the unannounced pledge. Reactions ranged from quiet acceptance to scathing condemnation, especially among fiscal conservatives who have long criticized Trump’s record of expanding the federal deficit. Among the most prominent critics is Kentucky Republican Representative Thomas Massie, who lost his primary election earlier this year after publicly clashing with Trump. Massie took to social media platform X to mock the promise, writing “I don’t know about you all, but frankly I’m insulted by the notion that my vote this November could be bought for 5k. Not to mention the inflation this would cause. All things considered, I cannot in good conscience accept a penny less than 10k!” Maine Senator Susan Collins, who skipped the convention to campaign on the ground in her competitive re-election race, issued a more measured rebuke, noting that “Tax and spending decisions should be made based on the needs of the American people and the state of the economy, they should not appear to be tied to election results.” For their part, Democratic party leaders have uniformly labeled the pledge an empty, unserious vote-buying gimmick. Legal experts have cast significant doubt on whether Trump could implement the policy without congressional approval, a point the president addressed during an interview with CBS News, the BBC’s U.S. partner. Trump claimed he did not believe congressional approval would be required for the spending, though he added that he expected Congress would approve the plan if it proved necessary. Even so, a large bloc of fiscally conservative House Republicans would almost certainly reject the massive new spending commitment. Former Republican Representative Bob Good went as far as to dismiss the plan, which some supporters have dubbed the “Trump dividend”, as a “socialist vote-buying scheme”. The 2026 Republican convention served as another clear reminder that Trump retains an iron grip on the Republican Party, and has already forced House Republicans to abandon long-held traditional conservative fiscal positions to align with his policy agenda. This is far from the first time Trump has made broad cash promises to American voters during a campaign. To date, Americans have still not received the $2,000 per person checks Trump promised would be funded by trade tariff revenue during a prior campaign, and a $5,000 payout proposal floated by Elon Musk, funded by proposed federal spending cuts, also never materialized. Trump does hold a track record of delivering on some similar pledges: he followed through on creating Trump savings accounts with a $1,000 government contribution for every child born in the U.S. during his presidency, and all active-duty U.S. military personnel received a one-time $1,776 payment to celebrate the 250th anniversary of American independence. Political analysts are now debating what prompted the last-minute, unvetted pledge, with many questioning whether it is a sign Trump expects major Republican losses in the November midterms. While Trump himself is not on the ballot this cycle, midterm elections are almost always treated as a referendum on the sitting sitting president, and the party holding the White House typically faces strong headwinds. With less than two months until election day, Trump’s national approval rating sits at historic lows. His ongoing conflict with Iran has grown increasingly unpopular with voters, and its economic ripple effects have driven up gasoline prices for American households. Cost of living remains the top issue for voters across the country, and while inflation has fallen from its post-Covid peak, it still remains far higher than most voters find acceptable. The fact that Trump rolled out the policy without notifying even his closest party allies has led some observers to speculate that the pledge is a sign of panic from the Trump campaign. It is undeniably a highly unorthodox approach to rolling out a major policy proposal, but Trump’s entire political career has been built on rejecting established political norms and breaking long-held unwritten rules of campaigning. The question now is whether this latest tactic will pay off: it can only work if a majority of voters believe Trump is actually serious about delivering the cash he has promised.

  • Jimmy Kimmel says interview with Democrat won’t air on TV, cites regulator ‘threats’

    Jimmy Kimmel says interview with Democrat won’t air on TV, cites regulator ‘threats’

    A growing clash between the Trump administration and mainstream broadcast media has reached a new flashpoint, after late-night talk show host Jimmy Kimmel announced that a planned television interview with Democratic U.S. Senate candidate James Talarico would not air on linear TV, blaming direct threats from the Trump-aligned Federal Communications Commission. Kimmel made the revelation during his Wednesday broadcast of ABC’s *Jimmy Kimmel Live!*, outlining that the agency, which is currently led by a Trump appointee, had issued threats against his show, network, and local affiliate stations over the booking — a standard editorial decision the administration disapproves of.

    Talarico is locked in a high-stakes 2026 midterm election race against Trump-endorsed Republican Ken Paxton for Texas’ open Senate seat. The result of this competitive contest will play a decisive role in determining whether Democrats can flip control of the U.S. Senate for the final two years of Trump’s first term. This is not the first time Kimmel has clashed with the current FCC: the host noted he has interviewed dozens of political candidates throughout his career, including Trump himself during his 2016 first presidential campaign, but the regulatory environment has shifted dramatically since Trump took office.

    “Now that he’s president, his FCC has threatened me, threatened our show, threatened our network, ABC, our affiliates, our local stations, based on simple, traditional editorial decisions, guest bookings it would seem they don’t like,” Kimmel told his audience Wednesday. Out of concern for ABC’s local affiliate stations, particularly those based in Texas, Kimmel confirmed the Talarico interview would not run on scheduled Thursday linear TV, and would instead be released exclusively on the show’s YouTube channel.

    The White House has forcefully denied all allegations of regulatory intimidation. Spokesman Davis Ingle dismissed Kimmel’s claims as a manufactured performance designed to push a false narrative about the Trump administration’s policies. “FCC Chairman Brendan Carr has not threatened him regarding interviewing James Talarico, or any other candidate,” Ingle said in a formal statement to the BBC. The BBC has also reached out to the FCC directly for additional comment on the matter, which is still pending.

    This latest dispute is the culmination of months of escalating tension between ABC, its parent company Disney, and the Trump-led FCC. In September 2026, Kimmel was temporarily pulled from the broadcast schedule after comments he made regarding the shooting of conservative activist Charlie Kirk. That blackout came just hours after Carr threatened regulatory action against ABC and Disney over the remarks. Earlier this year, Donald Trump and First Lady Melania Trump called on ABC to discipline Kimmel over a joke he made about the first lady. Shortly after that public call-out, the FCC ordered an accelerated review of Disney’s national broadcast television licenses — a move ABC pushed back against aggressively with a lawsuit filed last month, arguing the network is being specifically and unfairly targeted because of its independent editorial choices that have at times been critical of the Trump administration.

    Trump has openly raised the possibility of revoking FCC broadcast licenses for major U.S. networks that run content critical of his presidency on multiple occasions. This is also not the first time a late-night host has alleged the FCC’s political pressure is shaping interview coverage of the 2026 midterms. Back in February, fellow late-night host Stephen Colbert of CBS claimed the network refused to air his own interview with Talarico over fears of regulatory retaliation from the FCC. CBS rejected the claim of a ban, stating it had only issued standard legal guidance related to the segment.

    As the independent regulator that issues broadcast licenses and oversees all radio, television, and satellite airwaves across the U.S., the FCC’s actions have drawn growing scrutiny from press freedom advocates who warn the agency is being weaponized to stifle dissenting political speech ahead of the critical November midterm elections.

  • Are interest rates on the way up again?

    Are interest rates on the way up again?

    As summer draws to a close, two interconnected economic pressures – soaring energy costs and the looming prospect of tighter borrowing conditions – have moved to the top of the global policy agenda, bringing central banks across major Western economies into a high-stakes balancing act. For months, skyrocketing crude oil prices have already inflated fuel costs for motorists and eroded disposable household income, and growing uncertainty over the economic fallout of the ongoing US-Iran conflict has fanned fresh fears that cost-of-living pressures will climb even higher in the coming months.

    The first major policy move came from the European Central Bank, which recently lifted its benchmark interest rate to 2.5%, justifying the hike by pointing to persistent inflation spurred by Middle East tensions, with officials warning price growth will remain well above the ECB’s 2% target for an extended period. Now, all eyes are turning to the United States and the United Kingdom, where the Federal Reserve and Bank of England are set to announce their latest interest rate decisions next week, starting with the Fed’s announcement on Wednesday.

    The Fed has held interest rates steady at between 3.5% and 3.75% for five consecutive policy meetings, with its last adjustment being a rate cut back in December. But shifting economic and political conditions have reshaped market expectations: a persistently robust US job market, paired with comments from former President Donald Trump suggesting oil prices will not fall until the US-Iran conflict concludes – a outcome he predicts will not come until after November’s general election – has led most Wall Street analysts to price in a rate increase at this month’s meeting.

    Newly appointed Fed Chair Kevin Warsh has declined to publicly signal his policy preference, but his repeated public remarks emphasizing that the central bank’s top priority is taming stubborn inflation have only reinforced expectations of a hike. Economists at Deutsche Bank recently concluded that a rate increase is “the most likely policy outcome” based on comments from Warsh and other Fed voting members. While there is some dissent – Grace Zwemmer, a US economist at Oxford Economics, still forecasts rates will hold steady – nearly all analysts agree that a rate cut is off the table for the foreseeable future. That puts the Fed on a collision course with Trump, who has publicly pushed for lower borrowing costs and took to social media last week to pressure the central bank, writing: “The Fed Board, with its great new leader, must get smart – BE PATRIOTS for a change.”

    The root of the current inflation anxiety is the disruption to global energy markets caused by the US-Iran conflict. The Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical chokepoints for oil and natural gas shipments, has seen restricted traffic amid the fighting, pushing Brent crude prices to around $105 per barrel, nearing the multi-year highs hit when the conflict first broke out. Higher energy costs do not just increase direct utility and fuel bills for households and businesses: they also raise transportation costs for all goods, a burden that is ultimately passed to consumers in the form of higher prices for food and other essential consumer staples.

    Central banks traditionally rely on higher interest rates to cool inflation: by raising the cost of borrowing for mortgages, loans and credit cards, policymakers aim to slow overall consumer spending, which in turn eases upward pressure on prices. Higher rates also create an incentive for households to save rather than spend, further cooling demand. But the policy carries major risks: tighter monetary policy can also discourage businesses from investing in expansion and new hiring, potentially dragging overall economic growth lower and raising recession risks. That makes the current decision a delicate balancing act for policymakers.

    When the Bank of England announces its policy decision later next week, analysts broadly expect it to leave rates unchanged at 3.75%, even as it faces its own set of inflation pressures driven by higher energy costs. Heading into the winter heating season, millions of UK households are set to see their energy bills jump to the highest level in three years, and UK natural gas prices have already climbed above 200p per therm for the first time since the end of 2022. UK inflation currently stands at 2.9%, and most economists predict it will tick up sharply in the coming months due to higher energy costs.

    Despite these inflation headwinds, analysts say there is little pressure on the Bank of England to hike immediately, thanks to key differences between current conditions and the 2022 global inflation shock. Unlike 2022, when the UK economy was rebounding from Covid-19 lockdowns and hiring was booming, the current labour market is far cooler: hiring activity is well below average, and employers face far less pressure to fill vacant roles, which means workers have far less leverage to demand large pay increases. Oxford Economics economist Alexander Harvey notes there is “no sign” of the so-called second-round inflation effects that worried policymakers in 2022 – where price shocks lead to wage-price spirals as workers demand higher pay and businesses pass those costs on to consumers. That gives the Bank of England “some breathing space,” Harvey said.

    Yael Selfin, chief economist at KPMG, added that outside the United States, economies like the UK are already far weaker than they were in 2022, when the last major energy-driven inflation shock hit. Consumers, still reeling from previous rounds of price hikes, have already adjusted their spending habits, and interest rates are already much higher than they were four years ago. “That’s in stark contrast to the current labour market,” Harvey said of the 2022 conditions, when post-Covid reopening left businesses scrambling to hire and gave workers unprecedented bargaining power to push for big pay gains. Today, those conditions no longer exist, giving UK policymakers room to hold off on further tightening for now.