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  • AP Was There: Early Chernobyl victims buried in Moscow cemetery

    AP Was There: Early Chernobyl victims buried in Moscow cemetery

    Forty years after the world’s worst nuclear accident, the Associated Press is republishing a groundbreaking 1986 report that first pulled back the Soviet Union’s veil of secrecy around the human cost of the Chernobyl disaster. On April 26, 1986, an explosion and subsequent fire destroyed reactor No. 4 at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant in northern Ukraine, then part of the USSR. In the chaotic, information-blackout weeks that followed, Soviet authorities released only sparse, deliberately vague statements about the scale of death and destruction stemming from the catastrophe. It took a tip from an anonymous source and a risky on-the-ground investigation by two Western journalists to reveal the quiet toll unfolding hundreds of miles away in Moscow’s suburbs.

    Acting on a telephone tip, then-AP Moscow correspondent Carol J. Williams and a fellow Western reporter traveled to Mitinskoye Cemetery, a sprawling green space on the capital’s northwestern outskirts. What they found there confirmed what Soviet officials had long hidden: a dedicated burial plot exclusively for those killed by the Chernobyl accident. Just inside the cemetery’s main gate, 23 freshly dug, uniform graves sat ready, with no public signage marking them as a memorial to nuclear disaster victims. Each mound of turned earth bore fresh floral arrangements from grieving relatives and had a poured concrete border; work crews were already busy installing identical plain marble headstones, while eerie, empty stretches of prepared ground made clear that more fatalities were expected.

    Six of the completed headstones already bore the names of firefighters, whose deaths from radiation exposure had been briefly acknowledged in Soviet state media. A cemetery official, who spoke on condition of anonymity to the visiting reporters, confirmed the entire plot was reserved for people who died as a result of the April 26 accident. Every death date etched into the installed headstones fell after the Chernobyl explosion, with details of each victim’s name, birth year, and date of death painted in gold leaf. Some graves still only had handwritten temporary name placards, while the official confirmed a larger central monument would eventually be erected to honor all those buried here. “They will all be brought here,” he told the reporters, though he refused to disclose the expected final death toll.

    At the time of Williams’ original reporting on June 24, 1986, the last official Soviet casualty update had been released 19 days earlier, on June 5. That statement put the official death toll at 26: two killed in the initial explosion and fire, and 24 more who died later from acute radiation sickness. Two of those initial fatalities were not buried in the Moscow plot: plant worker Valery Khodemchuk’s body was never recovered from the destroyed reactor, so he remains entombed within the ruined structure, as reported by the Communist Party daily *Pravda* in late May. Another, plant employee Vladimir Shashenok, was killed instantly in the blast and buried in a small village near the disaster site.

    Even as Soviet officials declined to update the death toll, outside medical experts warned more fatalities were inevitable. Dr. Robert Gale, an American bone marrow specialist who traveled to Moscow to assist Soviet doctors in treating dozens of patients with severe acute radiation sickness, publicly noted that between 55 and 60 patients remained in critical condition, and many would not survive. All patients with severe radiation exposure from the accident were transferred to Moscow specialty hospitals, meaning any subsequent deaths would occur in the capital, explaining why victims were being buried hundreds of miles from their home region near Chernobyl.

    The layout of the Mitinskoye plot made clear that more burials were planned: the 15 existing graves in the back row were followed by a second row of eight, with a gap that could fit seven more, signaling officials had already prepared for at least seven additional fatalities. For the six fallen firefighters buried in the plot, their headstones bore additional markings: gold-etched stars and the ranks they held in the elite military fire brigade that was first on scene to battle the reactor blaze, all of whom absorbed lethal doses of radiation while containing the fire.

    Graveyard workers would not say when the burials had been carried out, nor whether funerals were held individually or as a single group service. Relatives had left carefully arranged bouquets of red and pink roses on each grave, quiet testaments to the lives cut short. An elderly Moscow woman visiting another section of the cemetery shared her quiet grief with the reporters: “It’s very sad, they were so young. They were brought here to be treated at hospitals, but they couldn’t be sent home to be buried.”

    By the time of the reporters’ visit, Soviet authorities had already established an exclusion zone around the damaged Chernobyl plant, evacuating every resident from nearby contaminated towns and villages, leaving no local communities to host burials for the victims who died in Moscow.

    The investigation did not come without consequences. After the reporters began documenting what they saw, cemetery officials confiscated their notebooks and film, noting that journalist access to the plot required special government approval. A police officer stationed at the cemetery confirmed the entire section was off-limits to anyone other than immediate family members of the deceased, and special permission from local government officials was required to photograph the headstones or record the victims’ names. Eventually, officials escorted the reporters out of the cemetery section after allowing them a brief, unrecorded look at the graves.

  • BBC visits Chernobyl ghost city 40 years after world’s worst nuclear accident

    BBC visits Chernobyl ghost city 40 years after world’s worst nuclear accident

    It has been 40 years since the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, still regarded as the most catastrophic nuclear accident in human history. To mark this grim anniversary, BBC correspondent Jessica Parker journeyed into the heart of the exclusion zone to document Pripyat, the once-thriving Soviet city that has stood empty for four decades.

    Pripyat was purpose-built in the 1970s to house workers and their families at the nearby Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant, a flagship energy project of the Soviet Union. At its peak, the city was home to nearly 50,000 residents, with bustling schools, hospitals, apartment blocks, and cultural centers that made it a model Soviet community. All of that changed on April 26, 1986, when a safety test gone wrong triggered a massive explosion at the plant’s Reactor No. 4, sending a plume of radioactive fallout across much of Europe.

    Within just 36 hours of the blast, Soviet authorities ordered the complete evacuation of Pripyat, forcing residents to leave almost all of their belongings behind under the promise that they would one day be able to return. That promise never came to pass. Today, Pripyat remains a frozen time capsule of Soviet life, reclaimed gradually by overgrown forests and wandering wildlife. Decades of exposure to the elements have left buildings crumbling, ferris wheels stand idle in an abandoned amusement park built for the May Day celebrations that never happened, and children’s toys still lie scattered in empty schoolyards.

    Parker’s on-the-ground reporting offers a new, intimate look at the long-term consequences of the 1986 disaster, four decades after the world watched in horror as the catastrophe unfolded. The visit also comes amid renewed global attention on the Chernobyl site, following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine that put the facility at risk of damage from military activity. While radiation levels in most areas of the exclusion zone are now safe for short-term visits, the site remains uninhabitable for long-term human settlement, a permanent reminder of the devastating risks of nuclear energy gone wrong.

  • Teenage motorcyclist dies after collision

    Teenage motorcyclist dies after collision

    A fatal road traffic collision in County Donegal, Republic of Ireland has claimed the life of a teenage male on Saturday afternoon, local law enforcement has confirmed. The crash unfolded at approximately 4:30 p.m. local time along the R252 roadway near the village of Cloghan, involving two vehicles: a private passenger car and a motorbike. The rider of the motorbike, who was a male in his teens, was pronounced dead instantly at the crash site following the incident. No other individuals involved in the collision suffered any injuries, according to initial statements from Gardaí, the national police service of Ireland. In the wake of the crash, investigating officers have issued a public appeal for information to help reconstruct the sequence of events that led to the tragedy. Gardaí are asking any members of the public who were travelling through the Cloghan area between 4:00 p.m. and 5:00 p.m. local time on Saturday – particularly anyone with dashcam footage from that window – to come forward and share their recordings or any relevant observations with police. As of the latest update, the R252 remains fully closed to through traffic to allow collision investigators to conduct a full forensic examination of the scene, with diversions in place for local and through traffic. The incident comes as road safety advocates continue to push for greater awareness of motorcyclist safety on rural Irish roads, which often feature narrow lanes and higher traffic volumes during weekend travel periods.

  • Orbán steps down from Hungarian parliament after landslide defeat

    Orbán steps down from Hungarian parliament after landslide defeat

    After 16 years at the helm of Hungarian politics, former long-serving Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has announced he will relinquish his newly won seat in Hungary’s national parliament, capping a historic electoral upset that swept his nationalist administration from power. The 62-year-old leader made the announcement in a pre-recorded video address shared on social media Saturday evening, confirming his choice to exit the legislative body to focus on restructuring his right-wing Fidesz party after its stunning defeat in the April 12 general election.

    Orbán’s Fidesz, which dominated Hungarian governance for nearly two decades, suffered a catastrophic collapse at the polls: the party saw its parliamentary representation plummet from 135 seats to just 52, falling to opposition after a decisive victory by the Tisza party, led by former Fidesz insider Péter Magyar. Even amid the party’s broad losses, Orbán secured a parliamentary seat via Fidesz’s proportional representation list — a position he now says he will return to the party.

    “The mandate I obtained as the lead candidate of the Fidesz-KDNP list is, in fact, a parliamentary mandate of Fidesz. For this reason, I have decided to return it,” Orbán said in his statement. He added that his skills are currently better suited to rebuilding Fidesz’s conservative patriotic movement rather than serving as a sitting legislator. Starting Monday, Fidesz’s parliamentary caucus will be led by Gergely Gulyás, who most recently served as minister in charge of the prime minister’s office, Orbán confirmed following a closed-door meeting of senior Fidesz officials.

    Orbán’s political career in Hungary’s parliament stretches back to 1990, when he first won a seat shortly after the fall of communism. He has led Fidesz continuously since that year, and claimed the prime minister’s office in 2010, building an unrivaled grip on Hungarian political life over the next 14 years. But in this year’s election, voters abandoned the incumbent in droves, driven by widespread anger over persistent corruption allegations, stagnant living standards, and the deeply unpopular patronage network known as the NER, which critics say enriched Fidesz loyalists at the expense of public resources.

    Magyar’s Tisza party secured a historic two-thirds majority in the 199-seat parliament, a mandate that clears the way for sweeping changes to both Hungary’s domestic agenda and its foreign policy alignment. During the campaign, Tisza supporters frequently chanted “Russians go home,” a sharp rebuke to Orbán’s longstanding close alignment with Russian President Vladimir Putin and his warm ties to former U.S. President Donald Trump that often put Budapest at odds with European Union partners. In contrast, Magyar has pledged to reset Hungary’s relationships with the EU and Ukraine, ending Orbán’s pattern of blocking EU policy initiatives and aid to Kyiv.

    Domestically, Hungary’s incoming prime minister has vowed to roll back Orbán-era overhauls to the country’s education and healthcare systems, root out systemic corruption, restore judicial independence, and dismantle the NER patronage system that remains widely unpopular among Hungarian voters. Magyar has pushed for a rapid transition of power, with Hungary’s new parliament scheduled to convene for its inaugural session on May 9.

    While Orbán is stepping back from parliament, he has made clear he intends to remain a central figure in Hungarian nationalist politics. The question of whether he will retain his role as Fidesz party leader will be settled at a special party conference scheduled for June, he confirmed, as he commits to reorganizing the movement he has led for more than three decades.

  • Hope in Gaza as 300 couples get married at one time

    Hope in Gaza as 300 couples get married at one time

    Against a backdrop of ongoing hardship and uncertainty in the Gaza Strip, a rare moment of collective joy has emerged as 300 couples exchanged wedding vows in a single, mass celebration. The event, which organizers say was designed to bring a measure of hope and normalcy to communities strained by conflict and economic struggle, drew hundreds of attendees eager to celebrate the newlyweds.

    The 300 pairs participating in the joint ceremony were not hand-picked through any selective screening process. Instead, they were chosen via a public random draw that drew nearly 2,000 interested couples from across Gaza, all vying for the chance to take part in the subsidized celebration. For many of these couples, the mass wedding offered an opportunity to marry that would have otherwise been out of reach amid the region’s widespread economic challenges and infrastructure disruptions, which have driven up the cost of individual wedding celebrations beyond the means of most young people.

    Wedding guests and participants described the event as a rare break from the constant stress and uncertainty that defines daily life in Gaza, with many emphasizing that acts of celebration and connection like this are critical to preserving community morale. Even as broader political and humanitarian challenges continue to shape life across the territory, the mass wedding stands as a reminder of the enduring desire for love, family, and joy even in the most difficult of circumstances.

  • Leaders of France and Greece say the EU’s defense splurge is no alternative to the NATO alliance

    Leaders of France and Greece say the EU’s defense splurge is no alternative to the NATO alliance

    ATHENS, Greece — During a diplomatic visit to the Greek capital on Saturday, French President Emmanuel Macron has clarified the European Union’s accelerated push to strengthen collective defensive capabilities, emphasizing that the initiative is not designed to create a parallel alliance to replace NATO. Instead, it directly responds to a decade of repeated calls from the United States for European nations to take greater ownership of their own regional security.

    Macron made the remarks following official talks with Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, stressing that the EU has no intention of undermining the transatlantic alliance that binds North America and Europe in collective security. He noted that U.S. leaders have pressed European countries to increase their security responsibility for years, putting the request sometimes politely, sometimes with more urgency. “The core lesson we have to take away is that we can no longer remain reliant on others for our defense,” Macron stated. “We must build up a strong European pillar within NATO, and grow a cohesive European defense sector — this effort is not directed against any nation, and it is never meant to be an alternative to our existing alliances.”

    Mitsotakis fully backed Macron’s position, arguing that Washington should welcome the EU’s growing commitment to defense self-reliance and increased defense investment. He called the longstanding U.S. demand for European higher defense spending entirely justified.

    Macron’s stop in Athens came after he attended an informal EU leaders’ summit in Cyprus. The primary purpose of his Greek visit was to reaffirm a bilateral 2021 Franco-Greek defense partnership, which includes binding mutual assistance that requires each nation to come to the other’s aid in the event of an armed attack.

    Macron underlined the ironclad nature of this commitment: “This mutual assurance and assistance clause is inviolable, it is not open to negotiation between our two countries. There are no question marks, no room for doubt — and any potential or actual adversary must understand this clearly.”

    The 3 billion-euro bilateral defense deal has already delivered major military upgrades to Greece, including the acquisition of 24 Rafale fighter jets and four advanced frigates. On Saturday, the two leaders toured one of the newly delivered frigates, the Kimon. For years, Greece has faced persistent geopolitical tensions with neighboring Turkey, leading Athens to carry out a sweeping overhaul of its military capabilities. France has emerged as Greece’s primary supplier for this modernization push, with deals including the versatile French MICA anti-air missile system, deployable on aircraft, ground platforms, and warships.

    Both leaders framed the Franco-Greek defense partnership as a model for the rest of the EU to follow, arguing that closer cross-border collaboration can strengthen the 27-nation bloc’s defense industrial competitiveness. Mitsotakis called on EU member states to set aside “national egotism” that shields domestic defense industries from cross-border competition, urging governments to pursue more cross-border industrial mergers to achieve the economies of scale needed for large-scale defense production.

    Macron echoed this call, stressing that European defense industry must prioritize innovation to deliver higher-quality, more competitive defense products that can generate the revenue needed to fund the bloc’s long-term defense goals. “The Franco-Greek relationship is a perfect example of what all European nations should do: we need to buy more European defense products, manufacture more goods within the EU, and drive more innovation here at home,” he said.

    The two leaders also highlighted Article 42.7, the EU’s own collective mutual defense clause, which Macron emphasized is far more than symbolic rhetoric. He pointed to the rapid deployment of French and Greek warships to Cyprus earlier this March, after a Shahed drone attack targeted a British military base on the island — the first direct drone attack on EU territory linked to the ongoing Iran war — as concrete proof of the bloc’s commitment to mutual defense.

    Turning to global energy security concerns amid tensions over the Strait of Hormuz, Macron urged against unnecessary public panic over potential fuel shortages. Around one-fifth of the world’s daily oil and gas supplies pass through the strategic waterway, which has faced widespread disruption amid the ongoing conflict. Macron said current fuel supplies remain “fully under control” and that he does not expect widespread shortages to occur. He added that the EU remains fully committed to diplomatic efforts to reopen the strait to full commercial traffic, even as he acknowledged it will take time for stability to return to the region.

    As a major global shipping power, Greece has a direct stake in the strait’s future. Mitsotakis said any diplomatic resolution to the current crisis must include a non-negotiable guarantee of full, unimpeded freedom of navigation through the strait, with no arbitrary tolls imposed on passing commercial vessels — a return to the status quo that existed before the outbreak of the Iran war.

  • Seven dead in major Russian attack on Ukraine

    Seven dead in major Russian attack on Ukraine

    A wave of massive overnight Russian strikes targeting multiple Ukrainian cities left at least seven civilians dead and widespread destruction across the country, sparking cross-border security alerts and triggering long-range retaliatory drone attacks by Ukrainian forces deep into Russian territory.

    The deadliest single incident from the assault unfolded in the central Ukrainian city of Dnipro, where a Russian projectile slammed into a multi-story residential apartment building. Images released by Ukraine’s State Emergency Service show the structure heavily scarred by the blast, with large sections of the facade collapsed and rubble spilling into the surrounding street. As of Saturday morning, rescue teams were still digging through the debris in search of trapped survivors, while local authorities confirmed five fatalities from the strike alone.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed that the bombardment stretched across nearly the entire night, noting that Russian forces have not altered their long-standing targeting tactics. “The Russians’ tactics have not changed: strike drones, cruise missiles, and a significant amount of ballistics,” Zelenskyy wrote on his official social media channels. “Most of the targets are ordinary infrastructure in cities. Residential buildings, energy, and enterprises have been damaged.” In total, Ukrainian defense officials reported that Russia launched more than 600 drones in the assault — the largest single Russian attack in several days — and added that Ukrainian air defenses successfully intercepted the vast majority of the incoming projectiles.

    Beyond Dnipro, the strikes reached multiple other population centers across Ukraine: two civilians were killed in the northern city of Chernihiv, while additional strikes targeted the southern port city of Odesa and the northeastern city of Kharkiv.

    The intensive drone and missile attack triggered security responses far beyond Ukraine’s borders. When multiple Russian drones were detected near the Romania-Ukraine border, Royal Air Force jets deployed to Romania as part of NATO’s collective defense mission were scrambled to intercept the objects. Early unconfirmed reports claimed the British jets had shot down several drones, but both the UK Ministry of Defense and Romanian defense officials quickly debunked the claim. Romania’s defense ministry clarified that the British aircraft never entered Ukrainian airspace, and no drones crossed into Romanian territory, meaning no shootdown was required. The department did confirm it is investigating the crash of an unidentified object on Romanian soil near the border that fell during the Russian assault.

    In response to the Russian strikes, Ukraine launched one of its longest-range drone operations in recent weeks, striking targets hundreds of kilometers inside Russian territory. In Yekaterinburg, a Ural Mountains city located roughly 1,600 kilometers from the nearest Ukrainian border, a building was hit by a drone that left six people injured, according to the region’s governor. Near the city of Chelyabinsk, local officials reported that air defense forces intercepted multiple drones that were targeting a local industrial facility.

    Russian defense officials reported on Saturday that their own air defense networks shot down 127 Ukrainian drones across more than a dozen of the country’s regions. The ministry also issued a claim that Russian forces had seized full control of Bochkove, a small village in Ukraine’s northeastern Kharkiv region located close to the international border with Russia. Russian forces have made repeated attempts to push south from the border toward the major city of Kharkiv in recent weeks. As of Saturday afternoon, Ukrainian officials had not issued any public comment on the territorial claim, and the BBC has not been able to independently verify the assertion.

    The exchanges of fire come as peace negotiations between Russia and Ukraine remain fully deadlocked, and Kyiv continues to court international military and political support for its defense efforts. On Friday, one day before the massive Russian strike, Zelenskyy held a second meeting with Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in recent months, as Ukraine works to build closer diplomatic and security ties with Gulf Arab nations. Official readouts of the meeting confirmed the two leaders discussed strengthening cooperation on air defense systems and expanding joint military production. Gulf nations have grown increasingly interested in Ukraine’s drone warfare expertise in the wake of recent cross-border attacks attributed to Iran, making this a key priority for both sides in the new partnership.

  • Russian attacks kill 3 and wound more than 20 in Ukraine’s Dnipro

    Russian attacks kill 3 and wound more than 20 in Ukraine’s Dnipro

    Overnight barrages of Russian drone and missile attacks targeting the central Ukrainian city of Dnipro have left at least three residents dead and 21 more injured, regional officials confirmed Saturday. Dnipropetrovsk regional governor Oleksandr Ganzha announced that rescue teams recovered the three fatalities from the collapsed rubble of a destroyed private home, warning that additional civilians may still be trapped beneath the debris.

    In a social media post on Telegram, Ganzha detailed that the sustained overnight assault ignited multiple fires across the city, damaging or partially destroying several multi-story apartment blocks, local commercial establishments, and one residential property. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy also confirmed Saturday that 11 of those injured remain hospitalized for treatment following the attack.

    Further south in Ukraine’s Odesa region, located along the Black Sea coast southwest of Dnipro, another overnight drone strike left two people wounded. Odesa regional governor Oleh Kiper stated that the attack damaged residential structures, critical port infrastructure, and multiple civilian vehicles in the southern part of the region.

    The wave of violence extended across the border into western Russia, where a drone strike in the Belgorod border region killed one civilian woman and left a civilian man with severe injuries, according to local Russian officials.

    These coordinated cross-border attacks came just 24 hours after Moscow and Kyiv completed a prisoner swap, exchanging 193 captured military personnel between the two warring sides. This recent exchange marks one of the rare constructive developments emerging from months of stagnant U.S.-brokered negotiations between Russia and Ukraine. Those talks have failed to deliver any meaningful progress on the core sticking points that have prevented a diplomatic end to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, a conflict that has now entered its third year (correction of original typo for clarity).

  • Another wave of public outcry tests Putin’s rule in wartime Russia

    Another wave of public outcry tests Putin’s rule in wartime Russia

    A new wave of public discontent has surged across Russia in recent weeks, with high-profile influencers, long-time government loyalists, and ordinary citizens speaking out against Kremlin policy, exposing growing frictions between the Vladimir Putin administration and segments of the public it has long relied on for support.

    The outbreak of public criticism began when popular Russian blogger and former television host Victoria Bonya — who currently resides abroad and publicly maintains her support for Putin — released a 19-minute Instagram video addressing the president directly. In the clip, which has amassed more than 31 million views 10 days after publication, Bonya argued that Putin is being deliberately misinformed by lower-level officials about a cascade of unfolding crises across the country. Among the issues she highlighted are the botched local response to devastating recent floods in the southern republic of Dagestan, controversial mass livestock culling in Siberia that sparked spontaneous farmer protests, crippling internet restrictions that have disrupted daily life, and mounting pressures that are pushing small businesses to collapse.

    “People are screaming at the top of their lungs now. They’ve been robbed of everything they have, and they continue to be robbed. Businesses are dying,” Bonya said in the video, emphasizing that average Russians and even pro-administration officials are too intimidated to share unvarnished truth with the president.

    Bonya’s remarks quickly sparked a viral cascade of similar criticism from other Russian influencers, many of whom shared their own grievances in public posts before several of these videos were removed from platforms. In a rare public acknowledgment of the growing discontent, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov confirmed that administration officials had viewed Bonya’s video, noting that “a lot of work is being done” on the issues she raised and that “none of it is being ignored.”

    The criticism has even spread to long-time pro-Putin political circles. Gennady Zyuganov, leader of the Communist Party and a decades-long Putin ally, used a parliamentary address this week to lambaste government policy, warning that failure to address growing public hardship could trigger a repeat of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. Threats of potential mass unrest have also circulated in pro-Kremlin Telegram channels and among loyalist military commentators, a unusual departure from their usual unwavering support for the administration.

    Against this backdrop of growing public criticism, polling data shows a measurable decline in Putin’s national approval ratings. State-controlled Russian pollster VTsIOM reported Friday that Putin’s approval currently stands at 65.6%, the lowest recorded since before the launch of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, down from a high of 77.8% in late December 2025. The Levada Center, Russia’s leading independent polling firm, also recorded a five-point drop in Putin’s approval between October 2025 and March 2026, falling from 85% to 80%.

    Analysts point to two core structural issues driving the current wave of discontent: sweeping new internet restrictions and a rapidly cooling wartime economy. Since last spring, Russians across the country have faced widespread and recurring cellphone internet shutdowns, which the Kremlin justifies as a necessary security measure to disrupt Ukrainian drone operations. Critics, however, argue the outages are part of a years-long campaign to consolidate full state control over the Russian internet, building on years of escalating censorship that has already blocked or throttled thousands of independent platforms, including two of the country’s most widely used messaging apps, WhatsApp and Telegram.

    The Kremlin has simultaneously pushed a new state-backed messaging app called Max, which many analysts and ordinary Russians view as a tool for expanded state surveillance, while cracking down on VPN services that Russians have long used to bypass national censorship. These moves have spurred scattered acts of public resistance, including petitions to the presidential administration, a nationwide class-action lawsuit against the government, small unsanctioned street pickets, and multiple attempted larger protest mobilizations that were quickly dispersed by security forces. Putin has stood firm on the policy, reaffirming last week that internet shutdowns are necessary to “prevent terror attacks” and urging officials to improve public communication about the restrictions, a signal that the policy will remain in place.

    Compounding public frustration is a sharp slowdown in Russia’s wartime economy, which saw an initial growth surge from massive military spending that has now fully faded. The Russian central bank’s steep interest rate hikes to curb rampant inflation, combined with recent government tax increases, have put severe new pressure on small and medium businesses. Economic Minister Maxim Reshetnikov recently acknowledged that the country’s available economic reserves “have been largely depleted,” and Putin confirmed earlier this month that GDP contracted by 1.8% between January and February, marking the second consecutive month of declining economic growth.

    A third underpinning factor is the collapse of public hopes for a swift end to the war in Ukraine, now in its fifth year. Many Russians pinned their hopes on a peace deal brokered by new U.S. President Donald Trump, who made ending the conflict a core campaign promise and launched negotiations shortly after taking office in January 2025. Those talks have since stalled, leaving the public disappointed. According to Sam Greene, a professor of Russian politics at King’s College London, both the Kremlin and the Russian public priced in an end to the conflict, and the failure to reach a deal has eroded public confidence.

    While the growing discontent represents a new and expanding challenge for the Kremlin, analysts across the political spectrum agree that it does not pose an imminent threat to Putin’s hold on power. Mark Galeotti, a leading Russian politics expert and head of Mayak Intelligence, noted that there is still no unified, organized opposition movement capable of challenging the administration, and Putin’s control over Russia’s security services remains absolute. Even many critics are reluctant to call for broad destabilization during an ongoing war, Galeotti added.

    Denis Volkov, director of the Levada Center, echoed that assessment, noting that approval ratings are declining from a historically very high starting point, and discontent is growing only gradually. “For now, we shouldn’t downplay or exaggerate this, because we’re only at the very beginning of the road,” Volkov said. Still, former Putin speechwriter turned independent political analyst Abbas Gallyamov warned that public frustration will continue to deepen as high-profile figures give ordinary people permission to voice their own grievances, slowly shifting the national political mood.

  • ‘Animals are traumatised too’: Pet rescuers under fire in Ukraine

    ‘Animals are traumatised too’: Pet rescuers under fire in Ukraine

    In a frontline Ukrainian city that has endured relentless military pressure, a quiet morning shift preparation turned into a deadly attack that underscores the hidden human and animal cost of the ongoing war. In early February, a Russian drone crashed directly into the compound of the “Give a Paw, Friend” animal shelter in Zaporizhzhia, just as staff were changing into their work uniforms. While the shelter’s thick steel entrance door absorbed the brunt of the blast and likely saved the lives of all human workers, more than 12 animals housed at the facility did not survive the strike.

    “It was terrifying, to put it mildly,” recalled Iryna Didur, the organisation’s director. In the immediate aftermath of the attack, local residents poured into the damaged shelter to clear rubble and round up animals that had fled in panic. Even the local energy provider, which has itself repeatedly been targeted by Russian strikes, donated and installed a new reinforced steel door to replace the destroyed one. Within three days, nearly all the debris had been cleared, a speed Didur credits to the outpouring of community support. “We’ve got very good people here in Zaporizhzhia. A lot of them have been visiting us to help,” she told the BBC.

    Didur’s group is just one of dozens of grassroots and formal organisations across Ukraine that have dedicated themselves to caring for animals displaced by the ongoing conflict. Beyond providing emergency shelter, food and veterinary care, these groups carry out dangerous evacuation missions to move abandoned pets out of frontline zones, and run neutering programs to control growing stray animal populations.

    The scale of the animal displacement crisis is staggering. As millions of Ukrainians fled escalating Russian bombardment near conflict lines, countless pets were left behind when owners had no way to bring them along. Other animals have been left homeless after their owners were killed in attacks. For Lala Tarapakina, head of the 12 Guardians animal rescue charity, the first sight of disoriented former family pets wandering empty roads near the front line pushed her to launch large-scale evacuation work. “That was the first time I witnessed the catastrophe affecting animals,” she said. “They were walking along a road, and they obviously used to be family pets. It was awful.”

    Since that moment, Tarapakina’s organisation has rescued more than 40,000 animals, many extracted directly from active combat zones under constant artillery and drone threat. “Many people were forced to flee under shelling, losing friends, relatives and limbs along the way. They left lots of animals behind, and we evacuated them under artillery shelling,” she explained. Rescued animals are either placed in permanent foster or adoptive homes, housed in temporary shelters away from the front, or reunited with their displaced owners. These missions also save the lives of owners themselves, many of whom have refused to evacuate without their companion animals. In one notable case, a woman named Alla became the last person to leave her village in the Donetsk region because she refused to abandon the cats and dogs in her care. “I love them all! How could I abandon them? I probably wouldn’t survive, my heart would just break,” she told Ukrainian media.

    The crisis is not limited to traditional companion pets, either. In the northern Sumy region, a specialist police evacuation unit recently assisted a local farmer extract his 11 goats from an active bombardment zone. Even with widespread support for animal rescue efforts, moving animals out of dangerous areas remains a massive challenge. Many Ukrainians have chosen to stay in high-risk frontline areas because travelling with animals is prohibitively expensive and logistically complicated, and finding pet-friendly rental accommodation in safer western and central regions of Ukraine is extremely difficult. Cross-border evacuation to other European countries is even harder, requiring extensive veterinary paperwork including proof of rabies vaccination that many displaced owners cannot obtain under bombardment.

    For rescue volunteers and workers, operating in active conflict zones carries constant mortal risk. Nate Mook, who leads the Hachiko Foundation – an organisation that provides veterinary care, pet food, and runs 150 feeding stations for homeless animals along the front line – says his teams now carry drone detection equipment and fit their vehicles with anti-drone netting to protect against attacks. “We’ve had to relocate in certain areas because it became too dangerous, and unfortunately, some of the areas where we began our work in 2022 are now no-go zones,” he said.

    Amid the widespread destruction, stray animals have become a constant presence along frontline positions, to the point that Ukrainian soldiers joke that cats and dogs are now standard military issue. Outside the eastern town of Kupyansk, a drone unit driver has been accompanied for more than two years by a pet maltipoo that lives and travels with the unit. The 831st Myrhorod Tactical Aviation Brigade hosts a ginger stray cat that reportedly appears near air defence positions during every air raid, sitting silently beside artillery guns as if standing duty alongside the troops.

    Observers often question why rescuers choose to risk their lives to save animals amid widespread human suffering, but rescue leaders say the work provides critical hope for a population traumatized by years of war. “Saving one animal is the same as saving several people because it gives them hope,” Tarapakina said. “By rescuing one dog, you make an average of about 10 people happy. That’s good maths, isn’t it?” Mook, who previously ran crisis food relief organization World Central Kitchen, notes that animals share the same trauma as human civilians, but have no ability to flee or protect themselves. “Dogs and cats have no choice about what’s happening around them, and there’s this sense that they are really powerless. They are equally traumatised and shell-shocked, and the same thing that humans go through, the animals also go through,” he said. “It is not a case of helping one or the other, and animals do not start wars,” he added.