标签: Asia

亚洲

  • Australia’s domestic Twenty20 cricket league to open its season in Chennai, India

    Australia’s domestic Twenty20 cricket league to open its season in Chennai, India

    In a landmark move that redefines the scope of Australian domestic cricket, the Big Bash League (BBL), Australia’s premier Twenty20 competition, will kick off its upcoming season with an unprecedented opening match hosted on Indian soil. The December 12 clash between the Melbourne Renegades and Perth Scorchers, set to take place at Chennai’s iconic MA Chidambaram Stadium — a venue with a 38,000-spectator capacity — was officially confirmed Friday during a special ceremony held at the Melbourne Cricket Ground.

    The announcement, co-flagged by Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, ends weeks of swirling industry speculation about the cross-border fixture. It marks the first time in BBL history that a regular season match will be contested outside of Australia, a strategic shift aimed at expanding the league’s global footprint and tapping into one of the world’s largest cricket fanbases.

    Organizers have arranged the scheduling to align with ongoing international cricket action: the evening start time of the match in Australia translates to an afternoon kickoff in India, and the fixture will get underway immediately after the conclusion of play on the fourth day of the Test match between Australia and New Zealand in Perth, Western Australia. BBL officials have expressed confidence that the historic fixture will draw a full house at the Chennai venue, capitalizing on India’s enduring passion for elite short-format cricket.

  • Erdogan gifts revolvers to Nato leaders, prompting customs and security questions

    Erdogan gifts revolvers to Nato leaders, prompting customs and security questions

    Following a recent NATO summit held in the Turkish capital Ankara, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan surprised alliance leaders with an unconventional, attention-grabbing souvenir: personalized, domestically produced Gumuşay .357 Magnum revolvers complete with live ammunition, Reuters has confirmed. The unexpected gesture was crafted as a deliberate showcase of Turkey’s rapidly expanding domestic defense manufacturing sector, which has become a central pillar of the country’s modern foreign policy and national export strategy.

    Photos released by the office of Lithuanian President Gitanas Nauseda offer a clear view of the gift: each revolver is housed in a polished wooden box emblazoned with both the Turkish national flag and the official NATO logo. A placard inside the packaging explicitly labels the Gumuşay as “the first revolver-type handgun produced in our country,” highlighting Turkey’s milestone in domestic small arms production. A spokesperson for Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez confirmed all attending leaders received the same model, engraved with their individual names to add a personal touch.

    In the days following the summit, leaders and their administrations across the alliance have navigated a patchwork of national customs regulations, gun laws, and security protocols to manage the unusual gifts, with outcomes varying widely by country. Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever only discovered the revolver and its ammunition in his personal luggage after returning to Brussels, and immediately surrendered the item to police at Brussels Airport for secure storage. An aide to Polish President Karol Nawrocki told local outlet Radio RMF FM that the Polish gift remains held at Warsaw Airport pending customs clearance, and will ultimately be placed in secure storage, with the aide noting “certainly no one will be shooting it.”

    The revolvers gifted to the prime ministers of the Netherlands and Sweden remain at their respective countries’ embassies in Ankara, as officials work through import requirements. The Dutch revolver is scheduled to be permanently deactivated, while the Swedish unit awaits completion of import paperwork. A Downing Street source confirmed that British Prime Minister Keir Starmer received his revolver alongside a cleaning kit and 500 rounds of ammunition; additional reports indicate Starmer was unable to bring the firearm into the United Kingdom due to strict national gun regulations, and has left the weapon in Ankara to be decommissioned.

    In contrast, Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has already had her personalized revolver transferred to secure storage at Palazzo Chigi, the official headquarters of the Italian government, where it will join other historical state gifts received by past and sitting leaders. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen plans to donate her revolver to a military museum, while Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis intends to gift his to Athens’ national war museum for public display.

    The unusual gift has sparked widespread discussion online, with some social media users reading political symbolism into Erdogan’s choice of gift, particularly in light of the strict gun control regulations enforced by many European Union member states. One prominent social media post framed the gesture as a deliberate playful provocation of EU governments over their anti-gun policies. For the most part, however, official spokespeople across allied countries have framed the situation as a straightforward matter of navigating customs procedures and diplomatic protocol, rather than a deliberate provocation.

    Beyond the social media chatter, the gift draws renewed attention to Turkey’s deliberate push to position its defense industry as a leading global exporter. Data from the Geneva-based Small Arms Survey cited by Reuters places Turkey as the world’s third-largest exporter of small arms between 2019 and 2024, trailing only the United States and Italy, with total small arms exports reaching roughly $3 billion over that five-year period. In recent years, Turkey’s defense sector has recorded dramatic growth, with Turkish drones, armored vehicles, and small arms gaining significant international visibility and market share across global defense markets.

  • Iran fast-tracks 11 million barrels of oil as Trump threatens blockade

    Iran fast-tracks 11 million barrels of oil as Trump threatens blockade

    Escalating military tensions between the United States and Iran have triggered a rushed evacuation of Iranian crude oil exports, with Tehran deploying six tankers carrying a combined 11 million barrels of crude over a 24-hour window to avoid a potential new blockade of its key ports, Bloomberg reported Thursday.

    According to Bloomberg’s real-time vessel tracking data, five of the six departing tankers have already moved into open water: four have signaled their positions in the Gulf of Oman, while a fifth is currently transiting the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s most critical chokepoint for global oil trade.

    The urgent dispatch of the vessels came immediately after a second consecutive day of U.S. military strikes targeting Iranian territory. Iranian Health Ministry spokesperson Hossein Kermanpour confirmed that the airstrikes hit civilian infrastructure including railway bridges, leaving 14 people dead, 78 injured, and 47 people still undergoing hospital treatment as of Thursday.

    The resumption of large-scale offensive strikes has put the recently signed Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), which was meant to de-escalate tensions around the strategic waterway, at severe risk of collapsing. Already, commercial maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz has slowed to a cautious standstill as shipping companies reroute vessels to avoid the conflict zone.

    The escalating conflict has already sent shockwaves through global energy markets. Oil prices have jumped nearly 9% this week, trading close to $79 per barrel by Thursday trading sessions. The 11 million barrels of crude being rushed out of Iran is roughly equivalent to the volume of Iran’s total pre-conflict weekly crude exports, though market analysts note it remains unclear if pre-negotiated buyers are lined up to take delivery of the cargoes.

    Tensions flared earlier this week after the Trump administration revoked a 60-day sanctions waiver that had temporarily allowed unrestricted Iranian oil sales. The waiver was canceled after Iran launched attacks on commercial vessels off the coasts of Qatar and Saudi Arabia earlier this week, which halted tens of millions of barrels of Iranian crude already in transit.

    On Thursday, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Navy issued a stark warning in response to the U.S. airstrikes and attempts to redirect commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. The IRGC statement said U.S. actions were disrupting the temporary reopening of the waterway, and any further American intervention would be met with a “crushing response.”

    In a significant shift from years of tension centered on Iran’s nuclear program, the Strait of Hormuz has now emerged as the primary flashpoint for conflict between Washington and Tehran.

    The now-fragile Islamabad MoU was reached in June, after Iran’s earlier blockade of the strait inflicted widespread economic damage that pushed the Trump administration to agree to a 60-day ceasefire extension. Speaking on the sidelines of the G7 summit ahead of the signing, Trump noted he “didn’t want to see an economic catastrophe,” and the White House framed the agreement as a first step toward permanent peace through follow-up negotiations.

    Under the terms of the MoU, the Strait of Hormuz would remain open and toll-free for 60 days, with long-term governance of the waterway to be negotiated later. The framework left open the possibility of future transit fees and granted Iran more control over the strategic waterway than it had held in decades. A formal Iranian briefing confirmed that Tehran planned to coordinate future waterway management with Oman and other Persian Gulf littoral states in line with international law.

    The U.S. oil sales waiver, which was tied to progress in ceasefire talks and set to expire on August 21, was the biggest sticking point in negotiations between the two sides. Its revocation earlier this week followed Iran’s attacks on commercial vessels, ending the temporary de-escalation.

    Trump had foreshadowed the current collapse of the agreement back in June, when he downplayed the durability of the MoU in public remarks. “It’s a memorandum of understanding. And if I don’t like it, we’ll go back to shooting at them, dropping bombs on their head,” Trump said at the time. “If I don’t like it, if they don’t behave, we’ll go right back to dropping bombs right smack in the middle of their head, OK?”

  • ‘We must now do more’: Andy Burnham apologises for Labour’s response to Gaza

    ‘We must now do more’: Andy Burnham apologises for Labour’s response to Gaza

    As Andy Burnham prepares to take office as the United Kingdom’s next prime minister, he has broken with past Labour Party positioning to issue a public apology for his party’s earlier response to the ongoing crisis in Gaza, signaling a potential shift in Britain’s approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

    In a frank public statement, Burnham acknowledged widespread public frustration with Labour’s early stance after Israel launched its military campaign in Gaza. “I know many people feel that at the start of Israel’s military action in Gaza, my party didn’t get it right, and I am sorry about that. The response has too often not been good enough. We need to do better,” he said.

    Burnham described the ongoing “unbearable suffering” of Palestinian civilians in Gaza as a “scar on our collective conscience,” and hit out at Israel’s steady expansion of occupied territory in the blockaded enclave. “We’ve got to do more to put pressure on the Israeli government,” he added.

    The prospective prime minister did recognize incremental progress made under the current Keir Starmer-led administration, highlighting the UK’s formal recognition of Palestinian statehood, sanctions targeting far-right Israeli cabinet ministers, and the newly implemented ban on the export of British-made arms and ammunition to Israel. “We have taken some important steps,” he said. “But let’s be honest, the UK was too slow to call for a ceasefire. And we must now do more to strengthen our approach.”

    Burnham pointed to ongoing violations of existing ceasefire agreements by Israel, as well as a sharp escalation in violent attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinian communities in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. He argued that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s far-right government is deliberately working to eliminate any possibility of a negotiated two-state solution to the conflict.

    To back up his commitment to a harder line, Burnham pledged that a government led by him would explore additional punitive measures, including expanded sanctions against violent Israeli settlers and a full ban on trade with Israeli settlements built illegally on occupied Palestinian land.

    Burnham’s comments have drawn intense global scrutiny, as political observers widely expect him to assume the role of UK prime Minister when a new leadership is confirmed next month. A well-known former mayor of Greater Manchester, Burnham only returned to the House of Commons last month, winning the Makerfield constituency by-election following a sudden vacancy. MPs are scheduled to convene later this month to formalize the nomination of the next party leader and prime minister.

    In a bid to balance his stance, Burnham explicitly condemned the October 7, 2023 attack led by Hamas against southern Israel, and also joined in condemning a recent rise in antisemitic attacks across the UK.

    While Burnham’s sharp criticism of Israeli policy marks a clear shift away from the more cautious language used by Starmer’s government, political analysts note it is unlikely to satisfy the many pro-Palestinian activists and voters in the UK who have long criticized Britain’s close, decades-long ties to Israel.

    Notably, Burnham stopped short of endorsing the global consensus that Israel has committed genocide in Gaza, a designation already recognized by the United Nations, dozens of leading human rights organizations and hundreds of international human rights experts. More than 73,000 Palestinians, the majority of them women and children, have been killed in Gaza since the start of Israel’s military campaign. On the question of genocide, Burnham only said that mounting evidence points to potential war crimes having been committed, adding that determinations on legal labels should be left to international judicial bodies rather than elected politicians.

    That position echoes longstanding UK policy, even as the International Criminal Court (ICC) went forward in November 2024 to issue arrest warrants for Netanyahu and former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, charging both with crimes against humanity committed against the population of Gaza. A 2025 investigation by Middle East Eye uncovered that former British Foreign Secretary David Cameron privately threatened ICC chief prosecutor Karim Khan in April 2024, promising to cut British funding and withdraw the UK from the court entirely if it moved forward with the arrest warrants for Israeli leaders.

    This article was originally published by Middle East Eye, which provides independent, in-depth coverage of the Middle East, North Africa and surrounding regions.

  • Ireland makes 9 changes to its starting side for Nations Championship match against Japan

    Ireland makes 9 changes to its starting side for Nations Championship match against Japan

    Leading into a highly anticipated Nations Championship test match this Saturday in Newcastle, Australia, two national rugby sides have finalized their match-day rosters, with Ireland rolling out a heavily reshuffled starting lineup and Japan retaining a standout young playmaker who turned heads in his international debut last week.

    Only six players who featured in Ireland’s narrow 33-31 win over the Wallabies in Sydney last Saturday will retain their starting spots for this week’s neutral-venue clash, played roughly an hour’s drive north of Sydney. The holdovers are backs Stuart McCloskey, Jamie Osborne and Jimmy O’Brien, plus forwards Tom O’Toole, James Ryan and Jack Conan. Irish head coach Andy Farrell announced a total of nine changes to the starting 15, headlined by lock Tadhg Beirne’s first appointment as captain of the senior national side.

    The match will also mark a string of firsts for emerging Irish talent: back-rower Sean Jansen is set to earn his first senior start at the number 8 position, while three other young players — Billy Bohan, Sam Illo and Bryn Ward — will all join the match-day squad for the first time, with Bohan and Illo in line to make their international debuts as replacement forwards. Farrell expressed clear enthusiasm for the opportunity to blood new talent against Japan, noting that even one debut is a special milestone, and four first-time call-ups makes this encounter all the more meaningful.

    For the Japanese side, head coach Eddie Jones has opted to keep faith in 21-year-old university flyhalf Ryunosuke Ito, who made his maiden international appearance last week and delivered an impressive performance in Japan’s 27-10 victory over Italy in Tokyo. Jones, who returns to the sideline this week after serving a four-match suspension, will keep Ito in the starting lineup alongside starting halfback partner Naoto Saito. Speaking about the young playmaker, Jones emphasized that Ito will inevitably face growing pains at the international level, but the entire squad is prepared to support his development, and the coaching staff is encouraging him to play his natural game. Japan made just one adjustment to its starting roster from last week’s win, with Taira Main stepping in to replace Kippei Ishida on the left wing.

    The full confirmed rosters for both sides are as follows:
    Ireland starting XV: Jamie Osborne; Jimmy O’Brien, Robbie Henshaw, Stuart McCloskey, Jacob Stockdale; Ciarán Frawley, Craig Casey; Tom O’Toole, Rónan Kelleher, Thomas Clarkson, Tadhg Beirne (captain), James Ryan; Jack Conan, Nick Timoney, Sean Jansen. Irish reserves: Tom Stewart, Billy Bohan, Sam Illo, Cormac Izuchukwu, Bryn Ward, Nathan Doak, Harry Byrne, Bundee Aki.
    Japan starting XV: Takuro Matsunaga; Kazuma Ueda, Dylan Riley, Yuya Hirose, Taira Main; Ryunosuke Ito, Naoto Saito; Takato Okabe, Mamoru Harada, Shuhei Takeuchi, Harry Hockings, Warner Dearns (captain), Ben Gunter, Kanji Shimokawa, Jack Cornelsen. Japanese reserves: Hayate Era, Sojiro Otuska, Keijiro Tamefusa, Michael Stolberg, Michael Leitch, Tiennan Costley, Itsuki Kamimura, Sam Greene.

  • Tofu vendor delivers much more than healthy food to an east Tokyo neighborhood

    Tofu vendor delivers much more than healthy food to an east Tokyo neighborhood

    On narrow, winding residential streets in eastern Tokyo, 53-year-old Akiko Sugaya pushes her signature pink cart, straw hat perched on her head and a small brass bugle at the ready. The familiar toot of her horn signals her arrival for locals, who know her not just as a seller of fresh, protein-rich tofu and prepared groceries, but as a trusted guardian and friend in a community grappling with Japan’s growing crisis of aging and social isolation.

    For 23 years, Sugaya has filled a role that goes far beyond traditional street vending. Her weekly three-hour routes, which she runs rain or shine three afternoons a week, weave through the Ojima neighborhood, an area dotted with cramped single-family homes and sprawling mid-rise apartment blocks. Where modern convenience has replaced face-to-face interaction with app-based deliveries and contactless checkout, Sugaya has kept the vanishing tradition of neighborhood roaming vendors alive, while quietly stepping in to address a gap that formal social services have not fully filled: checking on isolated elderly residents who live alone.

    Sugaya knows her customers’ routines as intimately as if they were her own family. Over decades of rounds, she has spotted the subtle warning signs that something is wrong: piling uncollected newspapers left on porches, laundry that hangs untouched for days, a usually regular shopper who fails to appear when she sounds her bugle. Sadly, she has on multiple occasions been the first person to discover the bodies of elderly customers who died alone — a tragedy that has become increasingly common in Japan, which holds the title of the world’s oldest population, with more than 29 percent of residents aged 65 or older.

    “In a neighborhood like this, many long-time residents leave their doors unlocked, and landlords will grant me access if I haven’t seen someone in a few days,” Sugaya explained in an interview at her small brick-and-mortar shop, which operates as a takeout lunch spot by day and a small dine-in restaurant in the evening. “These small, tight-knit streets let me see the signs of trouble easily, but even in large apartment blocks that hide those clues, I know to check in on anyone I haven’t seen in a while.”

    What many see as a quiet act of community service has also been a life-changing healing journey for Sugaya herself. Before starting her vending work, she faced years of rejection and trauma: she was bullied relentlessly in school, and was fired from multiple jobs as an adult, leaving her with crippling low self-esteem. It was only when she began pushing her tofu cart through the neighborhood that she found a sense of purpose and belonging that had long eluded her.

    “Selling tofu from my cart taught me that it’s okay to just be myself,” she said. “I was put down over and over again for years, but this work let me build my self-esteem back up. I used to be so nervous around people my own age, but when I’m with the elderly, their warm smiles make me feel safe. This job didn’t just give me work — it saved me.”

    Long-time regular Shinji Saito, who lives with epilepsy and visits Sugaya’s shop every day, describes her open, accepting nature as “magical.” Another customer, 78-year-old Toshi Niiyama, says she intentionally waits for Sugaya to come through her street even when she could buy tofu at a local supermarket or convenience store. “Cart selling is such a disappearing craft,” Niiyama said. “We used to have a vegetable vendor who came around here too, but he retired years ago and nobody took his place. I wouldn’t buy my tofu from anyone else — waiting for Ako-chan is as much about seeing her and chatting as it is about the food.”

    Sugaya has watched firsthand as Japan’s modernization has eroded casual daily social interaction. What were once routine moments of human connection — a newspaper carrier stopping to say hello, a street vendor chatting about the weather — have been replaced by algorithm-driven delivery apps and contactless self-checkout at convenience stores, where customers can complete a purchase without exchanging a single word with another person.

    “You can spend an entire day now without having a single verbal conversation with another person,” Sugaya noted. “You go to a convenience store, tap a screen, grab your item, and leave. It’s fast, but it leaves you feeling empty inside. That’s what I see a lot with the elderly who live alone — that emptiness just gets bigger every day.”

    Unlike many of the roaming vendors that once defined Japanese neighborhood life, Sugaya has no plans to stop her rounds. She sticks to a fixed weekly schedule: one route on Mondays, a second on Thursdays, and a third on Saturdays, and she never skips a day even when the rain is pouring. For her, it’s not just a business — it’s a promise to the community that gave her back her life. “My customers expect me,” she says simply. “They don’t just want tofu. They want someone to talk to. And I’ll be there.”

  • Against Trump’s will, Iran dragging the US into a long war

    Against Trump’s will, Iran dragging the US into a long war

    After months of a fragile truce that held from an initial April ceasefire through a mid-June bilateral memorandum of understanding, armed conflict between the United States and Iran has reignited, with Washington launching a wave of targeted strikes against Iranian assets in response to Tehran’s harassment of commercial shipping in the Strait of Hormuz. This escalation marks the most severe breach of the June 17 agreement, and has led former U.S. President Donald Trump to formally confirm what many regional analysts had feared: the months-long truce is definitively over.

    The root of the latest breakdown in tensions is a high-stakes dispute over strategic control of the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical global energy chokepoints. Under the terms of the now-defunct memorandum, Iran committed to using its best efforts to guarantee unimpeded, toll-free passage for commercial vessels through the strait for a 60-day period. Almost immediately, however, tensions flared over competing shipping routes through the waterway. The U.S.-backed corridor hugs the Omani coast, relies on international maritime coordination, and remains outside direct Iranian oversight. Tehran, by contrast, has pushed aggressively to force all commercial traffic to use an alternative route that runs along Iran’s territorial coast, where it can enforce strict monitoring and full control. At its current width, the strait cannot support two separate controlled corridors without Iran resorting to force or credible threats of force to deter use of the U.S.-endorsed route, and Tehran has already deployed live fire to push ships away from the Omani corridor.

    Analysts note that the lopsided balance of strengths between the two nations has made a lasting ceasefire nearly impossible to achieve. The U.S. retains overwhelming conventional military superiority over Iran, but lacks the domestic political will to commit to a prolonged conflict or a large-scale ground invasion that would force regime change in Tehran. Washington has made clear it has no interest in expending military resources or shifting its global defense priorities to focus on a long-term war with Iran, even as it retains the capability to inflict widespread damage on Iranian military and infrastructure targets.

    For Iran, the opposite dynamic holds: the regime boasts unwavering political resolve to assert its regional dominance and ensure its own survival. Since the outbreak of the current war that saw key Iranian political and military leaders killed early on, the regime has grown increasingly hardline and militaristic, with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) cementing its grip on national power. Ideologically driven, strategically shrewd, and willing to use ruthless tactics to achieve its aims, Tehran has prioritized demonstrating its control over the strait over the economic benefits it would gain from concessions, including a promised $300 billion post-conflict reconstruction fund and relief from crippling international sanctions. To enforce its claims, Iran has deployed low-cost, effective tactics including weaponized drones and fast attack craft to threaten civilian shipping, a strategy that lets it assert control without matching U.S. military power. Even so, Iran’s greatest vulnerability remains its fragile economy, which has already suffered massive damage from months of conflict and could not withstand a prolonged U.S. blockade or sustained air campaign against critical infrastructure.

    Domestic political pressures on both sides have further pushed the truce toward collapse. In Iran, any leader that entertains talks with the U.S. or makes concessions on the Strait of Hormuz risks being branded a traitor by hardline IRGC factions, a danger highlighted by historical precedents: the 1981 assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and the 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, both killed for making peace deals with rivals deemed unacceptable by domestic hardliners. For Trump, domestic opposition rules out a return to full-scale all-out war, but pressure from foreign policy hardliners in the U.S. who oppose walking away from the conflict without progress on Iran’s nuclear program and leaving Tehran in full control of the strait has forced his hand to launch retaliatory strikes after Iran’s attacks on shipping. Analysts point out that Trump significantly underestimated Tehran’s commitment to asserting regional dominance and control over the strait, relying instead on the promise of economic benefits to force compliance with the memorandum.

    Looking ahead, the most likely outcome is not a return to the all-out full-scale war that preceded the April ceasefire, nor is a lasting permanent peace agreement on the horizon. Instead, the region is set to return to the precarious status quo that held between the April 8 initial ceasefire and the June 17 memorandum: a frozen conflict that falls below the threshold of all-out war, but offers no path to substantive peace. Over the coming months, experts expect tit-for-tat strikes to continue, with the Strait of Hormuz remaining partially closed and maritime security in the waterway highly uncertain.

  • Saudi Arabia and UAE cross-border trade faces delays amid tensions: Report

    Saudi Arabia and UAE cross-border trade faces delays amid tensions: Report

    Longstanding neighbors and once-close partners in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia are seeing mounting geopolitical and economic tensions spill over into the business sector, bringing significant disruptions to cross-border commerce and financial transactions. Multiple independent reports published in recent weeks have confirmed that delays at the primary land crossing connecting the two nations have stretched into days, and in some extreme cases, more than a week, leaving commercial truck drivers stranded without clearance to enter Saudi territory.

    Media outlet Semafor first reported Thursday that wait times for border crossing have steadily worsened over the past several months, with some drivers forced to camp out under their vehicle trailers for up to seven days while awaiting administrative approval to proceed. These trade disruptions follow weeks of unconfirmed reports of blocked and delayed bank transfers originating from Saudi institutions and bound for UAE-based accounts, a situation that was corroborated this week by reporting from the *Financial Times*. According to the *Financial Times*, payments from Saudi banks to corporate and personal accounts held by Dubai-based individuals and companies have been either returned to senders or put on indefinite hold since May, with most affected parties receiving no official explanation for the disruption.

    The emerging pattern of trade and financial friction echoes the opening stages of the 2014 Gulf rift that saw Saudi Arabia and the UAE lead a years-long economic and diplomatic blockade of Qatar, a crisis that reshaped regional alliances for a decade. Today, the shifting landscape of Middle Eastern geopolitics has flipped traditional alignment patterns, with Saudi Arabia now moving closer to Qatar, Turkey, Pakistan, and Egypt, while the UAE has diverged from Riyadh’s policy agenda and deepened its strategic partnership with Israel.

    Geopolitical disagreements have played out openly across multiple regional conflicts in recent months. The two Gulf powers back opposing factions in Sudan’s ongoing civil war, while in Yemen and Somalia, the UAE has provided open support to secessionist movements that Saudi Arabia openly opposes. Tensions over Yemen boiled over into open crisis last December, when the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) launched a major offensive against forces aligned with Saudi Arabia. Riyadh responded with direct airstrikes targeting STC positions, forcing the UAE to withdraw its military personnel from the country.

    Beyond geopolitics, the two nations are increasingly direct economic competitors as both pursue ambitious growth and diversification agendas. The most high-profile public split came in May, when the UAE withdrew from the Saudi-led OPEC production bloc over long-running disagreements about mandatory oil output limits. As the largest economy in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia has accelerated its push to diversify beyond oil dependence, investing heavily in expanding its presence in global critical minerals markets, international tourism, and regional logistics networks — sectors that have long been core strengths of the UAE’s open economy.

    This is not the first time trade frictions have emerged between the two GCC members. While the GCC has maintained a regional free trade agreement for decades, Saudi Arabia implemented new rules in 2021 that stripped products manufactured in UAE free trade zones of preferential tariff treatment. The UAE hosts more than 45 dedicated free trade zones across the country, including the massive Jebel Ali Port, one of the busiest cargo hubs in the Middle East. Under the 2021 rules, Saudi authorities began targeting goods bearing a “Made in the UAE” label that Riyadh determined did not meet requirements for local production value addition.

    The regulatory crackdown also coincided with a sustained Saudi campaign to pressure multinational corporations to relocate their regional headquarters from traditional bases in Dubai to Riyadh, as part of the kingdom’s Vision 2030 economic transformation plan. Analysts note that the ongoing trade and banking disruptions represent the most tangible sign of how deep the rift between the two once-close allies has become, raising questions about the future cohesion of the GCC and the stability of cross-border commerce across the Gulf region.

  • UN investigators provide additional evidence of genocide by RSF in Sudan’s el-Fasher

    UN investigators provide additional evidence of genocide by RSF in Sudan’s el-Fasher

    On Wednesday, the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan (FFMS) published a fresh batch of harrowing survivor testimonies collected from the aftermath of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) capture of el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. The new accounts reinforce the mission’s earlier finding that the RSF, Sudan’s powerful paramilitary group, has carried out acts of genocide targeting non-Arab communities in the region.

    Established by the UN Human Rights Council as an independent oversight body, the FFMS is tasked with documenting violations of international human rights and humanitarian law amid the ongoing civil conflict that erupted between the RSF and Sudan’s regular armed forces (SAF) in April 2023. Since its last public update in February, the mission has expanded its evidence base to 333 interviews with people who survived the el-Fasher offensive, adding 13 new firsthand accounts that solidify its original assessment.

    The mission reaffirmed Wednesday that three core elements required to classify atrocities as genocide under international law are overwhelmingly present in attacks carried out by the RSF in and around el-Fasher: the systematic killing of members of the targeted non-Arab groups, the infliction of severe physical and psychological harm, and the deliberate imposition of living conditions designed to eradicate the group. Investigators added that clear genocidal intent can be inferred from multiple patterns observed during the offensive: the large-scale scope of targeted killings, the consistent use of ethnically charged rhetoric by RSF commanders and foot soldiers, and the deliberate practice of sparing Arab civilians while attacking, detaining, or sexually assaulting non-Arab residents.

    Currently, the mission is conducting a formal review to determine whether the widespread patterns of sexual violence documented in el-Fasher — including mass rape, forced pregnancy, and the deliberate denial of reproductive health care to non-Arab communities — qualify as a fourth act of genocide: measures intended to prevent births within the targeted group, as defined under Article II(d) of the UN Genocide Convention.

    Beyond documenting atrocities committed by the RSF itself, the FFMS also addressed the potential legal complicity of foreign states that continue to provide military, financial, logistical, or intelligence support to the paramilitary group. Under Article I of the Genocide Convention, all states hold a binding legal obligation to prevent acts of genocide. The mission noted that any state that continues to supply support to the RSF despite awareness of a credible risk of genocide could be found in violation of this obligation, and may face allegations of complicity under Article III(e) of the convention in some cases.

    Extensive independent reporting, including multiple investigations by Middle East Eye, has repeatedly linked the United Arab Emirates to the provision of arms and other critical supplies to the RSF, claims the UAE has repeatedly denied. Sudan previously attempted to file a formal genocide case against the UAE at the International Court of Justice, but the proceedings were unable to move forward after the UAE invoked a reservation it made to Article IX of the Genocide Convention, which excludes the ICJ’s jurisdiction over such disputes against the country. However, the FFMS emphasized that other states that supply the RSF have not made similar reservations, leaving them vulnerable to identical legal claims in the future. In recent weeks, international human rights organizations have submitted two formal communications to the International Criminal Court calling for an investigation into the role of foreign actors, specifically senior UAE officials, for aiding and abetting RSF atrocities.

    “The obligation to prevent arises at the instant a State learns of, or should normally have learned of, the existence of a serious risk that genocide may be committed,” the FFMS wrote in its conference room paper. “It is an obligation of conduct rather than result, requiring States to employ all means reasonably available to them, within their capacity to influence the relevant actors, to prevent the commission of genocide.” The mission issued an immediate call for all states to halt all flows of weapons, ammunition, and logistical support to the RSF and its allied militias, a move that would comply with the existing UN arms embargo on Darfur.

    The new testimonies released Wednesday add graphic, previously undisclosed details of atrocities carried out by RSF fighters during and after the October 2024 takeover of el-Fasher. Investigators confirmed that foreign fighters have been identified among RSF ranks, and that many of these fighters have participated in acts of sexual violence against non-Arab civilians. RSF fighters are readily identifiable by their distinctive sandy-colored uniforms.

    One newly published account describes RSF fighters storming a takiya, a communal shelter for displaced civilians, on October 26. Fighters killed men, women, and children inside the shelter indiscriminately. As a survivor attempted to flee with her husband, fighters grabbed the woman and raped her. When her husband tried to intervene, one fighter slit his throat with a knife, killing him instantly. In another incident, RSF fighters stormed El Saudi Hospital, a major medical facility in el-Fasher, killed wounded civilians sheltering inside its wards, and raped multiple women within the hospital grounds.

    In the town of Shagra, one witness told investigators that RSF fighters stopped a convoy of civilians attempting to escape the city, then gang-raped between 15 and 20 women and girls, some as young as 13 years old. One of the victims, a woman in her 70s, later died from the injuries she sustained during the attack. Along the road leading to Tawila, a survivor recounted being intercepted by RSF fighters alongside a group of women. Fighters separated several of the women to rape them while forcing the other women to watch, telling the waiting group, “Sit here until we ‘marry’ your sister.”

    Multiple testimonies confirm that fighters explicitly targeted and spared civilians based on their ethnicity. In one incident, a RSF fighter who had already begun assaulting a woman stopped when she told she belonged to the Arab Fallati tribe, saying “you are my cousin” and allowing her to leave unharmed. Another woman was released after claiming membership in the Masri neighborhood, which is majority Arab. The testimonies also include new accounts of brutal sexual violence: multiple survivors described rapes committed with sharp objects, which resulted in at least one victim’s death, and witnesses reported that perpetrators laughed while carrying out their assaults.

    The FFMS also documented that women who resisted rape or attempted to protect their family members were extrajudicially killed by RSF fighters. On the road to Tawila, a mother was shot dead after trying to stop fighters from abducting her daughters. Two young women being held captive by the RSF were killed immediately after fighting off an attempted rape. The mission also received multiple new accounts of abductions of women and girls, which investigators are treating as part of a broader pattern of enforced disappearances. One witness described seeing RSF fighters tie the hands of three girls she knew, force them into a military vehicle, and drive away.

    Newly recorded statements from RSF fighters further reinforce the ethnic motivation behind the atrocities. Direct quotes from fighters include statements such as “The Rapid Support Forces are above everything” and “Any Zaghawa we will capture will not survive the night.” Investigators said these statements confirm that ethnicity is the primary criterion used to target victims for killing and sexual violence.

    The testimonies also lay bare the horrific conditions faced by thousands of civilians detained by the RSF after fleeing el-Fasher. The FFMS confirmed that detainees were first held in makeshift facilities across el-Fasher, including local schools, El Saudi Hospital, and abandoned government buildings, before being transferred to the main prison in Nyala — known as Daqris Prison — by the end of 2024. Daqris Prison was already severely overcrowded with detainees captured in other regions of Sudan, but thousands of additional el-Fasher detainees were sent there anyway. Thousands of detainees remain in the facility to this day, held without any formal legal process, denied access to legal counsel and blocked from receiving visits from family members. Even humanitarian workers who attempted to gain access to the detention sites have themselves been detained by the RSF.

    Former government employees — particularly teachers and doctors — were separated from the general detainee population and face a far higher risk of extrajudicial killing, the mission found. In many cases, these separated detainees have not been seen again by family members or witnesses. At a former children’s hospital in el-Fasher that the RSF repurposed as a detention and execution site, detainees were forced to drink contaminated water, resulting in a cholera outbreak that killed multiple people in custody.

    Conditions inside the besieged El Saudi Hospital during and after the RSF offensive were also documented: medical staff ran out of critical supplies, forcing them to clean open wounds with only salt water. Specialists reported that they lacked the equipment and medication needed to provide adequate medical and psychological care to survivors of rape. Women who became pregnant as a result of rape were forced to seek unsafe illegal abortions due to the lack of timely reproductive care, and several of these women died from hemorrhage. Pregnant women across el-Fasher also suffered higher rates of stress-induced premature labor due to constant shelling and violence.

    On the question of command responsibility for the atrocities, the FFMS presented verified video evidence placing RSF deputy commander Abdelrahim Hamdan Dagalo at the captured 6th Infantry Division base in el-Fasher delivering a speech between 10 a.m. and 11 a.m. on October 26, just hours after the RSF secured control of the city. Dagalo was also spotted in el-Fasher two days after the takeover and again on November 4. The commander has already been sanctioned by the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the UN Security Council for his role in overseeing the RSF’s military campaign in Darfur.

    The FFMS shared the final draft of its new report with Sudan’s transitional government on July 3 but has not received any formal response to date. The RSF answered a small number of questions from investigators in a June 7 letter but has not followed through on public promises to meet with investigators, the mission confirmed.

    The release of these new findings comes just days after the FFMS issued an urgent warning that the RSF appears to be preparing to replicate its el-Fasher offensive in another major Sudanese city: el-Obeid, home to more than 500,000 permanent residents plus more than 100,000 people who have already been displaced from el-Fasher and other war-ravaged regions. During an urgent debate at the UN Human Rights Council on July 3, FFMS member Mona Rishmawi reported that the RSF has built up military forces on all approach routes to el-Obeid except the eastern corridor. Local residents have reported a sharp increase in drone strikes targeting critical infrastructure including power stations, fuel depots, water treatment facilities, and transport routes, alongside repeated strikes on hospitals, markets, schools, and residential neighborhoods.

    “We have seen this modus operandi by the RSF before. In El-Fasher and elsewhere, growing encirclement was followed by restrictions on movement, disruption of aid and food supplies, damage to critical infrastructure, aerial and artillery bombardment and ultimately indiscriminate attacks against civilians,” Rishmawi told the council. “The warning signs are unmistakable.”

  • Motherhood not all warm and fuzzy: Bollywood actor’s play spotlights messier side

    Motherhood not all warm and fuzzy: Bollywood actor’s play spotlights messier side

    For generations, motherhood in India has been framed as a sacred, universally joyful milestone—an ultimate goal that every woman is expected to embrace without complaint. But what if the messy, painful, and unspoken parts of this life-altering experience matter just as much as the warm, fuzzy moments we celebrate? That is the question at the heart of *Belly of the Beast*, a provocative new stage production from Aadyam Theatre that is already turning heads and sparking long-overdue conversations across the country.

    Adapted from Bollywood actor Kalki Koechlin’s 2021 memoir *The Elephant in the Womb*—written just months after Koechlin gave birth, during the isolation of the COVID-19 pandemic—the production pulls no punches in its exploration of the full spectrum of motherhood. Co-created by Koechlin and award-winning theatre director Sheena Khalid, the play weaves together the overlapping stories of five women navigating different phases of maternal experience: from early pregnancy and traumatic labor to the overwhelming grind of caring for newborns and young children. It does not shy away from the hardest parts of the journey, either, addressing topics that have long been pushed to the margins of public discourse: pregnancy loss, abortion, and the crippling weight of postpartum depression.

    Koechlin, who drew directly from her own battle with postpartum depression while writing her book, explains that the project grew out of a gap she saw in India’s cultural conversation around motherhood. “Women are rarely allowed to express the dark feelings—the difficulties they face, the hormonal changes they go through, the loss of identity or postpartum depression,” she shared in an interview. “The conversation everywhere is all about the gift of motherhood, how beautiful it is, how blessed we are to be mothers. But that life-giving process is so transformational that there is a certain part of you that is also grieving, losing the identity you had before.” As a society, she argues, mothers’ unrelenting labor is largely taken for granted; acknowledging how draining and isolating the work can be is seen as taboo, for fear that if women spoke openly about their struggles, the entire unbalanced social structure of unpaid carework would collapse.

    Official government data underscores the systemic weight of the expectations the play critiques. Recent figures reported by the *Times of India* show that 69% of women in urban India are locked out of the formal labor force due to unpaid childcare and housework, compared to just 1% of men. For women who do pursue careers, the pressure to be a “supermom”—excelled both at work and as the primary caregiver, running every aspect of the household without complaint—leaves little room for error or vulnerability. Koechlin notes that much of this pressure is internalized, bred from generations of social expectation that women must be perfect mothers above all else. *Belly of the Beast* aims to challenge that narrative, encouraging women to share the load and accept that it is okay to not be perfect, or okay at all.

    One of the play’s most resonant storylines centers on the stigma surrounding miscarriage in India, a topic that remains deeply shrouded in shame even today. Women who lose a pregnancy not only grieve their loss—they also face unfair judgment, awkward silences, and pressure to pretend they are fine. The role of the woman navigating miscarriage is played by Shruti Vyas, who drew from her own personal experience to develop the character. “There is some pain that might not be visible from the outside, but that doesn’t mean that you’re not experiencing it,” Vyas explains. She recalls that after her own miscarriage, the most common reaction she received was, “But you’re looking fine.” The play’s core message around this issue—that it is okay to not be fine—landed powerfully with audiences at the play’s recent Delhi premiere, where audience members openly affirmed the line in a spontaneous show of solidarity.

    To keep the heavy subject matter from feeling overwhelming for audiences, Khalid intentionally wove moments of humor and levity throughout the 130-minute production. “We are talking about some very heavy things such as miscarriages and there are moments where we’re talking about personal experiences,” Khalid says. “We felt there needed to be a sense of relief and levity for the audience, so we can ease in and out of it. Otherwise, it’s a lot.” That balance paid off: when the final curtain fell on the Delhi premiere, the entire cast and crew received a standing ovation from the moved crowd.

    What makes *Belly of the Beast* more than just a play is its commitment to reflecting the universal reality of most Indian women, for whom unpaid childcare remains a default, unrecognized full-time responsibility. One quiet, widely relatable scene illustrates this perfectly: when a husband returns home from work, tired but ready to talk about his day, he asks his wife how hers went. She pauses, then only mumbles, “I just looked after the baby.” It is a small moment that cuts to the core of the play’s mission: to give voice to the millions of mothers whose experiences have long been erased or silenced by social expectation.