标签: Asia

亚洲

  • These bookshops let Chinese readers question their country – now the doors are closing

    These bookshops let Chinese readers question their country – now the doors are closing

    For Chen Zhu, a 23-year-old from Guangzhou in mainland China, the monthly trip to Hong Kong has always revolved around one unmissable stop: Hunter Bookstore. Founded four years ago by a former local councillor, this small independent outlet has built a loyal following for stocking titles that Beijing authorities label sensitive – from firsthand accounts of Hong Kong’s 2019 pro-democracy movement to iconic critiques of authoritarian rule like George Orwell’s *Animal Farm* and Hajime Isayama’s manga series *Attack on Titan*. Tucked between textile vendors, auto garages and hip cafes in the dense Sham Shui Po district, the shop has long served as a gateway to a different, more open space for curious mainland readers like Chen, who come here seeking answers to questions that are off-limits back home.

    When Chen heard that Hong Kong police had raided Hunter in late June and arrested its owner, she broke down in tears. “I was devastated,” she recalled. Her grief reflects a growing crisis that has swept Hong Kong’s independent bookshop sector, a community that exploded in popularity after the 2019 pro-democracy protests but has faced mounting existential pressure as Beijing tightened its control over the city under the 2020 National Security Law (NSL). While Beijing frames the NSL as a critical tool to restore stability to Hong Kong, critics including many Hong Kong residents and international human rights groups argue the legislation has effectively gutted freedom of expression in the city. Thousands of locals, from democracy activists to former lawmakers, have fled Hong Kong in recent years, as the sweeping law has led to hundreds of arrests and convictions on national security and sedition charges.

    The June raid on Hunter Bookstore resulted in the arrest of 33-year-old owner Letitia Wong and a 32-year-old male associate on charges of sedition and money laundering. Both have denied all allegations and been released on bail. Hunter was not an isolated case: just three months earlier, the owner of Book Punch bookstore and three of his staff were arrested on identical charges, with police seizing copies of a biography of jailed democracy campaigner and media tycoon Jimmy Lai. On July 15, the opening day of Hong Kong’s annual flagship Hong Kong Book Fair, national security officers raided two more independent outlets – Greenfield Bookstore and Have a Nice Stay – arresting five people on sedition charges who were later bailed. By the end of July, Greenfield, a 50-year-old institution that had served generations of readers, announced it would permanently close when its lease expired, becoming the third independent bookshop to shut its doors in just one month.

    For decades, these small independent bookshops have attracted a devoted customer base that extends far beyond Hong Kong’s borders, drawing thousands of curious readers from mainland China every year who travel hundreds of kilometers to access titles banned on the mainland’s heavily censored internet. For 19-year-old Li, a student from Shanghai who requested anonymity, these shops are rare spaces “where you can see so many possibilities, and where existing ideas can be challenged.” For many mainland readers, they offer a sense of open discourse and community that cannot be found back home – a space that is now at risk of disappearing entirely as the crackdown intensifies.

    The story of Chen Zhu’s search for reading material illustrates the draw these shops hold for young mainland readers. When Chen started university in 2021, she grew increasingly curious about topics erased from mainland public discourse, most notably the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, a topic completely scrubbed from the mainland’s controlled internet. After watching popular but underground films that touched on the event – including the romantic drama *Summer Palace* and the independent film *Lan Yu* – failed to satisfy her curiosity, she set her sights on finding *The Unburned Book*, a collection of reflections by Taiwanese poet Yang Du on 1989 protesters who went into exile. Immediately after the Hong Kong-mainland border reopened following COVID-19 restrictions in 2023, she traveled to Hong Kong to track down the book, at a time when the city’s independent bookshop scene was at its peak, with readers sharing curated walking routes and recommendations across social media.

    At that time, the city was dotted with beloved independent outlets: the discount-focused Luck Win in busy Mong Kok, Greenfield with its floor-to-ceiling packed shelves, the cozy Have a Nice Stay founded by former journalists that hosted popular late-night reading sessions, the cramped but beloved Elmbook where regulars treated browsing like a treasure hunt, Book Punch with its defiant motto “one punch to wake the reader” on Tai Nan Street, Word by Word – a popular spot for foodies in historic Wan Chai – and Hunter, with its outdoor sofa where passersby could rest. It was at Hunter that Chen finally found *The Unburned Book*, after searching through half a dozen other shops without luck.

    Beyond accessing banned books, readers value these shops for the open, connected community they foster. During Li’s visit to Hong Kong earlier this year, just months after a devastating apartment fire in Tai Po killed 168 people, she found a wall of black sticky notes at Hunter Bookstore where visitors had left messages of solidarity for the victims and their families. This kind of open public collective grief is rare on the mainland, Li explained, where authorities often restrict unregulated public expression around sensitive events. “People can only express themselves indirectly” back home, she said. She was also struck by the small personal touches: handwritten notes from booksellers next to titles, sharing their own reflections on the work or highlighting meaningful passages – something she had never encountered in mainland bookshops. For Chen, the sense of shared community means she never feels like an outsider, even when browsing alone. “You’ve left mainland China behind. Of course, you know this freedom has its limits. But it’s still better than not being able to say anything at all,” she said.

    Today, that limited freedom is rapidly shrinking. In the lead-up to this year’s book fair, two low-profile shops that rarely organized public events, Luck Win and Elmbook, were publicly condemned in Wen Wei Po, a Beijing-controlled newspaper in Hong Kong. The paper accused the shops of selling books that promote “soft resistance,” including *The Hong Kong Diaries* by Chris Patten, Hong Kong’s last British governor before the 1997 handover, and *300 Short Essays* by Lee Yee, a late columnist for the now-shuttered pro-democracy newspaper *Apple Daily* – whose owner Jimmy Lai is currently serving a prison sentence under the NSL.

    Tong Kin-long, a researcher at University College London, explained that this vague enforcement strategy is intentional. “The authorities don’t want people to know exactly where the boundaries are,” he said. “They want people to work out the red lines for themselves, or to censor themselves before crossing them.” For many long-time observers of media in China, the crackdown on Hong Kong’s independent bookshops echoes a gradual tightening that has already reshaped the mainland’s bookselling landscape over the past decade. K, a 30-something reader from Sichuan who requested anonymity, recalled that mainland bookshops were once vibrant spaces for open discussion, with liberal titles and magazines prominently displayed and regular public talks. But from 2015 onward, he watched as restrictions gradually tightened: first books about political leaders were pulled, then less obviously sensitive titles disappeared, public events became rarer, and the open atmosphere faded. Chen says a friend who runs a small bookshop in Guangzhou faces regular police harassment, with authorities even cutting power during private film screenings the shop hosts.

    Even for readers who manage to travel to Hong Kong, bringing banned books back to the mainland carries significant risk, as customs officials regularly seize titles deemed a threat to national security. Many readers, like K, go to great lengths to smuggle their purchases back, choosing busy border crossings, hiding books deep in luggage or inside clothing, and avoiding titles with prominent covers featuring sensitive names. But today, smuggling is no longer the biggest worry. “In the past, people would simply think, ‘If I can’t buy a book in mainland China, I’ll go to Hong Kong’. Now the feeling is different. You don’t even know which bookshops will still be here the next time you come,” K said.

    The wave of closures has accelerated in recent months. A week after Elmbook was excluded from the 2024 Hong Kong Book Fair, it announced it would close its physical location in April 2025. Have a Nice Stay soon followed, announcing it would shut at the end of August 2024, citing both economic pressure and the unpredictability of official “red lines” around what content is permitted. Many in Hong Kong’s bookselling industry have grown deeply pessimistic about the future, with some expecting conditions to worsen before any potential improvement. But despite the crackdown, many readers remain committed to sustaining the remaining independent shops, framing their visits as an act of quiet resistance. “Buying a book has become a quiet way of showing support, and a quiet form of resistance,” said Chris, a 20-year-old mainland reader who requested anonymity, adding that despite the recent arrests he will continue traveling to Hong Kong to visit the remaining independent outlets. As one industry insider put it: readers still have agency. “We can still buy books. We can still read. And we can still read a great many books.”

  • China investigates comedian after he altered a revolutionary song lyric onstage

    China investigates comedian after he altered a revolutionary song lyric onstage

    One of China’s most high-profile traditional comedy performers is facing official investigation and the abrupt cancellation of multiple scheduled shows after altering the lyrics of a revered revolutionary song during a public performance, according to regional and international media reports. Guo Degang, the most influential figure in xiangsheng – a centuries-old Chinese form of conversational stand-up comedy credited with reviving mainstream public interest in the art among younger audiences – is under probe by cultural regulators in Wuhan, the central Chinese city where the controversial performance took place last month, local Chinese media confirmed.

    The incident has triggered a wave of performance cancellations across the country. A scheduled August show in Xi’an, a major northwestern Chinese city, was pulled from the calendar, with ticketing platform Damai and the city’s performance venue both citing unspecified “venue issues” in public statements. The venue reclassified the show as “postponed” but declined to share a new rescheduled date, and Guo’s promotional team has offered full refunds for all ticket purchases, as well as reimbursement for pre-booked travel and accommodation costs linked to the performance. Multiple other August shows in cities across China have also been scrapped, local media reports indicate.

    According to social media videos and local reporting, the controversy stems from an unauthorized lyric change to *Playing My Beloved Pipa*, a beloved revolutionary song tied to the 1956 film *Railway Guerrilla*, which chronicles the story of Communist-led resistance against Japanese occupation during World War II. During his Wuhan performance, Guo altered the original line “it is quiet along Weishan Lake” to “it is quiet in the Forbidden City” – the centuries-old former imperial palace in Beijing that now operates as a major public museum drawing more than 10 million annual visitors. The song is one of China’s most culturally significant revolutionary tracks: it was performed at the 1998 CCTV Spring Festival Gala, China’s most-watched annual television event, and was named in 2019 as one of the 100 recommended songs to mark the 70th founding anniversary of the People’s Republic of China by the Communist Party’s Publicity Department.

    Shanghai-based state-affiliated outlet The Paper noted that while Guo’s full Wuhan performance received pre-approval from local cultural regulators, the last-minute lyric change did not. The alteration may run afoul of existing Chinese regulations governing commercial public performances, the outlet reported. As of Saturday, neither Guo Degang nor his promotional team had responded to emailed requests for comment from the Associated Press.

    The investigation underscores the increasingly strict regulatory environment and content oversight governing China’s arts and entertainment sectors, where creators and performers must operate around vaguely defined, frequently shifting “red lines” for acceptable content. This is not the first high-profile incident of a Chinese comedian facing professional consequences for on-stage content. In 2023, rising stand-up comedian Li Haoshi, who performs under the stage name House, sparked massive national controversy after he used a Chinese military slogan to describe two of his pet dogs chasing a squirrel. Li’s management company Xiaoguo Culture Media was fined 14.7 million yuan (roughly $2.13 million) over the incident, and Li has not been permitted to perform in public venues on mainland China since.

    Over the course of his decades-long career, Guo Degang has been widely credited with revitalizing xiangsheng, a traditional art form that was once largely regional and restricted to older audiences, by making it accessible and appealing to younger Chinese consumers. His performance troupe Deyunshe has become one of the most popular comedy brands in China, selling out shows across the country and building a massive global following on social media.

  • Modi spent years building his strong image – why is he making Gen Z reels now?

    Modi spent years building his strong image – why is he making Gen Z reels now?

    India’s demographic landscape is shifting rapidly, with Generation Z poised to become one of the largest voting blocs by the 2029 general election – and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), long a leader in digital political campaigning, is scrambling to adapt its strategy to connect with this young, discerning audience.

    For years, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, 75, has cultivated a carefully curated strongman public image, built around scripted speeches, formal national broadcasts and tightly choreographed public appearances. Even with more than 106 million Instagram followers – making him one of the most followed political leaders on the platform – casual, approachable content was never a core priority for Modi or his party’s social media team. That all changed after a wave of youth-led protests rocked the country earlier this year.

    The unexpected protest movement, organized by the satirical activist group Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), spread like wildfire across Instagram via memes, live streams and short-form reels. What began as an online joke quickly evolved into a mass grassroots movement that gained enough momentum to force a sitting federal minister to step down – catching the BJP’s seasoned digital team completely off guard.

    Political commentator and author Anurag Minus Verma notes that for over a decade, the Hindu nationalist BJP has built one of India’s most formidable online political operations, leveraging WhatsApp groups, Facebook pages and X (formerly Twitter) accounts to amplify its messaging and dominate public narratives. But today’s young Indians consume content and engage with politics very differently than older generations. More than 60% of India’s 1.4 billion people are under 35, and experts warn that winning Gen Z’s support requires meeting them where they are: on platforms like Instagram, where unfiltered, personal content resonates far more than stiff, traditional political talking points.

    In response to the protest wake-up call, Modi has quickly overhauled his Instagram presence. Where his timeline once featured only carefully polished, curated posts, it now includes more seemingly candid content: a “get-ready-with-me” short reel, multiple selfie-style video addresses where Modi refers to young viewers directly as “friends”, and even a speech that wove in a popular Gen Z catchphrase. At a Delhi graduation ceremony, Modi boasted, “I am the first in my bloodline to build a rocket, a chip and a drone” – a deliberate attempt to speak to young India’s growing interest in technology and national development.

    But the outreach has not gone as planned. When Modi dropped his first selfie-style reel addressing the ongoing protests, young users responded immediately with sarcasm and mockery. A long, awkward pause after his opening greeting of “friends” went viral, spawning thousands of edits, memes, and jokes that poked fun at the clip’s poor lighting and awkward camera angles. The clip now has more than 400 million views – but the majority of the engagement comes from users sharing it to mock, not support, the prime minister.

    Modi’s team has since adjusted, experimenting with new camera angles, backdrops and lighting to address criticism, but many young Indians remain skeptical of the sudden shift in tone. Ginni Malia, a 22-year-old young voter, says she understands why the BJP wants to connect with people her age, but the timing of the outreach raises red flags. “The videos adopt Gen Z language and formats, but they don’t address any of the core concerns that sparked the protests in the first place,” she explained. For many of her peers, the BJP’s new social media content is treated as accidental comedy, not serious political outreach.

    The cringe-inducing attempts are not limited to Modi’s personal account. BJP party pages have also jumped on the Gen Z content trend, posting memes, Gen Z slang and pop-culture references that often miss the mark. One post-protest reel, set in a gym, featured a plot where an older trainer argued young people should avoid the protests – and was widely panned as awkward and out of touch in the comments. Another used the title track from 1990s sitcom *Friends*, a millennial favorite that holds little cultural cachet for Gen Z, with the caption “PM Modi is there for you”.

    Recognizing that their initial attempts have fallen flat, the BJP has already made leadership changes. The party recently replaced Amit Malviya, its long-serving social media chief who held the role since 2015. Many analysts attribute the shakeup to widespread online criticism of the party’s handling of the protest narrative on social media. During the unrest, Modi reportedly instructed his cabinet to ramp up their own youth-focused social media engagement, and the Hindustan Times recently reported that federal ministers were given formal performance “report cards” for their social media outreach and ordered to expand their presence across all major platforms.

    The BJP is not the only Indian political party courting Gen Z on Instagram. Opposition Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has long posted candid selfies and casual content on the platform, and held a popular Instagram “Ask Me Anything” session after the protests, where he responded to questions with playful quips – including one joke about whether he and Batman are the same person.

    But even as the BJP tries to adapt, political analysts say the party faces fundamental structural challenges to winning on Instagram. Joyojeet Pal, a University of Michigan professor who studies the political use of social media, explains that the BJP’s traditional digital strategy relies on a network of loyal supporters to amplify messaging on X and WhatsApp. That model does not translate to Instagram, where the algorithm prioritizes affect-driven engagement – watch time, shares, comments and reactions – over network reach.

    “It’s not uncommon for a 200-follower account to get 10 million views on a reel, while a huge verified political account only gets a few thousand,” Pal explains. “The BJP built its strategy for a network-centric internet, but today’s platforms are far more affect-centric. That’s a massive shift.”

    Another major hurdle is the loss of narrative control. Modi’s first viral Gen Z-style reel is a perfect example: while it earned hundreds of millions of views, young users re-edited and shared it with sarcastic commentary, turning the prime minister’s intended outreach into a national joke. Verma notes that Instagram is fundamentally built around irony and satire, making it easy for even well-produced political content to be turned against the person who posted it. Learning to operate in that ungovernable space is a major culture shift for the BJP, which has long prioritized controlling the narrative.

    Still, analysts caution against overstating the impact of social media performance on electoral outcomes. Pal points out that the BJP’s election success has always depended far more on its robust ground organization and loyal core support base than viral social media content. “It’s important to distinguish between winning a social media narrative and winning an election,” Pal says. “The BJP could still sweep elections even if every Gen Z user hates its content on Instagram.”

    For now, the BJP – like every major political party in India – is navigating this unfamiliar new political terrain. Pal notes that the party has a long track record of adapting to new forms of political communication: it was an early adopter of social media campaigning, and has already embraced newer formats like podcasts and influencer interviews. It will likely figure out the Instagram game eventually, but it will take time to learn the platform’s unwritten rules. For young Indian voters, the priority is clear: they want leaders to listen to their concerns, not just chase viral social media trends.

  • Guilt, grief and strength: Gaza’s ‘sole survivor’ children face life alone

    Guilt, grief and strength: Gaza’s ‘sole survivor’ children face life alone

    In the early light of each Gaza morning, 13-year-old Jana al-Motouq wakes to an empty space beside her. Where her mother once stirred to wake the family, fry flatbread for breakfast, and braid her hair before school, only silence remains. Today, al-Motouq cooks her own meal, folds her own clothes, and walks to school alone — a daily routine no child should ever have to learn. On November 17, 2023, an Israeli airstrike on the Jabalia residential neighborhood flattened her family’s home, killing every member of her immediate family: parents Ahmed and Heba, her twin sister Saja, 8-year-old brother Hossam, and 4-year-old brother Mohammed. Thirty-five more extended family members, including uncles and childhood cousins, also died in the attack. Al-Motouq lived only because a sudden illness the night before had led her to sleep across the street at her grandmother’s house.

    When the pre-dawn blast rattled the neighborhood, she ran outside to find nothing but crumbled concrete and twisted metal where her home had stood. “I sat on the rubble calling for my mum and dad. Nobody answered,” she recalled. For days after, she returned to the ruins each morning, digging through debris until she found a bloodstained family blanket. She held it to her chest, kissing the fabric, before heartbroken relatives pulled her away from the unstable wreckage. “I wished I had been with them,” she told Middle East Eye. “I thought, if I had died with them, maybe I could rest.”

    Al-Motouq is far from alone. More than two years of sustained Israeli bombardment across the Gaza Strip has killed more than 73,000 people, displacing most of the territory’s 2.2 million residents and destroying the homes, schools, and daily routines that once anchored community life. Official data from the Palestinian Ministry of Social Development confirms the staggering human cost: more than 68,000 children and adults are now the only surviving members of their once-large families, and over 75,000 children have lost one or both parents. Local medical workers have even created a new clinical acronym, WCNSF — “Wounded Child, No Surviving Family” — to categorize the dozens of injured, alone children who arrive at overcrowded hospitals each week. The result is a generation of young Palestinians growing up not just amid violence and displacement, but crippling grief, unresolved trauma, and a constant uncertainty about what tomorrow will bring.

    Survivor guilt is a near-universal experience for these children, explains Sereen al-Absi, a Gaza-based psychologist who has worked with dozens of sole survivors like al-Motouq. “They always ask themselves: Why did I survive when they didn’t? Why couldn’t I protect them?” the 29-year-old therapist explained. “Even when they logically understand they had no control over what happened, their pain doesn’t follow logic.” Today, al-Motouq lives in a displacement tent with her maternal grandparents, the life she knew reduced to scattered memories. Before the war, she and her twin Saja were inseparable: they wore matching clothes, shared homework, and dreamed of memorizing the Holy Quran together. Al-Motouq still smiles faintly when she remembers: “If one of us wore something different, we’d both get upset. She wasn’t just my twin — she was my life partner.” Now, she often accidentally calls classmates by Saja’s name, and reaches for a pencil out of habit, expecting her sister’s hand to meet hers.

    Eighteen-year-old Dima Junina, a Gaza City resident, carries a similar loss. On October 30, 2023, an Israeli bombing campaign collapsed a neighboring building onto her family home, killing her father Ahmed, mother Noor, and three younger brothers Anas, Baraa, and six-year-old Mufeed. Trapped beneath rubble, a fallen door shielded Junina from death, and for hours she clung to the hope that her family was still alive, begging rescue workers to pull them out. It was only at dawn that relatives told her the truth: everyone she loved was gone. “I wasn’t even able to cry,” she said. “It still feels like they’re going to walk through the door any minute.”

    Unlike many who label her an orphan or a sole survivor, Junina rejects being defined by her loss. “I don’t want people treating me differently because I’m an orphan,” she said. Unthinking reminders of her grief are everywhere: classmates offhandedly mention their mothers, school activities require parent signatures, and even one teacher, mid-sentence, forgot her loss and ordered her to bring her mother to school after an illness-related absence. She never went back to that class, but found other educators who allowed her to grieve without turning her pain into a public spectacle.

    Today, both teenagers carry the weight of adult responsibilities their parents once bore. Al-Motouq makes tea for her grandparents before school, studies by the dim light of a camp generator, and pushes forward with her education because that is what her parents always wanted. She has now memorized nine of the Quran’s 30 parts, holding fast to the dream she once shared with her twin. Junina, who recently graduated high school, says she has become “five people in one” — handling all the work her father once managed and all the care her mother provided. “The war made my personality stronger,” she said. “It had to.”

    But strength does not erase trauma, al-Absi emphasizes. For many sole survivors, grief manifests in two extremes: either intense attachment to people who remind them of the family they lost, or deep social withdrawal. The trauma is also far more complex than typical grief, she explains: these children carry the grief of multiple loved ones, all lost in a single, violent moment. “It’s caused by losing one, two, three or more people, and it can create a complex form of trauma that is hard to treat even in stable conditions, let alone when you’re living in a camp with no access to consistent care,” she said.

    Against all this pain and loss, both girls refuse to give up on their futures. Junina is considering studying psychology at university, and plans to build a water well in Gaza as a lasting charity in her family’s name. When asked what she wants more than anything, al-Motouq did not ask for an end to war, though that is the foundation of every wish she has. Instead, she asked for the simple things children in other parts of the world take for granted. “A home, a school, a place where we can live without fear,” she said. “We have the right to learn. We have the right to play. We have the right to have dreams.” For Junina, the request is even simpler: “Treat me like a person,” she said. “Not just as the girl whose family was killed.”

  • Turkey requests Interpol red notice for Netanyahu over Sumud Flotilla

    Turkey requests Interpol red notice for Netanyahu over Sumud Flotilla

    In a sharp escalation of diplomatic tensions between Turkey and Israel, Turkish Justice Minister Akin Gurlek announced Friday that Ankara has formally asked Interpol to issue international Red Notices for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and a second Israeli official, Afek Moskovitch, on charges of genocide and multiple other crimes against humanity. The legal action stems from Israel’s 2026 intercept of the Global Sumud Flotilla, a civilian vessel carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza that was raided by Israeli forces in international waters earlier this year.

    Gurlek confirmed in an official statement posted to the social media platform X that the request follows arrest warrants issued by Turkish courts on July 14, 2026. “Pursuant to the arrest warrants issued on 14 July 2026 for Benjamin Netanyahu and Afek Moskovitch on charges of genocide, our Ministry of Justice requested that the Ministry of Interior seek Interpol Red Notices for their international apprehension. The relevant documents have also been forwarded to our Ministry of Foreign Affairs,” Gurlek said.

    The two Israeli figures face a broad array of charges in addition to genocide, including crimes against humanity, aggravated unlawful detention, intentional bodily harm, torture and cruel treatment, property destruction, aggravated robbery, and hijacking of civilian transport. All charges are directly linked to the Israeli military operation against unarmed civilian activists delivering humanitarian aid to Gaza in international waters, and the subsequent detention of those activists, Gurlek added.

    The Turkish government’s legal move comes just days after a major escalation in regional hostilities: Israeli warplanes carried out strikes earlier this week on the Abu al-Duhur military airbase in northern Syria, a facility located roughly 70 kilometers from the Turkish border. The airstrike was followed by a thinly veiled public threat from Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz directed at Turkish leadership on Thursday.

    In a social media statement, Katz claimed that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan “is dragging Turkey into dangerous adventures in Syria.” He added that Israel would not permit any actor to threaten its national security, and urged Erdogan to rein in what Katz called anti-Israel rhetoric rather than “attempting to test Israel’s resolve to defend itself.”

    Israel justified the airstrike with unsubstantiated claims that Syria was on the brink of violating a long-standing security status quo by allowing Turkish military personnel to deploy at the Abu al-Duhur base. Both Turkish and Syrian officials have categorically rejected these allegations. Turkey’s defense ministry emphasized that there had been no Turkish military presence at the facility either before or during Israel’s “unacceptable” attack, and called for an immediate end to such reckless Israeli actions.

    Syrian officials told Middle East Eye that only a Turkish civilian technical team was present at the base to conduct repairs on the runway and air traffic control tower, with no military personnel deployed to the site. The Turkish presidency issued a statement Wednesday arguing that the Israeli airstrike was motivated by domestic political considerations, noting that the attack was timed ahead of Israel’s general election scheduled for October, and served Netanyahu’s personal re-election campaign.

    Netanyahu pushed back against these claims Wednesday, confirming that Israel had pre-warned Syria against allowing any Turkish presence at the base. “Our message was very clear: Don’t. I guess they didn’t quite understand the message,” he said. Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani rejected Israel’s justification entirely, stating that the bombing had no legitimate legal or strategic basis.

    In the wake of the Tuesday airstrikes, the United States has moved to de-escalate tensions between the three regional actors. Tom Barrack, the U.S. special presidential envoy for Syria and Iraq, told Reuters that Washington is currently working to establish a formal deconfliction mechanism that will prevent unintended clashes between Israeli, Turkish, and Syrian forces operating in northern Syria.

  • ‘Bloodline punishment’: Iranian family faces ongoing punitive ICE detention

    ‘Bloodline punishment’: Iranian family faces ongoing punitive ICE detention

    More than four months have passed since a Los Angeles-based Iranian family of three lawful permanent residents was taken into Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody, detained not for any crime they committed, but over a relative’s political role during a 1979 diplomatic crisis decades before two of them were even born.

    In an open letter published in *The Nation*, Maryam Tahmasebi, an Iranian scholar and one of the three detainees, described the family’s treatment as a clear case of “bloodline punishment.” Tahmasebi, her husband Eissa Hashemi — also an academic — and their 16-year-old son, who has lived most of his life in Southern California, all hold clean criminal records. Their green cards were revoked following a targeted online campaigning against the family, and they have remained behind bars since early April.

    The basis of the government’s action traces back to the 1979 Iran hostage crisis, when 53 American diplomats and citizens were held captive by militant student groups in Tehran. Hashemi is the son of Masoumeh Ebtekar, a former Iranian politician who served as a translator for the hostage takers that year — years before Hashemi was born. Tahmasebi emphasized in her letter that the U.S. government chose to punish her husband exclusively for his maternal family connection, not any action of his own.

    Hashemi was first arrested on April 9 and transferred to the South Texas Detention Center in Pearsall, where he remains in custody. The following day, Tahmasebi and their teenage son were detained while en route to the boy’s school. The pair are now held at the Dilley Immigration Processing Center, a for-profit ICE facility in South Texas designed primarily to detain women and children. For years, lawmakers and immigrant rights activists have pushed to shut down this detention center, citing extensive documentation of systemic abuse, neglect, and psychologically traumatizing conditions for detainees, especially minor held in custody.

    When Tahmasebi requested a transfer to be held in the same facility as her husband, she was told family separation is an official U.S. government policy that would not be waived, per her account. In a striking turn, even the family’s request for voluntary departure — a standard legal process that allows people facing deportation to leave the U.S. voluntarily without a permanent deportation order on their record — was rejected by federal authorities.

    Tala Alfoqaha, the family’s lead legal counsel, told Middle East Eye that the government’s refusal to approve voluntary departure confirms the detention is purely punitive, with no legitimate immigration or national security purpose. “This is a case that stands for the idea that you can do every single thing right and still end up in ICE detention,” Alfoqaha said. “They’re not being detained on the basis of what they’ve done, but who they are as Iranians with parents who’ve lived and worked.”

    Alfoqaha drew a parallel to one of the darkest chapters of U.S. history, noting the case echoes the mass internment of Japanese American citizens during World War II, when thousands were imprisoned solely based on their ethnic ancestry, not any unlawful action. In a statement to NBC Los Angeles, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security defended its action, claiming the three family members’ presence in the country “posed a clear threat to our national security and foreign policy.”

    In her letter written from detention, Tahmasebi warned that the case sets a dangerous precedent for all immigrant communities in the U.S. “If this could happen to us, a law-abiding family of two professors and a young boy, it can happen to anyone,” she wrote.

    As of December 2024, federal data shows at least 577 Iranian nationals are currently held in ICE detention facilities across the country, a trend many immigrant rights advocates frame as part of broader political retaliation against Iranians amid ongoing U.S. geopolitical tensions with the Iranian government.

  • ‘He hates Palestine’: West Ham urges fans to drop chant about Solomon’s pro‑Israel stance

    ‘He hates Palestine’: West Ham urges fans to drop chant about Solomon’s pro‑Israel stance

    English Premier League club West Ham United has made a public appeal to its fanbase to abandon an offensive, divisive chant targeting new winger Manor Solomon that carries an explicit anti-Palestine message, just days ahead of the club’s 2025-26 FA Cup clash against Charlton Athletic.

    Solomon, a former Israeli soldier who moved to West Ham from Tottenham Hotspur in August 2025, has long courted controversy for his repeated public defense of Israel’s military occupation and its large-scale military operations in Gaza, making him a polarizing figure across European football. The chant that has drawn condemnation from West Ham’s leadership, which labels the lyrics ‘Manor Solomon’s on my mind and he hates Palestine’, has followed Solomon throughout his recent spells in European leagues. The same chant was first aired by Leeds United supporters during his 2024-25 loan spell at the Championship club, before reemerging after his transfer to West Ham.

    In an official statement released Thursday, the club made clear that the chant violates its core institutional values of unity and inclusion. The statement emphasized that all individuals associated with West Ham—from players and coaching staff to matchgoing supporters—are expected to uphold the club’s commitment to respect across all backgrounds and beliefs. ‘We are as our name says: United,’ the club’s statement read, reinforcing its expectation of inclusive behavior from its fanbase.

    What has been less widely reported until now is the long track record of controversial pro-occupation and pro-military statements that Solomon has made throughout the current Gaza crisis, aligning him with the most hardline factions of Israeli public opinion amid the conflict. As far back as October 2023, leading Israeli sports outlet Sport 5 openly described Solomon as a leading figure in Israeli state propaganda, praising him for amplifying content that framed Israel as the justified party in the conflict.

    One of the most high-profile incidents of Solomon taking a public stance came hours after the deadly October 17, 2023 explosion at al-Ahli Arab Hospital in central Gaza City, where thousands of displaced Palestinians had taken shelter to escape Israeli airstrikes. Gaza’s Ministry of Health recorded 471 deaths and 342 additional injuries from the blast. Immediately after the attack, Solomon parroted the Israeli government’s false claim that Palestinian armed groups were responsible for the explosion, writing on social media: ‘They kill their own people, then blame Israel.’ Open-source investigative agency Forensic Architecture later debunked Israel’s core claims, confirming that the projectile that caused the explosion originated from Israeli positions.

    In the 18 months following the hospital explosion, Israel’s military campaign in Gaza has systematically dismantled the strip’s entire healthcare system. Forensic Architecture’s research has found that Israeli military operations have forced 35 of Gaza’s 36 hospitals to suspend services at different points of the campaign, with 31 hospitals directly targeted in airstrikes, 11 placed under full military siege, and 10 invaded by ground forces.

    Solomon again aligned himself with Israeli military policy during the planned invasion of Rafah in May 2024. As millions of people around the world shared the viral slogan ‘All Eyes on Rafah’ to draw attention to the more than one million Palestinian civilians sheltering in the city—then the last remaining unoccupied area in Gaza—Solomon pushed back against critics of the planned assault, responding: ‘Where were your eyes on October 7?’ The subsequent Israeli ground invasion of Rafah reduced large swathes of the city to rubble and displaced hundreds of thousands of additional civilians. Israeli outlet Walla later praised Solomon for continuing to defend Israeli military action on social media despite widespread international backlash against the operation.

    The most recent controversy involving Solomon came in October 2025, during his brief spell at Spanish side Villarreal ahead of his transfer to West Ham. Ahead of a league match in Sevilla, Solomon claimed that the presence of Palestinian flags in the stands made him feel ‘threatened’, and added that he was motivated to score ‘in the faces’ of Sevilla’s supporter group ultras.

    Solomon’s public support for Israeli policy stretches back years before the 2023 Gaza war. During the 2021 Israeli-Palestinian crisis, when Israeli courts ordered the forced expulsion of Palestinian families from the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of occupied East Jerusalem and Israeli forces stormed Al-Aqsa Mosque during Ramadan—firing tear gas, stun grenades, and rubber bullets at worshippers—Solomon openly backed Israeli military action. After Hamas fired rockets in protest of the Israeli incursions, Israel launched an 11-day aerial bombardment of Gaza that killed at least 256 Palestinians, including 66 children, wounded almost 2,000 more, and displaced more than 70,000. Amid global outcry over the civilian death toll, Solomon declared: ‘I support Israel’s right to defend itself.’

    This report was originally published by Middle East Eye, an independent outlet specializing in coverage of the Middle East and North Africa region.

  • Muslims advised to use less water to perform ablutions

    Muslims advised to use less water to perform ablutions

    Amid ongoing concerns over water scarcity following a record-dry summer across the United Kingdom, the country’s water industry regulator Ofwat has sparked fierce public debate by rolling out a targeted water efficiency program that calls for adjustments to longstanding religious and cultural water use practices among minority communities.

    The initiative, formally named the ‘Water Efficiency in Faith and Diverse Communities’ program, is fully funded by Ofwat, the non-ministerial government body that oversees UK water services. One of its flagship pilot projects was developed through a cross-sector partnership between South Staffordshire Water, the University of Cambridge’s Faculty of Divinity, Cambridge Central Mosque – the UK’s first purpose-built eco-friendly mosque – and a range of other community and industry organizations.

    The Cambridge pilot focused specifically on wudu, the ritual ablution Muslims perform before daily prayers. The project encouraged participating worshippers to complete their wudu using just one liter of water, typically measured in a reusable bottle. Ofwat data shows that many practitioners currently use up to 12 liters of running water for five daily prayer preparations, meaning switching to the one-liter method could cut an individual’s daily water use for this ritual by as much as 55 liters. Across the pilot site, the initiative delivered an estimated total daily water savings of 5,900 liters.

    Program organizers have recommended that the one-liter wudu guidance be widely distributed through Islamic television channels to reach a broader audience, but they also issued a key caveat: water providers must avoid framing the guidance as an accusation that Muslim communities are uniquely responsible for water waste. Notably, the guidance aligns with historical Islamic tradition, as religious teachings widely hold that the Prophet Muhammad never used more than one liter of water for ritual ablution.

    A second component of the program, backed by £270,000 in public funding, targets water use in Asian cooking, specifically the practice of washing rice before preparation. 2014 MasterChef champion Ping Coombes led outreach for this strand, sharing guidance in a public YouTube video. Coombes noted that it is common for home cooks to rinse rice five to seven times until the run-off water is completely clear, but argued that two rinses are sufficient to achieve the desired texture and cleanliness, cutting unnecessary water waste dramatically.

    While Ofwat frames the program as a collaborative, community-centered effort to protect precious water supplies, it has drawn sharp criticism from across the political and environmental spectrum. Critics argue that water companies and regulators should prioritize fixing the country’s crumbling, leaky pipe infrastructure rather than asking ordinary households – particularly minority communities – to adjust their cultural and religious practices.

    Data from a July 2025 Greenpeace UK investigation underscores this critique: the research found that 2.87 billion liters of water are lost to leaky pipes across England and Wales every single day – enough to fill more than 1,150 Olympic-sized swimming pools. Greenpeace’s analysis also found that the volume of water lost through infrastructure leaks is five times greater than the total water savings that would be delivered by a national hosepipe ban.

    Shadow Cabinet Office Minister Mike Wood echoed public frustration in comments to The Telegraph, arguing that the program represents a misallocation of scarce public funds at a time of soaring household costs. ‘Cutting down on water waste is a noble aim, but the bigger issue here is the waste of taxpayers’ money,’ Wood said. ‘Families are already facing huge bill increases; they will not be best pleased that their money is being spent on bizarre schemes centred on trying to change longstanding religious and cultural practices.’

    In an official response to Middle East Eye, an Ofwat spokesperson pushed back against criticism, emphasizing that the program was developed in close collaboration with participating faith and community groups, and does not mandate changes to religious or cultural traditions. ‘This summer’s prolonged dry weather reminds us of the need for all of us to use water more efficiently and to be stewards of this finite, precious resource,’ the spokesperson said. ‘This pilot worked in collaboration with water companies, charities and with multiple faith groups to provide different communities with relevant and practical suggestions to save water and finished in April 2025. It did not tell people what they can or can’t do, or impinge on religious worship or custom.’

    The controversial Ofwat program is one part of a broader national push for water efficiency in the UK: in June 2025, the UK government launched a £75 million national public campaign titled ‘Let’s Save Water’, which urges all households to cut water use through small, daily habit changes.

  • Iran promises to resist interference by foreign ‘enemies’ as Trump threatens new sanctions

    Iran promises to resist interference by foreign ‘enemies’ as Trump threatens new sanctions

    Deepening geopolitical friction in the Middle East moved into a new phase this week, as Iran’s top parliamentary official struck a defiant tone affirming unbreakable ties with neighboring Iraq, even as the Trump administration unveiled plans for sweeping new economic pressure targeting the Islamic Republic and its partners.

    Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Speaker of Iran’s Parliament, delivered the remarks Thursday during an Arbaeen religious gathering held in Iraq’s holy city of Karbala. He emphasized that historical connections, shared geographic borders and overlapping religious convictions create an permanent bond between Iran and Iraq that outside efforts to divide the two nations will never succeed in breaking. Far from weakening their alliance, Ghalibaf argued, external interference will only strengthen cooperation between Tehran and Baghdad.

    “Our two nations have long rejected being reduced to afterthoughts in other countries’ geopolitical plans, and we have never allowed Western capitals to shape our collective future,” Ghalibaf stated, adding that Iran and Iraq remain committed to keeping control of their national sovereignties out of foreign hands. He called for expanded bilateral security coordination, and urged both governments to align their efforts to drive shared economic growth and broader development across the region. Per Iran’s state-run Tasnim News Agency, Ghalibaf also pushed for joint infrastructure and development projects that would raise living standards for citizens of both countries, strengthen regional economic sovereignty, and limit the ability of outside powers to exert influence across the Middle East.

    Ghalibaf’s address came on the heels of aggressive new announcements from the White House, where U.S. President Donald Trump has launched what he calls an “economic D-Day” campaign against Iran, warning that any nation that maintains working ties with Tehran will face severe economic repercussions. The decades-long standoff between Washington and Tehran has escalated sharply in recent weeks, with a de facto ceasefire between the two sides collapsing entirely, and the U.S. still unable to assert full military control over the strategically critical Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly a fifth of global oil supplies pass daily.

    U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent confirmed the administration’s plans Thursday during an interview with CNBC, stating that Washington will roll out “the toughest sanctions in history” against Iran, ramping up economic pressure despite mounting global economic fallout from the ongoing conflict. “This is a one-two punch: we already have a blockade in place, and now we are bringing the strongest sanctions ever enacted,” Bessent said. “This will work in Iran, and we are going to collapse this regime.” He added that full details of the new sanctions package will be released publicly this coming Monday, just one day after Trump first announced the “economic D-Day” initiative.

    Iranian officials have dismissed the new sanctions as an act of economic warfare that deliberately targets vulnerable civilian populations, describing the measures as “economic terrorism” and crimes against humanity. The escalating conflict has already sent shockwaves through global commodity markets: international benchmark Brent Crude rose 2% on Thursday to trade at $93.41 per barrel, creating a political headache for the Trump administration as it works to curb rising interest rates and inflation. Disruptions to global shipping have been even more severe, with tanker charter costs skyrocketing amid security risks in key waterways. The BWET Exchange Traded Fund, which tracks global shipping rates, has surged 98% over the past 30 days alone.

    When asked about the unexpected spike in energy prices, Bessent claimed that “we have asymmetric information, and I’m not sure why oil has popped up on this.” Tensions remain high across two key maritime chokepoints: Iran continues to target commercial vessels passing through the Strait of Hormuz, while the Ansar Allah movement (commonly referred to as the Houthis), the Iran-aligned group controlling northern Yemen, has enforced a blockade of commercial shipping heading to Saudi Arabia through the Red Sea. Saudi Arabia, which relies on Red Sea shipping to export much of its crude production, has been forced to reroute oil shipments through a pipeline that carries crude to Mediterranean ports via Egypt.

    Bessent also called on China to align with the U.S. campaign of sanctions against Iran, arguing that Beijing stands to benefit directly from the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and a subsequent drop in global energy prices. When asked whether the U.S. would impose secondary sanctions on Chinese entities that continue to do business with Iran, Bessent said such conversations are best held in private, but expressed confidence that the global community broadly shares Washington’s goal of reopening the strategic waterway. “The Chinese get 50 percent of their energy from inside the Gulf,” he noted. “So it would do them a big service to get with the programme.”

  • Tesla recalls nearly 3M vehicles in China over door handle safety risks

    Tesla recalls nearly 3M vehicles in China over door handle safety risks

    In a sweeping safety action that marks the largest automotive recall of 2024, Tesla and four major Chinese electric vehicle manufacturers are pulling more than 4 million vehicles off Chinese markets to address hazards linked to popular hidden flush door handles, China’s top market regulator announced Friday.

    The U.S.-based electric vehicle leader accounts for the vast majority of the recalled units, with 2.98 million affected vehicles including both China-produced and imported variants of its four core models: Model 3, Model Y, Model X, and Model S. Beijing-based technology conglomerate Xiaomi, which only recently launched its first line of consumer EVs, is recalling more than 390,000 units, while Hangzhou-headquartered EV startup Leapmotor is pulling over 370,000 vehicles. Established Chinese automaker Geely and leading EV brand XPENG are also conducting smaller recalls tied to the same safety issue, regulator data shows.

    The recall action comes roughly eight months after Chinese regulators first announced that hidden door handles — a design widely adopted by EV makers to improve aerodynamic efficiency and extend driving range — will be banned for all new vehicles starting in 2027. Chinese officials have ramped up regulatory scrutiny of the flush handle design after a series of traffic accidents both in China and abroad documented cases where electronic hidden door handles failed to operate after severe collisions, trapping occupants inside and slowing emergency rescue efforts.

    In the official notice posted to the State Administration for Market Regulation (SAMR) website, the regulator outlined the specific risk: in extreme crash scenarios that cause total vehicle electrical system failure, the non-mechanical hidden handles can block quick exit for trapped passengers and prevent first responders from gaining immediate access to the vehicle cabin. To resolve the hazard, Tesla will roll out free over-the-air software updates to all affected vehicles to adjust handle functionality, according to the regulator. Tesla has not yet issued an independent public comment or response to requests for clarification as of Friday.

    People’s Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, framed the industry-wide recall as a coordinated proactive safety upgrade for all existing vehicles ahead of the 2027 ban taking effect. The state publication noted that for China’s fast-growing new energy vehicle sector, industrial competitiveness depends not only on rapid technological innovation but also on meeting rigorous, consistent public safety standards.

    The large-scale recall is one of the most high-profile regulatory actions taken by China in recent years to tighten oversight of the booming EV sector, which has grown exponentially to lead global electric vehicle production and sales. Industry analysts note the move signals Beijing’s growing priority on passenger safety as the segment matures, moving beyond a focus purely on market expansion and technological firsts.