标签： Asia

A controversial claim from former U.S. President Donald Trump that Washington supplied weapons to Iranian anti-government protesters via Iranian Kurdish groups has been uniformly rejected by senior leaders of every major Iranian Kurdish opposition faction, in statements collected by independent outlet Middle East Eye.

During an interview with Fox News Sunday, Trump asserted, “We sent guns to the protesters, a lot of them. And I think the Kurds took the guns.” This comment represented the latest shift in the former president’s inconsistent public positioning on Kurdish involvement amid the ongoing U.S.-Israeli war on Iran that launched on February 28.

Just weeks earlier, in early March, Trump told Reuters he openly backed Kurdish forces launching an offensive against the Iranian government, a remark that came alongside widespread unconfirmed media reports claiming the Central Intelligence Agency was secretly arming Iranian Kurdish factions. Within days, however, Trump walked back that support, telling reporters he had explicitly blocked any Kurdish military involvement, saying “They’re willing to go in, but I’ve told them I don’t want them to go in.”

Top figures from every major Iranian Kurdish armed opposition group have now directly refuted Trump’s latest weapons claim. Siamand Moeini, a senior leader of the armed Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK), told Middle East Eye, “We as PJAK, as I know, have not received anything. As for others, I cannot answer.”

Hana Yazdanpanah, foreign relations coordinator for the Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), emphasized that her group’s only armaments date back to its multi-year campaign against the Islamic State. “We still have our old Kalashnikov that we fought ISIS with for five years and the weapons they abandoned after its defeat,” she said, adding, “We have received no single weapon from the US at this time.”

Mustafa Mawloudi, deputy secretary-general of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (PDKI)—a group based in Iraq’s autonomous Kurdistan Region—also denied both receiving weapons and smuggling armaments to activists in Iranian Kurdistan, which Kurdish groups refer to as Rojhalat. “A proof of this is that we cannot send arms through Iraq to our people,” Mawloudi explained, noting that cross-border arms transfers would create immediate legal complications with Iraqi authorities. He also stressed that armed action would fundamentally change the nature of popular protest, saying, “protesters cannot demonstrate with weapons: That would be a war, not a protest.”

Kako Alyar, a member of the Politburo of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, said the group had no advance knowledge of Trump’s comments and confirmed no weapons had been received. “We weren’t in touch during the protests regarding giving weapons to the Kurds, and the Komala party has not received any weapons,” Alyar said.

Babasheikh Hosseini, secretary-general of the Iraq-based Khabat Organisation of Iranian Kurdistan Struggle, added that his group has never held official meetings with U.S. representatives. “There have been some talks with mediators with one or two friends, but we have not sat down for a meeting,” he said. Hosseini also noted that most of the group’s existing armaments were destroyed in Iranian regime airstrikes on its bases, saying, “Our money, weapons and equipment have been burned and destroyed.”

Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, which collectively command roughly 6,000 armed fighters, have stayed out of the ongoing U.S.-Israeli war on Iran. The inconsistent, shifting statements from the U.S. administration have left Kurdish faction leaders confused and surprised, according to on-the-ground reporting.

The weapons claim references nationwide anti-government protests that swept Iran in late December, which lasted roughly two weeks before being violently crushed by Iranian state forces amid a nationwide internet shutdown. Rights group Amnesty International estimates Iranian authorities killed thousands of protesters during mass crackdowns on January 8 and 9, while the Iranian government says hundreds of its security personnel were killed in clashes during the unrest. Shukriya Bradost, an Iranian Kurdish security analyst based in the region, told Middle East Eye that no weapons were delivered to Kurdish groups or Iranian activists during those protests.

Bradost questioned the logic of Trump’s claim, noting that untrained civilian protesters would have no practical use for covert weapons supplies. “Who would receive these weapons and what was the plan for the protesters? To start a civil war or to fight back? The protesters who don’t know how to use weapons or do not have any training,” she said. As of the current stage of the U.S.-Israeli war, no new large-scale anti-government protests have been reported inside Iran, and no armed attacks by civilian activists on Iranian security forces have been documented.

Long-running cross-border Iranian attacks targeting Iranian Kurdish opposition bases in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region have intensified since the war launched on February 28. PDKI data confirms more than 650 missile and drone strikes have been launched on targets in the Kurdistan Region since February 28, leaving 14 people dead and 93 wounded. Five of those killed were members of Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, including fighters from PAK, Komala, and Khabat. Most recently, a Kurdish security source confirmed three separate drone strikes targeted PDKI bases in Koya, Erbil Province, just this past Sunday. On March 13, a drone strike on Khabat Organization positions in the Bashiqa Mountains northeast of Mosul killed two party members.

Senior Iraqi Kurdish commander Sirwan Barzani previously rejected Western media claims that Iraqi Kurdish authorities were facilitating Iranian Kurdish fighters crossing the border into Iran to carry out attacks, echoing the current denials of weapons supplies.

Tensions between the United States and Iran have reached a boiling point in 2026, with open military conflict erupting after decades of escalating hostility, covert interference, and broken diplomatic opportunities. What began as a 1953 CIA-backed coup to oust a democratically elected leader has evolved into one of the world’s most volatile geopolitical standoffs, with global energy supplies and regional security hanging in the balance.

The foundational rift between the two nations dates back to the early 1950s, when Iranian prime minister Mohammed Mossadegh moved to nationalize the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, redirecting fossil fuel profits away from foreign corporate control and toward domestic public investment. Fearing Soviet influence would spread across the Middle East and disrupt global oil flows, the U.S. joined the United Kingdom in launching Operation Ajax, a covert operation that toppled Mossadegh and installed a pro-Western government under the autocratic Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. For the next 25 years, the U.S. backed the Shah’s repressive rule, with his secret police force SAVAK violently crushing domestic dissent while many Iranians struggled in poverty amid the Shah’s corruption and lavish spending.

The 1979 Iranian Revolution shattered this fragile status quo. After the Shah fled Iran for cancer treatment, exiled Shiite leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini returned to overthrow the monarchy and establish the current Islamic Republic. When U.S. President Jimmy Carter allowed the Shah to enter the U.S. for specialized medical care that same year, enraged Iranian students stormed the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, holding 52 American hostages for 444 days. The crisis led to the permanent severing of formal diplomatic ties between the two nations and set the stage for decades of open hostility.

Over the following decades, repeated clashes and mutual accusations deepened the divide. In 1980, Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein invaded Iran, launching an eight-year war that killed more than 600,000 people; the U.S. tacitly backed Hussein, turning a blind eye to Iraq’s use of illegal chemical weapons against Iranian forces to counter the newly formed anti-American Islamic regime. By 1984, Washington officially designated Iran a state sponsor of terrorism, imposing a strict arms embargo that led to a secret scandal just years later: the Reagan administration was found to have illegally sold weapons to Iran to fund anti-socialist Contra rebels in Nicaragua, a controversy that rocked the Reagan presidency. In 1988, a U.S. Navy warplane shot down an Iranian civilian passenger jet, Iran Air Flight 655, killing all 290 people on board. While the U.S. called it an accidental error, Iran viewed the incident as deliberate aggression, and tensions remained high.

Over the next three decades, tentative overtures for reconciliation repeatedly fell apart. A brief opening emerged in 1997, when moderate Iranian president Mohammad Khatami expressed respect for the American people and called for people-to-people exchanges, but hardline opposition from Iran’s supreme leadership blocked formal progress. Just five years later, President George W. Bush labeled Iran part of an “Axis of Evil” alongside Iraq and North Korea, ending any immediate hopes of detente. In 2002, an exiled opposition group revealed Iran had been operating secret nuclear facilities in violation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, sparking global alarm; over the following years, the U.S. and Israel launched the Stuxnet cyberattack to disrupt Iran’s uranium enrichment program, slowing its nuclear progress. A 2003 Iranian offer for comprehensive talks on nuclear issues, terrorism, and regional stability was rejected by hardliners in the Bush administration, and the opportunity for reconciliation faded when hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was elected Iranian president two years later.

The most significant breakthrough came in 2015, when the Obama administration negotiated the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), widely known as the Iran nuclear deal, alongside China, France, Germany, Russia, and the United Kingdom. Under the agreement, Iran drastically limited its uranium enrichment program and allowed unfettered international inspections in exchange for relief from crippling economic sanctions. For three years, international inspectors repeatedly confirmed Iran was complying with the deal’s terms, but President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from the agreement in 2018, reimposing harsh sanctions and escalating tensions once again.

Tensions boiled over in 2020, when a U.S. drone strike killed top Iranian general Qassem Soleimani, the second most powerful figure in Iran’s government, leading Iran to launch ballistic missile strikes on U.S. bases in Iraq. After the 2023 Hamas attacks on Israel worsened regional tensions, Trump’s second presidential term in 2025 opened with new nuclear negotiations, but Israeli airstrikes on Iran derailed talks, leading the U.S. to launch its own strikes on Iranian nuclear sites in June 2025. By early 2026, what had been decades of covert and low-intensity conflict erupted into open war: U.S. and Israeli airstrikes in Operation Epic Fury killed Iran’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei and other senior leaders, prompting Iran to strike targets across the Persian Gulf and disrupt shipping through the critical Strait of Hormuz, turning a decades-long bilateral rivalry into a full-scale regional conflict.