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  • Pakistan arrests man hunted by US over $126m postage fraud case

    Pakistan arrests man hunted by US over $126m postage fraud case

    In a cross-border law enforcement win that closes a years-long multimillion-dollar fraud operation, Pakistan’s cybercrime unit has taken into custody Faheem Akram, a 33-year-old resident of Khanewal, Pakistan, accused of masterminding a counterfeit shipping label scam that drained $126 million from the United States Postal Service (USPS).

    The fraudulent scheme, which prosecutors say has been active since 2023, centered on Akram’s platform LabelsBank.com, a fake e-commerce website designed to look like a legitimate discount postage service. According to court documents from the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of Florida, Akram sold counterfeit US shipping labels for a flat $2 apiece, no matter the weight, size, or final destination of a customer’s package. This pricing let thousands of shippers send parcels for far less than the official USPS rate, leaving the postal service stuck with massive unpaid delivery costs and lost revenue.

    Authorities confirmed that more than 5,200 individual customers bought over 5.1 million fake labels from the website before law enforcement action shut the platform down permanently. Last month, a federal grand jury in Florida formally indicted Akram on multiple criminal charges related to the scam: one count of conspiracy to defraud the United States and produce counterfeit postage, five counts of manufacturing and selling fake postage labels, and four counts of wire fraud.

    The collaboration between U.S. and Pakistani law enforcement accelerated earlier this month, when the U.S. Postal Inspection Service announced a reward of up to $100,000 for any information that would lead to Akram’s arrest. That tip-led effort ultimately led Pakistan’s cybercrime agency to locate and take Akram into custody. Now, the accused fraudster faces severe legal penalties if convicted on all counts: each conspiracy and counterfeit postage charge carries a maximum five-year prison sentence, while each wire fraud count comes with a possible 20-year prison term.

    The case highlights the growing threat of cross-border cyber-enabled fraud targeting major U.S. government agencies, and demonstrates the growing coordination between international law enforcement bodies to disrupt and prosecute large-scale financial scams.

  • Family of prison officer shot dead by IRA to get state apology

    Family of prison officer shot dead by IRA to get state apology

    Four decades after the fatal shooting of one of Ireland’s most senior prison officers at the height of tensions linked to the Northern Ireland Troubles, the Irish government will issue a formal state apology on Wednesday to the victim’s family for repeated failures in official investigations into his killing.

    Brian Stack, a 49-year-old father of three who served as chief prison officer at the high-security Portlaoise Prison, was attacked in March 1983. He had just finished attending a professional boxing match in central Dublin and was crossing a nearby street when an assailant shot him in the back of the neck. The attack left Stack completely paralyzed, and he succumbed to his injuries 18 months later. To date, no individual has ever been convicted or held legally accountable for the murder.

    Over the course of the investigation into Stack’s death, Irish national police (An Garda Síochána) launched three separate probes into the killing, all of which failed to secure a conviction. A subsequent review of the first investigation by Ireland’s serious crime review team uncovered 194 separate errors and omissions in the original investigative work, a detail Austin Stack, the victim’s son, shared publicly in comments to BBC Radio Ulster.

    For years, Stack’s family has waged a persistent public and private campaign to uncover the full truth of his killing and hold official bodies accountable for their missteps. Despite multiple meetings with successive Irish ministers for justice over decades, the family has repeatedly been denied access to the full serious crime review team report, with authorities citing its status as an internal government document.

    On Wednesday, Irish Taoiseach Micheál Martin will deliver the formal state apology during an official sitting of Dáil Éireann, Ireland’s national parliament. Ahead of the plenary proceedings, Martin and current Minister for Justice Jim O’Callaghan will hold a private meeting with the Stack family at Dublin’s government buildings.

    Austin Stack told the BBC that the long-awaited official apology carries profound meaning for his entire family, particularly his 80-plus-year-old mother. “It’s a great sense of comfort to particularly my mother and to myself and my two brothers, because the state is officially owning up to the errors and the omissions that happened,” he said, adding that the apology also serves as long-overdue vindication of his father’s character and service.

    “My dad was doing a very difficult job at a very difficult time in our history,” he said. “He was awarded the Irish Prison Service’s highest bravery award for that work that he was doing. And this is further vindication of him and his good name.”

    The path to Wednesday’s apology has been decades in the making. It was not until 2013, 30 years after the attack, that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) formally admitted responsibility for killing Stack, following years of sustained pressure from the family. That same year, the family met with then-Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams and a former IRA commander, with Adams offering his personal regret over the killing to the family.

    In 2019, then-Garda Commissioner Drew Harris issued a personal apology to the Stack family for the institutional mishandling of the murder investigation. Most recently, in 2023, Gardaí notified the family that the case file, which had been held by the Director of Public Prosecutions for years, would be returned to investigating police to open the door for new investigative work.

    Stack remains the only Irish prison officer killed in an act of political violence linked to the Troubles, decades-long period of sectarian and political conflict centered in Northern Ireland that claimed more than 3,500 lives between the late 1960s and the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.

  • Billionaire Mukesh Ambani’s Jio launches India’s biggest share sale

    Billionaire Mukesh Ambani’s Jio launches India’s biggest share sale

    India’s most anticipated initial public offering has finally opened to public investors, with Jio Platforms — the digital and telecom arm of billionaire Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Industries Ltd — launching what is projected to become the largest share sale in the country’s history. The offering, which consists entirely of newly issued shares, will run through Wednesday to Friday, with the company targeting total proceeds of roughly 302 billion rupees, equal to $3.2 billion. All funds raised will be allocated toward repaying debt incurred to build and expand Reliance Jio Infocomm Ltd, India’s biggest private-sector telecommunications operator.

    This landmark IPO marks the second mega public offering in India within a single month, coming on the heels of the National Stock Exchange’s $2.4 billion issue, and defies broader weakness across the country’s equity markets. India’s benchmark Nifty 50 index has dropped more than 12% since the start of the year, but the IPO segment has remained surprisingly vibrant, according to market analysts. Arun Kejriwal, head of Kejriwal Research and Investment Services, told reporters that institutional and retail investors alike have continued to flock to new offerings, drawn by attractive valuations and strong demand for scalable, innovative technology businesses. Most new IPOs are priced at lower valuation multiples that align with compressed price-to-earnings ratios across the broader listed market, making them far more appealing to value-focused buyers, Kejriwal added.

    Jio Platforms has set a price band of 1,065 rupees to 1,119 rupees per share for the offering. Even before the public issue opened, early indicators pointed to overwhelming investor interest: Reuters reported that institutional investors placed $3.2 billion in pre-IPO bids on Monday, covering 30 times the share quota reserved exclusively for this investor segment. Analysts attribute this strong early demand to Jio’s proven market position, extensive 5G-ready network infrastructure, and established base of hundreds of millions of domestic customers. In a research note, Centrum Institutional Research, a leading Indian brokerage, argued that Jio’s strong network leadership, massive scalable infrastructure, and fast-expanding digital ecosystem put the company in a strong position to maintain industry-leading growth over the medium to long term.

    Despite the enthusiastic investor response, market watchers have highlighted notable risks facing the telecom giant. Intense sector competition remains a key concern, with ongoing price wars threatening margins and raising the risk of customer churn. Most recently, the company has drawn a high-profile challenge from Tesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, whose Starlink satellite internet venture has been vying for final regulatory approval to launch commercial services in India. Musk has publicly criticized Ambani on social media platform X, pledged to price Starlink services affordably to compete with Jio’s low-cost offerings, and even made the inflammatory claim that Ambani is the “real boss of India.” Neither Ambani nor Reliance has issued a direct response to Musk’s comments.

    Regulatory uncertainty also hangs over the sector. The Indian federal government recently became the largest shareholder in struggling rival Vodafone Idea after converting the operator’s outstanding dues into equity as part of a industry-wide relief package. Analysts note that India’s telecom sector remains subject to extensive government oversight, leaving Jio Platforms exposed to ongoing regulatory shifts that could impact its operating margins and growth trajectory.

    For domestic retail investors, the Jio IPO carries special cultural and historical weight. The Reliance Group, founded by Dhirubhai Ambani, has cultivated a decades-long reputation as a consistent wealth creator for Indian shareholders, with Dhirubhai famously referring to investors as part of the extended “Reliance family” — a tradition that has built a deeply loyal base of retail backers. This offering also marks the Reliance Group’s first public IPO in nearly 20 years, and it signals a clear leadership transition to the next generation of the Ambani family. Pre-offer investor roadshows were led not by Mukesh Ambani, but by his twin children: Akash Ambani, Jio Platforms’ Managing Director, and Isha Ambani, Executive Director of Reliance Retail Ventures, both of whom hold key leadership positions across the group’s core businesses.

  • Why Greece’s alliances failed to prevent eastern Libya’s maritime deal with Turkey

    Why Greece’s alliances failed to prevent eastern Libya’s maritime deal with Turkey

    Weeks before Libya’s east-based House of Representatives approved a divisive maritime boundaries agreement with Turkey, Athens launched intensive diplomatic outreach to its key regional partners – Cairo, Jerusalem, and Abu Dhabi – in a last-ditch effort to block the deal, multiple senior regional officials confirmed to Middle East Eye. Despite Greece’s lobbying, the Benghazi-based parliament voted to ratify the accord on Tuesday, a development that underscores both Turkey’s growing regional influence and a sweeping geopolitical reordering across the Middle East that has undermined Greece’s coordinated effort to counter Ankara. \n\nThe ratification cements Turkey’s outsized role in Libyan politics and confirms a cross-factional Libyan consensus backing Ankara’s expansive claims to Eastern Mediterranean maritime territory, analysts note. “Turkey has entrenched its position in Libya so deeply that any future Libyan leader would struggle to reverse course and strike a deal favorable to Greece,” explained Constantinos Filis, director of the Athens-based Institute of Global Affairs, in an interview with Middle East Eye. “There is now a unified Libyan position that aligns with Turkey’s interests, which is a major strategic shift from just a few years ago.”\n\nFar from being just a bilateral setback for Greece or a routine diplomatic win for Turkey, the accord lays bare how rapidly regional alliances are realigning as the United States reduces its security footprint in the Middle East and new tensions linked to the ongoing Israel-Iran standoff have reshaped national priorities across the region. For Greece, the failure of its closest regional partners to block the deal exposes a gap between its expectations and shifting regional interests, a reality rooted in the ongoing geopolitical reconfiguration of the Middle East.\n\nOver the past decade, the Eastern Mediterranean has emerged as a flashpoint for competing Greek and Turkish claims, a rivalry that predates the 2011 collapse of the Muammar Gaddafi regime that split Libya into rival administrations based in Tripoli and Benghazi. The two NATO allies even came close to open conflict in 1996 over a remote uninhabited Aegean islet, with the United States historically stepping in to de-escalate tensions between its two alliance partners. Today, however, that dynamic has shifted dramatically: Washington has reduced its engagement in Middle Eastern security affairs, and NATO itself is grappling with internal divisions amplified by the war in Ukraine, while Turkey has built a robust domestic defense industry that has reduced its reliance on Western military suppliers. \n\nAgainst this backdrop, Turkey’s regional influence has expanded steadily: it backs a sympathetic government in Syria, and an increasing number of Gulf states now view Ankara as a critical security partner as U.S. influence wanes. Tom Barrack, the U.S. ambassador to Turkey and special envoy for Syria and Iraq, acknowledged this shift in comments Tuesday, noting that the decades-long U.S. “oil for security” framework for Gulf relations is currently in a period of transition.\n\nA senior Libyan source with knowledge of internal negotiations told Middle East Eye that the ratification of the maritime deal is part of a broader, U.S.-backed plan to unify Libya under a single national government, an initiative that Washington has agreed to advance in coordination with Ankara. The source added that the U.S. wants Turkey to broker a power-sharing agreement between the rival Benghazi and Tripoli administrations, a development corroborated by this week’s visit to Tripoli by the head of Turkish intelligence, Ibrahim Kalın.\n\nFor its part, Greece has worked aggressively to build a counter-coalition of regional partners to push back against Turkey’s expanding maritime claims, which Athens says violate Greek sovereign rights over large territorial zones, including around the populous island of Crete, home to more than 600,000 Greek citizens. Greece has deepened its longstanding warm ties with Egypt: when Turkey first signed a maritime demarcation deal with the Tripoli-based government in 2019, Athens responded by signing its own agreement with Cairo to codify its competing claims. Greece has also moved closer to the United Arab Emirates: Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis was among the first foreign leaders to visit Abu Dhabi amid heightened 2020 tensions between the U.S. and Iran, and when Greek-Turkish tensions spiked that same year, the UAE dispatched military aircraft to Crete in a show of support.\n\nMost significantly, Greece has forged a close strategic alliance with Israel, which is itself locked in a regional power struggle with Turkey that plays out across conflict zones from Syria to the Horn of Africa. In August, Athens finalized a $3.5 billion defense deal with Israel – the largest arms sale in Israeli history – a move that cemented the growing military partnership between the two countries. \n\nThe ratification of the Turkish deal by eastern Libya’s parliament is a particularly stinging defeat for Greece because eastern Libya has long been backed by Egypt, the UAE, and Israel – the same three countries that Athens counts as its core regional partners. The territory is controlled by military commander Khalifa Haftar, who for years was seen as a bitter rival of the Turkey-backed Tripoli government, making his failure to block the agreement all the more notable for Athens. Greece had lobbied Cairo heavily in recent months to pressure Haftar to reject the deal, and just five days before the vote, an Egyptian diplomatic delegation traveled to Athens for high-level talks on how to prevent ratification.\n\nIn a striking turn of events, even Khalifa Haftar’s son and likely successor, Saddam Haftar, has recently moved closer to Ankara, despite Turkey’s past intervention to block his father’s attempt to capture Tripoli during Libya’s civil war. Multiple sources confirmed to Middle East Eye that amid pressure from the UAE, Saddam Haftar traveled to Athens for talks earlier this summer, even as he deepened his rapprochement with Turkish officials. \n\n“It was unrealistic for Greece to expect Egypt and the UAE to prioritize Greek interests over their own evolving regional priorities,” Filis noted. “Their positions have shifted dramatically in recent years, and it was unwise to assume they would align with Athens on this issue at the cost of their own improved relations with Turkey.”\n\nJust a few years ago, both Egypt and the UAE were openly at odds with Turkey: Cairo and Abu Dhabi backed the Haftar-led campaign in eastern Libya during the civil war, while Turkey supported the Tripoli government. Today, however, both states have taken significant steps to normalize relations with Ankara. Egyptian officials have repeatedly emphasized to Middle East Eye that Cairo’s rapprochement with Turkey is not directed at Greece, and Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty reaffirmed this position in a call with his Greek counterpart on Tuesday, stressing the ongoing shared interests between Athens and Cairo. \n\nEven so, regional analysts note that Egypt and Turkey now find themselves aligned on more regional issues than they compete on, even if both continue to hold competing maritime interests in the Eastern Mediterranean. “Egypt does not want to see the Eastern Mediterranean dominated by Turkey, but it has bigger fish to fry,” one senior Arab official told Middle East Eye. Both Cairo and Ankara are deeply wary of expanding Israeli territorial ambitions in the wake of the October 7, 2023 attacks by Hamas and the subsequent Israeli military campaign in Gaza, which has resulted in widespread civilian casualties and the occupation of additional territory in Syria and Lebanon. The two countries also share aligned interests in the Red Sea region: both support Somalia’s territorial integrity and oppose Israel’s recognition of the breakaway Somaliland republic, and both back Sudan’s transitional government against the Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary group that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has openly acknowledged is sympathetic to Jerusalem. In Libya itself, Egypt has major economic interests at stake, including plans to construct a $1 billion oil pipeline from Tobruk in eastern Libya to the Egyptian port of Alexandria, creating an incentive for Cairo to maintain stable relations with all Libyan factions, regardless of their alignment with Turkey.\n\nThe UAE, while still holding competing interests with Turkey in some regions including Sudan, has also worked to resolve its differences with Ankara in recent years. A notable example of this thaw came in 2022, when Abu Dhabi purchased a fleet of Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 drones, a major signal of improved bilateral relations. \n\nThe most striking development came just this week, when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu released a map labeling much of the Eastern Mediterranean as “friendly territory” for Israel, the UAE, and Greece – only days after eastern Libya’s parliament approved the Turkish maritime deal. A Libyan source confirmed to Middle East Eye that Saddam Haftar met with Netanyahu in the UAE back in September, aligning with previous reporting. One senior European official told Middle East Eye that Israel may actually view the expansion of Turkey’s maritime claims as a net positive for its own strategic interests, as it pushes Greece even deeper into Israel’s orbit.\n\nUltimately, the failure of Greece’s regional allies to mobilize against the ratification of the Turkish-Libyan maritime deal is a clear marker of how dramatically the geopolitical landscape of the Middle East has shifted in recent years, as old rivalries give way to new alignments shaped by shifting U.S. engagement and evolving regional security priorities.

  • Haitian migrants changed this US town – Trump’s deportation drive is reshaping it again

    Haitian migrants changed this US town – Trump’s deportation drive is reshaping it again

    Nestled in the southwest corner of Ohio, the small industrial town of Springfield has been catapulted to the center of America’s bitter national debate over immigration ahead of the 2026 midterm elections — a flashpoint that has come to embody two starkly different visions of the country’s present and future, depending on who describes it.

    For former and current President Donald Trump, Springfield is the perfect illustration of everything that has gone wrong with decades of lax U.S. immigration policy. It was here in 2024 that he amplified a widely debunked, false conspiracy theory claiming Haitian immigrants were stealing and eating local residents’ pets. Today, Trump points to his aggressive mass deportation campaign as proof he is delivering on his promise to give long-time residents “their town back.”

    For critics and analysts, however, Springfield represents a far more familiar, tragic cycle of modern American life: decades of decline for traditional manufacturing industries, followed by a wave of new immigration drawn by affordable housing and a surplus of low-wage jobs that native-born workers often leave unfilled. This pattern has repeated itself across hundreds of small former industrial towns across the U.S. What is unfolding in Springfield is anything but unique.

    The human cost of Trump’s immigration crackdown came to a devastating head this summer with the death of 20-year-old Pierre Damas Bel, a Haitian migrant who built a promising life in Springfield only to lose everything after the Supreme Court upheld the Trump administration’s decision to end Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for more than 350,000 Haitian migrants living legally in the U.S.

    Bel arrived in Springfield earlier in 2024 to reunite with his father and stepmother, fleeing the brutal gang violence and total political collapse that has convulsed his native Haiti. He entered the U.S. legally through a now-terminated Biden-era program that allowed vulnerable migrants waiting in Mexico to enter the country to pursue their asylum claims. After arriving, he was granted TPS, a humanitarian protection program that allows vetted people from crisis-stricken countries to live and work legally in the U.S. for 18-month periods, which are routinely extended as long as dangerous conditions persist in the migrant’s home country.

    By all accounts, Bel threw himself into building a new life in America. A family friend told the BBC he was an honors student, a gifted athlete, and a cadet in a high school program that trains students to become commissioned officers in the U.S. Armed Forces. But after the Supreme Court’s June ruling, Bel was ordered to report to a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) field office, where he was fitted with a GPS ankle monitor to track him as he awaited deportation.

    Bel documented his despair on social media, writing that the monitor left him feeling overwhelming “shame and humiliation.” On August 31, he parked his car on the side of a highway outside Springfield, walked into oncoming traffic, and was killed instantly. His family has explicitly tied his death to the psychological toll of being forced to wear the tracking device.

    Neither the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) nor ICE has directly responded to BBC inquiries about Bel’s case, but ICE has previously pushed back against any effort to hold the agency responsible for his death. Earlier this year, a spokesperson told U.S. media: “Remaining in the country illegally, while fighting removal, is a choice. Leaving with a free flight home and $2,600 is also a choice.”

    Viles Dorsainvil, co-founder of a local Springfield support center for Haitian migrants facing deportation, told the BBC Bel had done everything possible to keep his legal status intact, and had twice visited ICE facilities to beg officials to remove the ankle monitor before he filed a formal legal motion to have it taken off. “He went twice to the ICE facilities… begging them to remove the ankle monitor,” Dorsainvil said. “He did everything right to be here until they put the tag on him.”

    Bel’s death is just one outcome of a far broader policy shift: the Trump administration has already ended TPS protections for more than one million immigrants from 13 different countries, pushing hundreds of thousands of people who lived and worked legally in the U.S. for years into undocumented status overnight. For the 2026 midterm election campaign, Trump has centered his platform on border security and mass deportation of undocumented migrants. While the policy remains deeply popular with Republican base voters, polling shows overall public support for his harsh enforcement approach has declined over the past year.

    Ohio has emerged as one of the most critical swing states in this year’s midterm elections, where one of two Republican-held U.S. Senate seats is up for grabs. Trump has visited the state twice this campaign season to rally his base and reverse a recent slide in his approval ratings. During an early October rally in Youngstown, he returned again to his talking point on Springfield, telling cheering supporters: “You have a little town, beautiful little town in Ohio where they dropped about 35,000 Haitians. Well, they’re being taken out and they’re almost going to be gone and we’re giving their town back.”

    The Trump administration first announced it would end TPS for Haitians in June 2025, and a two-year legal battle ended this summer when the Supreme Court ruled in the administration’s favor. After the ruling, DHS General Counsel James Percival defended the decision, arguing: “The T in TPS stands for TEMPORARY, yet many of these designations became de facto amnesty. This is a win for the rule of law and common sense.”

    In an August social media post that drew widespread criticism, DHS released a video showing Haitian migrants in chains and white uniforms being led onto a deportation flight, paired with upbeat, jaunty music and a text message ordering Haitians with expired TPS to “LEAVE IMMEDIATELY.” The administration has justified its crackdown by claiming Haiti is now safe enough for migrants to return — a claim that directly contradicts the U.S. State Department’s official travel advisory, which lists Haiti as a Level 4 “Do Not Travel” destination, the highest possible warning for dangerous countries.

    Decades of economic decline are still visible across Springfield’s landscape, in the form of shuttered factory lots and boarded-up, abandoned homes. Like much of the American Midwest, the town was gutted by late 20th century deindustrialization, which left thousands out of work and prompted many native-born residents to move to coastal cities or warmer southern states in search of new opportunities.

    Over the past five years, an estimated 20,000 Haitian migrants have settled in Springfield. The first wave arrived after the devastating 2010 Haiti earthquake, while a larger group came after the 2021 assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse, which plunged the country into the ongoing wave of gang violence that persists today. The influx caused Springfield’s population to grow rapidly, and with TPS protecting their right to work, most Haitian migrants took low-wage jobs in local factories and distribution centers that went unfilled by native-born workers.

    For many long-time Springfield residents, the rapid influx of new arrivals has sparked unease that aligns with Trump’s hardline approach. Rick Johnson, a lifelong Springfield resident and retired Marine whose porch is lined with American and service branch flags, is a vocal supporter of ICE’s deportation campaign. “We love America, we love Americans – any kind of Americans, but you kind of have to be American,” he said. Johnson noted that after decades of industrial decline, most of his old neighbors have moved away, and his only current neighbors are a Haitian family that moved in four years ago, who he says do not bother him personally. His concern, he says, is purely about the scale and speed of the change. “Really it’s the amount of them,” he said. “If you come here you [should] come here legally. The Temporary Protected Status is done… it’s time to go.”

    Many local residents share a common perception that traffic safety has worsened since the Haitian community arrived, a concern amplified by a 2023 crash that killed 11-year-old Aiden Clark when his school bus overturned after a collision with a minivan driven by a Haitian migrant who did not have a valid U.S. driver’s license. The driver was sentenced to jail, but in a surprising rebuke to anti-immigrant politicians, Aiden’s father Nathan Clark spoke out at a city commission meeting to denounce leaders who used his son’s accidental death as a “political tool” to stoke anti-immigrant sentiment.

    For Haitian residents of Springfield who have lost TPS, daily life has become defined by fear and uncertainty. At a local grocery store run by Paschur Castelly, a Haitian migrant who arrived in the U.S. 20 years ago, most shelves sit empty. Business has collapsed as migrants avoid leaving their homes or spending money over fears of ICE raids. “I can’t purchase new merchandise because I don’t have people coming in,” Castelly said. He added that most Haitian migrants in Springfield are hardworking people who fled chaos to build a better life: “our communities, we have doctors, we have engineers… we came here to get a better life, to help our family in Haiti, you know? Our country doesn’t offer us security.”

    During a 20-minute interview with the BBC, only one customer entered the store. The customer, a warehouse worker who asked to remain anonymous for his own safety, pulled up his right pant leg to reveal the large ankle monitor ICE ordered him to wear. Like thousands of other Haitians in Springfield, he was given a stark choice: wear the monitor and check in with ICE every two weeks, or sign his own deportation order immediately. As the interview ended, Castelly locked the store’s front door — a routine precaution now that neighbors regularly fear unexpected ICE raids. When a local woman spotted the BBC crew, she shouted across the street to check that Castelly was safe, a small reflection of the pervasive anxiety that hangs over the town’s Haitian community.

    Weeks before Americans head to the polls to decide control of Congress for the final two years of Trump’s second term, Springfield remains what it became when Trump first threw it into the national spotlight: a symbol of two irreconcilable visions of America, split along the lines of immigration, identity, and who gets to call this country home.

  • Shifting role of US in Middle East is like ‘raising a teenager’, ambassador says

    Shifting role of US in Middle East is like ‘raising a teenager’, ambassador says

    A top senior advisor to former US President Donald Trump has announced a historic reorientation of Washington’s approach to the Arabian Gulf, bringing an end to an 80-year-old foundational arrangement that traded US security guarantees for access to Gulf oil supplies. Speaking Tuesday at the Doha-based Global Security Forum, Tom Barrack — the current US ambassador to Turkey and special envoy for Syria and Iraq — made clear that the long-standing global order where the United States served as the sole security guarantor across the Middle East is now a thing of the past.

    Barrack, a figure long known for his critical views of colonial-era divide-and-rule policies in the Middle East and his vocal praise for the Ottoman Empire’s governance of the region, argued that Western powers for decades intentionally benefited from regional instability. “Conflict and controversy was actually to the western favour,” he explained. “The more off-base the region was, the more [the West] could manipulate fossil fuels for its own benefit. That’s not in existence anymore.” He emphasized the core new direction of US policy: Washington no longer seeks to exercise direct ownership or control over the Gulf region.

    The policy shift comes in the aftermath of a tense diplomatic rift earlier this year, when Gulf states lobbied the US to reject plans for a joint US-Israeli attack on Iran, only to see their appeals ignored by Washington. Following the February 28 strike, Iran launched retaliatory waves of drone and missile attacks targeting the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Bahrain, leaving the region to grapple with the fallout of the aggression.

    When pressed on whether Gulf states could continue to depend on the post-WWII US security umbrella that has anchored regional security for generations, Barrack gave a blunt answer: no. “In the region, everybody is saying if we have America and we are selling oil and gas in dollars and we buy weapons in dollars and we have bases of Americans… we are going to have free seas, and we are going to have a security guaranty. All of a sudden, that doesn’t happen,” he noted. Barrack traced this dramatic reassessment of US commitments directly to the fallout of the joint US-Israeli campaign against Iran.

    Crucially, Barrack stressed that the policy shift does not amount to a full US withdrawal from the region. “The bargain is not to own, not to control, but not to leave. We’re not leaving,” he clarified. Describing the transition to a new regional framework as a awkward, challenging process, he compared it to raising a teenager: “What’s happening in this administration is not an abandonment. It’s a message for realignment. And that message is like raising a teenager. It’s not easy.”

    Under the new approach, Washington will back regional efforts to build local security architectures to replace the old US-led framework, including the Mecca Pact. Barrack pointed to Saudi Arabia’s activation of joint defence pacts with Pakistan and Turkey to counter Houthi aggression as an example of the new, region-led order taking shape. “Everybody’s got to be on their own regional alliances, which is what’s happening,” he said.

    Barrack’s landmark remarks arrive as the entire Middle East braces for the possibility of a new, full-scale war against Iran. In recent weeks, leaders from Qatar and Egypt have issued repeated warnings that the region is on the brink of a major new conflict. While large-scale kinetic attacks have calmed in recent weeks, with Iran continuing targeted strikes on commercial shipping in the strategic Strait of Hormuz and the US maintaining its strict economic blockade of the country, tensions have been reignited by former President Trump’s recent escalation.

    Ahead of Israel’s upcoming general elections this month, Trump openly endorsed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and raised the stakes for new military action. In comments Sunday, Trump said he wanted Netanyahu to remain in office to help “finish the job” against Iran unless the Iranian government quickly alters its policy trajectory.

    The center of current regional hostilities has shifted to Yemen, where the Iran-aligned Houthi movement has carried out crippling attacks on Saudi civilian airports and critical energy infrastructure. Saudi Arabia backs Yemen’s internationally recognized government, but deep internal divisions within the administration have prevented any successful large-scale counter-offensive against Houthi positions. Though Riyadh and its Yemeni allies have repeatedly pledged to retake all occupied territory from the group, Barrack cast serious doubt on the likelihood of a military victory.

    “These kinetic reactions have never worked. It doesn’t work. It’s probably not likely that it’s going to work,” he said when asked about Saudi prospects for defeating the Houthis militarily. He added that while Trump remains committed to providing logistical support to Saudi Arabia, the US will not commit ground troops to another Middle Eastern conflict: “The president has been clear that he supports Saudi Arabia, and the backing they need logistically he will supply, but America getting involved in a ground kinetic battle somewhere else sounds fruitless.”

    Barrack is the second high-profile Western leader to publicly rule out a military solution to the Houthi conflict. Earlier this week at the same Doha forum, former MI6 director John Sawers made similar remarks, stating plainly that “the Houthis are here to stay.”

  • France is divided over who to blame for and what to learn from weekend riots

    France is divided over who to blame for and what to learn from weekend riots

    In the tree-lined streets of central Paris, shattered glass from smashed storefronts still crunches underfoot, and walls are scrawled with red graffiti insulting French police, dated to the October 17 riot. For local resident Elisabeth, the chaos that unfolded that Saturday does not represent the country she loves. Speaking through tears amid the wreckage, she pushed back against widespread media focus on the violence, insisting it does not reflect the values of most French people. “This is not the face of France,” she stressed, rejecting her friend’s comparison to an impending civil war. But her uncertainty over who orchestrated the unrest, and why it erupted after weeks of peaceful student protests, mirrors the confusion and division rippling across the nation days after the violence. What began as a mass demonstration over public education reforms has devolved into widespread arson, looting of more than 3,000 businesses, and coordinated attacks on law enforcement, leaving French political leaders scrambling to assign blame — and turning the chaos into early political fodder for the 2027 presidential election, just six months away.

    French top officials have been unified in pointing fingers at radical far-left factions as the main architects of the violence. Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu has repeatedly stated that small far-left and ultra-left groups planned the insurrection, accusing these factions of weaponizing legitimate student demonstrations for political gain. Interior Minister Laurent Nunez echoed this claim, saying these groups “poured oil onto the fire” of existing public frustration. A declassified French intelligence report dated September 29, published by Le Figaro, goes further, alleging that radical-left aligned student unions and political movements have been deliberately manipulating peaceful student protests. The report specifically names Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s left-wing populist party La France Insoumise (LFI), claiming the group is embracing violence as an electoral strategy to build support ahead of 2027. French intelligence had already warned government leaders earlier this month that anarchist left-wing groups were embedded in the student movement, and their symbolic circled capital “A” was found spray-painted on damaged buildings across the country over the weekend. Footage repeatedly aired by French media shows groups of masked young men in black clothing attacking police vans with large hammers and machetes, adding credence to claims that at least some of the violence was pre-planned, even as most looting appears to have been opportunistic.

    Belgian officials have drawn similar connections, with Interior Minister Bernard Quintin warning this week of the “TikTokisation of violence,” where riot footage shared widely on social media radicalizes impressionable young people. Quintin also blamed “known far left groups” for violent unrest that has erupted in Brussels and Liège in recent days. Back in France, the conservative mayor of Limoges Guillaume Guérin has publicly blamed LFI for the chaos in his city, where the historic town hall was set ablaze — an accusation the party has forcefully rejected.

    Mélenchon, who participated in Saturday’s originally planned peaceful protest and is currently polling in second place for the 2027 race, has vehemently denied all claims of involvement in the violence. He has flipped the blame back to Lecornu and centrist President Emmanuel Macron’s government, arguing the administration is either incompetent or intentionally allowed the violence to unfold to position itself as the “party of order” and distract from its failed management of France’s spiraling public debt and borrowing costs. Student organizers echo this rejection, calling the claims of political manipulation insulting. Lisa Cordat, a representative of the FSE student union in the Paris suburb of Saint-Denis, where the original education protests began a month ago, says students have organized their own demonstrations via independent social media and student-led groups. “Student anger comes from the ground up,” she emphasized, rejecting any claim that politicians are calling the shots.

    For many ordinary French residents, however, the flurry of cross-partisan blame-shifting only highlights how political leaders are exploiting the violence for their own gain, rather than addressing the root causes of public anger. “Politicians are hunting for scapegoats but don’t ask why it all happened,” said 25-year-old Lina, echoing a sentiment shared by many interviewees. Teacher Mar put it more bluntly: “Saturday’s violence suits politicians’ purpose. It distracts from weeks of legitimate protests for better public services. Politicians aren’t listening to what the students need, or what teachers need or what the French people want. They’re using the violence to election-campaign to become president and to try to make their opponents look bad.”

    Of all the presidential contenders, far-right National Rally leader Marine Le Pen appears to be the biggest political beneficiary of the unrest, which comes as she already holds a significant lead in early polling for 2027. Le Pen released a formal presidential-style video address to the nation Sunday, standing behind a desk in front of the French flag and specifically naming Mélenchon, blaming his associates for seeking to “throw the country into chaos.” She also attacked Macron’s government as “running out of steam,” claiming France is “taken hostage between violence and powerlessness,” and closed by reminding voters they will soon have the chance to “choose a different path” in six months. Like former U.S. President Donald Trump, Le Pen has also blamed migrants for the chaos, doubling down on her party’s signature law-and-order and closed-border platform.

    The unrest has also exposed critical gaps in France’s domestic security apparatus. President Macron has already demanded explanations for intelligence and policing failures after the violence, with Interior Minister Nunez admitting there were not enough officers deployed to the streets despite advance public notice of the nationwide protests. After facing accusations of heavy-handed policing at earlier demonstrations, law enforcement was left badly outmatched by the scale of coordinated violence Saturday. Online platforms have pledged to work with authorities to track down looters, many of whom openly posted stolen goods — including designer sneakers — for sale online shortly after the looting, with many not even bothering to hide their identities. Former Prime Minister Gabriel Attal, another 2027 presidential hopeful, has called for targeted social media blackouts to prevent further unrest, after evidence showed social media posts encouraged participation in the violence.

    Beyond the immediate political blame game, the French riots are part of a broader wave of youth-led unrest spreading across Europe, with similar protests erupting over the past weekend in Italy, Portugal, and Albania alongside France and Belgium. A growing body of polling and on-the-ground interviews shows this unrest stems from deep, long-simmering disillusionment with mainstream politics and deteriorating living conditions across the continent. Young people in particular face a cascade of crises: skyrocketing housing costs, growing social inequality, the accelerating threat of climate change, and fears that artificial intelligence will displace them from the workforce. Many people also report feeling powerless over global events that drive up everyday costs, such as ongoing wars in Ukraine and the Middle East that have pushed energy prices sharply higher.

    2024 Pew Research polling bears out this widespread discontent: 69% of people in France report being dissatisfied with how democracy is working in their country, compared to 68% in Spain, 62% in Italy, and 69% in the United States. Most people on the ground in France are quick to draw a clear line between the thousands of peaceful protesters who marched to demand better public education, and the small faction of rioters who engaged in violence and looting. But the question now hanging over France and the rest of Europe is whether this wave of unrest is the product of simple political manipulation by extreme factions — or a boiling over of decades of ignored public frustration, where growing numbers of people have come to feel there is little left to lose.

  • Borneo burning: Life on the frontline of South East Asia’s toxic haze

    Borneo burning: Life on the frontline of South East Asia’s toxic haze

    When sunlight filters through the thick toxic smog that cloaks Indonesian Borneo, every structure – from passing cars to residential homes to city streets – fades in and out of a dull, rust-colored fog. The scene has been widely described as nothing short of apocalyptic, but for local residents like Dianyra Eka Nastiti, a mother of three living in Palangkaraya, the terror peaks after dark.

    “Sometimes at night my baby’s chest makes a rattling sound,” Nastiti shared. “She was hospitalized for bronchopneumonia when she was just a month and a half old, and every single night I lie awake worrying: Will my child wake up coughing tomorrow? These thoughts haunt me every night.”

    Nastiti’s home sits on the frontline of a months-long environmental disaster that has choked large swathes of Southeast Asia in dangerous pollution. Data from open-access satellite platform Nusantara Atlas shows that roughly 1.9 million hectares of land across Indonesia – an area roughly equivalent to the entire U.S. state of New Jersey, or the whole nation of Fiji – have been burned by wildfires since January 2024 alone. One million of those hectares were lost just in September.

    The harmful impact of the fires extends far beyond the burned areas. Smouldering forest, swamp, and peatland releases a thick mix of microparticles and carbon monoxide, forming a massive toxic cloud that has engulfed most of Indonesia and drifted as far as neighboring Singapore, Malaysia, and the Philippines.

    As of mid-October, Indonesia’s Ministry of Health has documented more than 277,000 cases of chronic cough and acute respiratory infection linked to the haze, over 62,000 of which affect infants and toddlers under the age of five. Twenty-two-year-old Natari Victoria, who was admitted to a Palangkaraya health center after suffering from a persistent cough for more than a week, says the public health crisis has touched every corner of the community. “The forest fires have had a huge impact, especially on everyone’s health,” she explained. “I have young cousins, including babies, who are coughing too. It’s really taking a toll on them.”

    Smoke from peat fires carries a complex mix of pollutants that pose severe, long-term risks to human health. Tiny particulate matter can penetrate deep into lung tissue, and in severe cases enter the bloodstream, triggering inflammation, chronic respiratory illness, and raising the risk of premature death. The fires also release massive volumes of toxic greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, worsening global climate change.

    “Here in Central Kalimantan, especially in Palangkaraya, the sky has turned yellow and hazy,” said Riduan, head of the Palangkaraya Health Office. “What are residents actually breathing in? It’s not fresh oxygen – it’s carbon dioxide and pollutants. As a result, the body, specifically the brain, doesn’t get enough oxygen.”

    Children, elderly people, and pregnant women are uniquely vulnerable to the haze, with health impacts worsening over prolonged exposure. Official guidance urges residents to stay indoors to limit exposure, but for many low-income communities, this advice is completely unworkable. “I still need to buy vegetables, stock up on food, purchase school supplies, and take care of other necessities,” Nastiti said. “It’s simply not possible to stay locked inside 24/7, and I feel like the people who say that have no idea what is actually happening here.”

    Nastiti’s top priority is protecting her children’s health, so she forces them inside whenever the haze grows particularly thick. “With conditions being so unsafe, I have no choice,” she explained. “Our young children should be at the park, playing with their friends and going to school. Instead, they are locked inside the house.”

    Thirty-seven-year-old Lola Macitri, who lives in the rural village of Ramang 50 kilometers north of Palangkaraya, has been similarly confined to her home as the smog has deepened from dusty grey to amber yellow to a murky burnt orange over recent weeks. Her children, like most students in the worst-affected regions of Indonesia, have shifted to remote online classes, while she and other local adults can only manage half a day of work outside before falling ill from the toxic air.

    Countless farmers, daily-wage laborers, and small street vendors face an impossible choice: risk their health to earn a living, or stay safe and watch their livelihoods collapse. With few evacuation options available to low-income communities, most have no choice but to wait out the crisis. “If you ask whether we are afraid of the health risks, of course we are,” Macitri said. “But where else can we go? We just have to endure and stay strong through this situation, because there is simply no other option.”

    Indonesian authorities are facing growing public anger over what many residents describe as a woefully insufficient response to the crisis. Officials say they have rolled out a range of fire suppression measures, from aerial waterbombing to experimental weather modification. Last week, the government announced it had deployed more than 60,000 personnel to carry out a coordinated land operation, claiming an 80% success rate in extinguishing new ignitions.

    “At this point, I think we need to use every safe and effective option available to suppress the fires,” said Dr. Nisa Novita, a forestry and peatland researcher with Indonesian conservation NGO Yayasan Konservasi Alam Nusantara (YKAN). “It’s a bit like trying to save a sinking ship: we need to act urgently, use whatever tools can help, and prevent further damage while we still can.”

    Even so, resources for frontline responders are rapidly running out. Firefighter Juni has been battling the blazes for more than 100 days, and says the fires often mask their persistence: while flames may die down on the surface, deep underground, smouldering blazes continue to eat through thick layers of carbon, vegetation, and peat. “It is truly exhausting,” he said, describing the chronic shortness of breath, persistent cough, and constant eye pain he has developed from working in the haze. When asked what he needs most to continue the fight, his answer was simple: “air. The haze makes it hard to breathe. We are just hoping for heavy rain.”

    Juni’s wish is shared by millions of people across Indonesia and neighboring Southeast Asian nations. While seasonal wildfires are a recurring event in Indonesia, this year’s Super El Niño has amplified drought conditions and delayed the heavy seasonal rains that are the most effective tool for extinguishing stubborn peat fires. This has turned a routine seasonal event into an unprecedented catastrophe for frontline firefighters and local residents alike.

    Dr. Novita noted that prolonged drought has also depleted local water reserves, making it even harder to bring the blazes under control. Fellow Palangkaraya firefighter Fauzi Rahman echoed this frustration, explaining that peatland fires require far more time and resources to extinguish than typical wildfires. “Peatland fires are hard to put out because they require a lot of water and a long time,” he said. “On regular land we can clear 20 hectares in a single day, especially with a large team… On peatland, it can take months. We really have to inject water deep down, all the way to the bottom, which requires a huge amount of water. And right now, water is hard to find.”

    Most concerning of all, Dr. Novita says her team has documented fires spreading into previously unaffected areas, expanding the scope of the disaster beyond the usual high-risk zones. “So we’re not only dealing with fires in the usual hotspots but also seeing them emerge in new areas,” she said.

    In Palangkaraya, residents are growing increasingly desperate for an end to the crisis. But for most, relief will only come when the much-awaited rains finally arrive. “Hopefully, with all the extraordinary efforts from the community, the military, and the police working together, the fires can be put out,” Riduan told reporters. “However, as of right now, the fires are still burning. So what can we hope for? Our greatest hope is that Almighty God will bring us rain soon.”

  • Is Ebola under control in Kenya after nine cases confirmed?

    Is Ebola under control in Kenya after nine cases confirmed?

    For the first time in its recorded public health history, Kenya is confronting an unprecedented Ebola outbreak – a crisis that neighboring Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo have decades of experience managing. To date, nine confirmed cases have been logged, all linked back to the index patient: a Kenyan businessman who traveled out of an Ebola-affected zone in eastern DR Congo, transited two other countries, and died two weeks after crossing into Kenya. Among the new infections are four of the index patient’s relatives, three frontline healthcare workers, and one hospital cleaner.

    Growing public and expert anxiety over potential wider community spread has persisted, even as Kenyan public health officials work continuously to reassure residents that the outbreak remains contained. At a regional level, the ongoing DR Congo Ebola outbreak – the second deadliest on record, with more than 9,500 confirmed cases and over 4,000 deaths since it was declared in May – creates a persistent cross-border risk of new imported cases for Kenya, which acts as a major regional transport and trade hub. The current outbreak is caused by the rare Bundibugyo Ebola species, for which no widely approved vaccine or targeted treatment exists, though clinical trials for new countermeasures are currently ongoing.

    From the moment the first case was confirmed, Kenyans have questioned why the index patient was able to travel unimpeded through multiple countries after spending time in eastern DR Congo’s high-risk Ebola zone before his infection was detected. Kenya’s national doctors’ union, the Kenya Medical Practitioners and Dentists Union (KMPDU), has raised alarms over systemic lapses in screening at key border crossings with Uganda and Tanzania, as well as at Nairobi’s Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. Union representative Dennis Miskellah confirmed that border and port health facilities are severely understaffed, leaving critical gaps in infection control.

    In spite of these concerns, senior health officials have emphasized steady progress in containing the outbreak. “All eight currently active patients are showing improvement and responding well to care,” Kenya’s Health Director-General Patrick Amoth stated Tuesday, in an effort to calm public panic. Immediately after the first case was announced, authorities rolled out enhanced cross-border screening measures for all travelers arriving from 10 high-risk African nations: DR Congo, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, Zambia, Ethiopia, South Sudan and the Central African Republic. Travelers from these countries must now complete a digital surveillance form before boarding any flight to Kenya and present a scannable QR code to port health officials upon arrival, with all incoming aircraft also subject to enhanced public health inspections.

    Within Kenya’s borders, the government has launched a nationwide public awareness campaign to educate residents on Ebola symptoms and prevention, urging people to immediately report suspected cases and seek prompt hospital care. Core hygiene guidance, including frequent handwashing and avoiding close contact with symptomatic individuals, has been widely distributed. The government has also designated dedicated treatment and isolation facilities across all counties, completed training for nearly 5,000 national and local healthcare workers in Ebola clinical management and infection control, and opened a specialized testing laboratory at Kenyatta National Hospital’s Infectious Disease Unit to prevent cross-contamination of general lab samples.

    Contact tracing efforts have already reached 99% of people known to have been exposed to the index patient, with 134 of 135 identified contacts currently in supervised quarantine. Public health officials from the International Rescue Committee (IRC), which has partnered with both Kenyan and Congolese authorities on outbreak response, note that all confirmed infections to date are directly linked to the index patient – a clear indicator that early containment measures are working effectively. Kenya is also collaborating with global and regional health bodies including the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention and the World Health Organization (WHO) to scale up surveillance, public outreach, and community engagement. A free 24/7 toll-free emergency hotline has been activated to allow residents to report suspected symptoms.

    “None of the traced contacts have developed symptoms before entering quarantine, so the risk of secondary community spread is extremely minimal, effectively non-existent,” Amoth affirmed. Ebola, which spreads through direct contact with infected bodily fluids such as blood or vomit, has an incubation period ranging from 2 to 21 days, meaning exposed individuals can remain asymptomatic for weeks after infection.

    In addition to training and infrastructure upgrades, the Kenyan Ministry of Health has partnered with the WHO to produce public health materials that explicitly address the danger of stigma surrounding the outbreak. Posters distributed across the country carry the message: “Stop stigma, choose support. Stigma can discourage people from reporting symptoms or cooperating with response teams.” Authorities have also called on Kenyans to avoid discriminating against contacts of confirmed cases. The government has additionally procured stockpiles of personal protective equipment (PPE) for frontline facilities.

    However, KMPDU has pushed back on the government’s claims of adequate preparedness, pointing to the infection of three healthcare workers and one hospital cleaner as evidence of unaddressed gaps in worker protection. Frontline health staff face inherently higher risk of infection, as they regularly come into contact with infected patients’ bodily fluids during care. “Protective equipment must be distributed to all hospitals to ensure full worker protection, especially in cases where symptomatic patients do not disclose recent travel to high-risk Ebola zones,” Miskellah told the BBC. He also called for expanded public health education to reduce stigma, so that people with potential exposure do not hide their symptoms. The IRC has additionally called for sustained international funding to support contact tracing, border screening, and ongoing frontline worker training in Kenya.

    To date, the Kenyan government has rejected calls for national lockdowns, internal travel restrictions, or bans on public gatherings and trade, and the country remains open to international visitors. No nation has implemented a full travel ban on Kenya, though the U.S. has issued an advisory urging its citizens to reconsider non-essential travel to the country over Ebola concerns. The UK has issued a health alert warning British travelers that they will face enhanced screening upon entry to Kenya, while Canada has advised its citizens returning from Kenya to monitor their health for 21 days after arrival. Regional neighbors have also activated their own precautionary measures: one contact of the index patient is currently quarantined in Somalia, with samples sent to Nairobi for testing, while Somalia, Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Uganda have all tightened border surveillance and screening for incoming travelers. Uganda, which was declared Ebola-free by the WHO after a small 2022 outbreak, continues to maintain strong border monitoring to prevent reintroduction of the virus.

    Public health and economic analysts have flagged potential risks to Kenya’s key international tourism sector if the outbreak spreads to the general community, but so far there is no empirical evidence of a major drop in travel demand. Cross-border population movement between eastern DR Congo and Kenya remains frequent: a 2022 report from the Center for Strategic and International Studies estimates that roughly 2,500 Kenyans live in eastern DR Congo, while more than 10,000 Congolese reside in Nairobi alone. Kenya’s embassy in Kinshasa has long urged Kenyans living in the high-risk region to register with the mission to facilitate emergency support if needed.

  • Pro-Palestinian Hasidic religious worker accused of hate crimes faces deportation to Israel

    Pro-Palestinian Hasidic religious worker accused of hate crimes faces deportation to Israel

    A 35-year-old Hasidic religious worker from Israel, Yehonatan Ovadia, is currently detained at New York City’s Metropolitan Detention Center and at risk of deportation back to his home country—penalties his legal team say are rooted solely in his participation in peaceful pro-Palestinian advocacy, marking the latest case in a sweeping Trump administration crackdown on dissenting speech regarding Israel’s actions in Gaza.

    Ovadia first entered the United States in 2022 on a temporary religious work visa, and successfully re-entered the country in April 2024 under a visa set to expire in November 2025, U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) confirmed to Middle East Eye. When Ovadia’s congregation applied to extend his worker status, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) initially granted an extension through 2028—only to reverse the decision days later in a discretionary denial.

    The reasoning for the reversal was explicitly tied to a 2023 pro-Palestinian demonstration Ovadia joined in Ramapo, New York, USCIS informed his legal team. Anonymous community sources report that Ovadia was hit with multiple hate crime-linked charges after an Israeli flag was torn down at the protest. While Ovadia has openly acknowledged he attended the demonstration and drove participants to the site, he denies any involvement in removing the flag. Prosecutors ultimately dropped all charges against him, leaving him with no criminal convictions on record.

    Ovadia’s lawyers argue that the flag at the center of the incident was likely displayed illegally, and emphasize that an immigration judge has already ruled Ovadia poses no public safety risk. They characterize his ongoing detention as unlawful, noting that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has repeatedly used the same punitive framework against pro-Palestinian protesters across the nation, and has now applied it to a serving Hasidic religious worker.

    DHS confirmed that ICE took Ovadia into custody in August. A department spokesperson defended the action, claiming the administration acted within its legal authority to detain non-citizens who “advocate for violence, glorifies and supports terrorists, harasses Jews, and steals property.”

    Ovadia’s legal team rejects this characterization and calls the administration’s actions unlawful. “This is a peaceful protest being dressed up as a crime to punish speech the (Trump) administration doesn’t like,” a legal representative stated. “Federal judges have called out DHS and ICE again and again for breaking the law. We are calling them out now, and we trust that a judge in this case will too. Justice is coming.”

    Beyond the legal battle, Ovadia’s detention has inflicted severe hardship on his family. A husband and father of children, Ovadia was the sole breadwinner for his household before his arrest, and community members recently launched a fundraiser to cover two months of back rent the family could not pay. Court documents dated October 1 also outline troubling conditions of Ovadia’s detention: he reports losing at least 25 pounds since being taken into custody, and multiple critical religious accommodation requests have been denied. According to the filings, when Ovadia requested adjustments to accommodate his religious practices, facility staff responded, “you’re not special.” During the recent high holy holiday of Yom Kippur, Ovadia did not receive the correct religious texts for prayer and was denied a dedicated appropriate space for worship.

    Ovadia’s case is not an isolated incident. It is part of a broader pattern of targeting by the Trump administration, which has publicly pledged to purge anti-Israel rhetoric from public discourse among non-citizens. In recent months, pro-Palestinian protesters, scholars, activists, and journalists have faced arrest, detention, or loss of access over the administration’s expanding free speech restrictions.

    High-profile prior cases include Badr Khan Suri, a Georgetown University scholar and legal U.S. resident married to an American citizen, who was detained by ICE in March 2025 on orders from Secretary of State Marco Rubio over claims he “spread Hamas propaganda and promoted antisemitism on social media.” He was released two months after his arrest. Palestinian activist Leqaa Kordia was arrested outside Columbia University for participating in pro-Palestinian protests and spent more than a year in ICE detention. Green Card holder Mahmoud Khalil, another Palestinian activist married to a U.S. citizen, was detained for over 100 days for his involvement in Columbia’s pro-Palestinian campus encampments.

    The crackdown has also extended to press freedom: last month, CNN, MS Now, and Politico were banned from White House access after President Donald Trump criticized their coverage, though a federal judge ordered their press credentials restored just days later. Critics of the administration argue these interconnected cases reflect a deliberate campaign to suppress free speech and press freedom, particularly for voices that criticize Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.