作者: admin

  • Xi’s everlasting passion for books

    Xi’s everlasting passion for books

    BEIJING – For Chinese President Xi Jinping, reading is far more than a casual pastime – it is an enduring passion and a core way of life that has shaped his decades-long journey from grassroots rural work to leading the world’s most populous nation. Beyond personal enrichment, Xi’s deep engagement with books has also become a unique diplomatic bridge, strengthening cultural connections between China and the global community and advancing dialogue and mutual understanding across different civilizations.

    Xi’s love of reading began in childhood, rooted in the educational values of his family. Born in Beijing to a revolutionary family, Xi grew up in a household that prioritized learning. His father, veteran revolutionary leader Xi Zhongxun, rarely purchased toys for Xi and his siblings, but was always open-handed when it came to buying books. He would regularly take the children to bookstores and let them pick whatever volumes sparked their interest.

    Chen Qiuying, who taught Xi Chinese when he was a teenager in 1965, recalled that even at a young age, Xi was a devoted reader of history and literature, with a particular fascination for the poetry of Tang Dynasty master Du Fu. Du, one of China’s most celebrated realist poets, wove profound empathy and care for ordinary people into his work, themes that would leave a lasting impression on Xi.

    In 1969, at just 15 years old, Xi was sent to work as an “educated youth” in Liangjiahe, a remote mountain village in Shaanxi Province in Northwest China. Among his few belongings were two large suitcases stuffed entirely with books. Over the seven years he spent living in a yaodong – a traditional cave dwelling carved into the region’s yellow loess hills – harsh living conditions never dimmed his enthusiasm for reading. Instead, books became a vital source of spiritual strength through those challenging years.

    Xi made use of every spare moment to read: he would study dictionaries during breaks from farm work, steal quiet moments to read while tending sheep on hilltops, and lose himself in books under the glow of a kerosene lamp long after dark. In one famous anecdote, he walked 15 kilometers along a rutted, dusty country road just to borrow a copy of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s *Faust*. He also drew great inspiration from Russian writer Nikolai Chernyshevsky’s *What Is to Be Done?*, where the main character’s unyielding resilience encouraged him through difficult times. By the end of his time in Liangjiahe, Xi had read nearly every classic work of literature he could get his hands on, once saying that the knowledge he draws on easily today all stems from the reading he did in those years.

    Over time, Xi developed a distinctive, thoughtful reading method: he describes the approach as “turning thick books thin, and thin books thick.” This means distilling the core essence from dense, complex texts to extract key insights, while diving deep into the layers of shorter, concise works to unpack their full depth and meaning. By the time he was admitted to Tsinghua University in 1975, he had read Karl Marx’s *Das Kapital* cover to cover three times, and filled 18 notebooks with his own reflections and analysis.

    For decades, no matter if he was serving as a grassroots local official or leading the entire country, Xi has maintained this consistent reading routine. He has also repeatedly encouraged both government officials and the general public across China to make reading a regular part of their lives.

    Global observers have long noted the significance of Chinese leaders’ reading habits, as the knowledge gained from books directly shapes how policy is conceived and implemented. As international outlet *The Diplomat* wrote in a piece on the topic, “Overseas analysts of China are understandably very interested in whether Chinese leaders are reading, whether they have time to read, and what kind of books they are reading. Leaders’ knowledge is formed by the books they read … This in turn is an important factor in determining the shaping and implementation of policy.”

  • After a failed attempt, Australian families again attempt repatriation from Syria’s Roj camp

    After a failed attempt, Australian families again attempt repatriation from Syria’s Roj camp

    In a development that reignites debate over the repatriation of citizens linked to the Islamic State (IS) militant group, four Australian families departed the Roj Camp in northeast Syria on Friday, launching a fresh push to return to their home country, according to regional officials.

    Correspondents from the Associated Press witnessed 13 Australian women and children board a bus guarded by a Syrian government delegation for the journey out of the remote camp, which sits just kilometers from the Iraq-Syria border and holds thousands of family members of people suspected of ties to IS.

    Lana Hussein, a senior official with the Women’s Protection Units, an arm of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) that oversees security at Roj Camp, confirmed that the departure was coordinated jointly with the central Syrian government in Damascus. Per the agreed-upon arrangement, the Australian group will stay in the Syrian capital for approximately three days, after which they will be deported following standard security vetting procedures, Hussein explained.

    As of Friday evening, neither the Syrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs nor the Australian federal government had issued any public statement in response to press requests for comment. It also remains unclear whether the Australian government was aware of or involved in planning this latest departure attempt.

    This second effort to repatriate Australian citizens from the camp follows a failed attempt in February that saw a group of 34 women and children turned away by Syrian authorities before they could reach Damascus to depart for Australia. At the time, Australian officials explicitly stated they would not facilitate the group’s repatriation, and Canberra later issued a temporary exclusion barring one of the participating women from reentering the country.

    The geographic context of the situation has shifted dramatically since that February attempt. Roj Camp is located in a region of northeast Syria that was long controlled by the SDF, but clashes between the SDF and Syrian government forces in early 2024 ended with Damascus seizing control of the majority of the territory the SDF previously held. The fighting also triggered a wave of prison breaks and mass escapes from the larger al-Hol camp, another major facility holding IS-linked detainees, which has since been formally closed. Following the collapse of IS’s self-declared caliphate in 2019, tens of thousands of former fighters, their spouses and children from dozens of countries were detained in a network of SDF-run camps and detention centers across northeast Syria. In the aftermath of the January clashes, the U.S. military transferred thousands of former IS detainees from Syria to Iraq to face legal proceedings.

    Canberra has previously facilitated two repatriation operations for Australian women and children held in Syrian detention camps, and an unknown number of other Australian citizens have returned to the country without official government support. Even after the defeat of IS’s territorial rule, the group retains active sleeper cells that continue to launch lethal attacks across both Syria and Iraq.

    This report includes contributing reporting from AP correspondent Abby Sewell based in Beirut.

  • Spain heads to World Cup with its image battered by cases of racism, sexism and xenophobia

    Spain heads to World Cup with its image battered by cases of racism, sexism and xenophobia

    MADRID – As Spain’s men’s national soccer team prepares to compete for the 2025 World Cup title, a string of high-profile discrimination incidents has plunged Spanish soccer into a global reckoning, overshadowing the team’s on-pitch success and raising urgent questions about cultural change within the sport. The latest controversy came in a March friendly match against Egypt, held in Barcelona, where a faction of Spanish supporters directed anti-Muslim chants at the Egyptian team and jeered the Egyptian national anthem – an incident that sparked international outrage just months before the World Cup kicks off. This incident marks the third major discrimination scandal to hit Spanish soccer in two years, following 2023’s racist abuse targeting Real Madrid star Vinícius Júnior and the unwanted sexual advance by former Spanish Football Federation (RFEF) president Luis Rubiales against Women’s World Cup winner Jenni Hermoso. With Spain set to co-host the 2030 World Cup, cleaning up its international reputation as a tolerant host nation has become a top priority for Spanish authorities and soccer leaders, who have pushed back against framing the entire country as racist or discriminatory. Esteban Ibarra, leader of the Madrid-based Movement Against Intolerance, Racism and Xenophobia, argues that the harmful acts are limited to small, radical fan factions rather than the broader Spanish supporter base. “It’s not a very good image for Spain right now, but we can’t mistake these acts by minority groups, usually the ultra groups, with the actions of the majority of fans in Spain,” Ibarra noted. Spain’s highest sports governing body, the Higher Council for Sports, echoed that position in a statement to the Associated Press, stressing that the disruptive fans do not represent the vast majority of Spanish supporters. “These acts, which we condemn in the strongest possible terms, have been perpetrated by a group of people who in no way represent the vast majority of Spanish soccer fans,” the council said. “The chants were deplorable and cannot be repeated. We are confident that the Spanish men and women attending the World Cup this summer will support our team with passion and always with respect.” Critics and affected parties have pushed back against framing the incidents as isolated, however. The Egyptian Football Association called the chants “entirely unacceptable in football stadiums” and emphasized that this negative phenomenon must be collectively addressed and fully eradicated. Notably, the incident occurred even with 18-year-old Spanish star forward Lamine Yamal – a practicing Muslim – in Spain’s lineup. The day after the friendly, Yamal publicly condemned the chants as disrespectful and intolerable, arguing that the bigotry was unacceptable regardless of whether it was directed at him personally. “I understand that not all fans are like that, but to those who chant these things: Using a religion as a taunt on the field makes you look ignorant and racist,” Yamal said. “Football is for enjoying and cheering, not for disrespecting people for who they are or what they believe.” The RFEF has pointed to Yamal’s widespread popularity as proof that discrimination does not reflect the views of most Spanish fans, noting that Yamal’s jersey is the highest-selling Spain national team shirt and that he draws massive crowds everywhere the team travels. The federation also highlighted ongoing anti-discrimination campaigns run in partnership with the Spanish government and other soccer entities. In response to the incident, Spanish authorities launched a criminal investigation into the fan behavior, and FIFA has opened formal disciplinary proceedings against the RFEF. The anti-Muslim incident comes on the heels of two major scandals that already put Spanish soccer’s culture of discrimination under the global microscope. In 2023, Vinícius Júnior, Real Madrid’s Black Brazilian forward, was subjected to racist slurs from ultra fans during a La Liga match in Valencia, prompting the star to speak out forcefully about the pervasive problem of racism in Spanish soccer. At the time, Vinícius said that the Spanish league “now belongs to racists” and that Spain was widely perceived as a racist country globally. He has since softened that framing, noting that racism exists in every nation, but continues to advocate for stronger action. After praising Yamal’s condemnation of the anti-Muslim chants, Vinícius said: “I’m not saying that Spain or Germany or Portugal are racist countries, but there are racists in these countries, and in Brazil and other countries as well. But if we keep fighting together, I think future players and people in general won’t have to go through this again.” Vinícius’ protest sparked widespread global support and pushed Spanish authorities to take stronger action against on-pitch discrimination. For the first time in Spanish professional soccer history, a court handed down a conviction for racial abuse in soccer following Vinícius’ repeated calls for accountability, and multiple other radical fans have received penalties for discriminatory acts. A recent ruling from the Spanish Supreme Court also set a new precedent for harsher sentences for intolerance in sports, marking a tangible step forward in the fight against discrimination. Just months after the Vinícius controversy, Spanish soccer faced another major cultural reckoning with the Rubiales scandal. After Spain won the 2023 Women’s World Cup, then-RFEF president Luis Rubiales grabbed Jenni Hermoso, a star Spanish player, by the head and kissed her on the lips without her consent. Rubiales ultimately resigned and was found guilty of sexual assault, with critics arguing the incident exposed deep-rooted sexism in Spanish soccer leadership. The RFEF says the scandal prompted sweeping internal reform: today, 50% of the federation’s board of directors are women, and women hold multiple senior leadership positions within the organization. As the World Cup approaches, Spain is grouped with Saudi Arabia, a majority-Muslim nation, adding extra urgency to addressing the recent anti-Muslim incident. Spanish soccer and government officials say they have put in place robust measures to prevent similar incidents during the tournament, including monitoring bulk ticket purchases to block known radical ultra fans from accessing matches. Ibarra argues that the high global attention on recent scandals has put Spain on alert, making it less likely that similar incidents will occur during the World Cup. “Especially now that Spain is on alert because of the international repercussion of the recent incidents, more severe measures are expected against these Spanish ultra groups that are responsible for these acts,” Ibarra said. The Spanish government said it has coordinated for years across law enforcement, soccer governing bodies, clubs and fan groups to stop a small faction of hooligans from tarnishing the sport. The government claims it has “one of the most advanced systems in Europe” to combat sports-related intolerance, with a dedicated anti-violence commission that coordinates action between law enforcement, prosecutors and other relevant institutions. Spain enters the 2025 World Cup as one of the pre-tournament title favorites. The team, which currently holds the European Championship title, recovered from a disappointing round-of-16 exit at the 2022 Qatar World Cup to win the 2023 Nations League and finish as runners-up in the 2024 iteration, building strong momentum on the pitch ahead of the tournament. But that on-pitch success has been partially overshadowed by the ongoing reckoning over discrimination, leaving observers waiting to see if the recent string of scandals will translate to lasting cultural change in Spanish soccer.

  • Jim Furyk is returning as US Ryder Cup captain for 2027, AP sources say

    Jim Furyk is returning as US Ryder Cup captain for 2027, AP sources say

    The world of professional golf is set for the 2027 Ryder Cup in Ireland, with multiple sources close to the selection process confirming to The Associated Press that Jim Furyk will return as captain of the United States team. His appointment comes after Tiger Woods removed himself from consideration for the role, following a late March arrest on suspicion of driving under the influence that led the 15-time major champion to step away from competitive golf indefinitely to prioritize his health and recovery.

    Furyk’s selection makes him only the fourth American skipper to earn a second captaincy since 1979, the start of the modern Ryder Cup era when continental European players joined the competition. He follows Jack Nicklaus, Tom Watson, and Davis Love III, all of whom held the role twice over the past four decades. All three previous two-time captains led the U.S. team on home soil both times, leaving Furyk with a historic and daunting challenge: the Americans have not won a Ryder Cup held on European soil since 1993, a drought that has stretched more than three decades.

    The path to Furyk’s appointment began with the PGA of America’s original priority on Woods. For the 2025 Ryder Cup, the governing body delayed its selection to wait for Woods to confirm if he wanted the role, ultimately nominating surprise pick Keegan Bradley when Woods declined. For 2027, organizers set a soft late-March deadline for Woods to make a final decision, with a shortlist of vetted candidates ready to be considered if he turned down the post.

    That contingency plan was activated after Woods’ March 27 incident in Florida: his SUV struck a pickup truck’s trailer on a residential street, flipping the vehicle onto its side. Authorities determined Woods was impaired, leading to his arrest and brief jailing. Four days after the crash, Woods announced he would step away from competitive golf indefinitely “to seek treatment and focus on my health,” and formally notified the PGA of America he could not take on the 2027 captaincy. The sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity as the official announcement has not yet been made, confirmed the Ryder Cup committee moved directly to select Furyk after Woods’ withdrawal. When contacted by AP, Furyk declined to comment via text message, and the PGA of America issued a vague statement Friday saying, “We look forward to sharing details regarding our 2027 U.S. Ryder Cup captain announcement soon.”

    Furyk first led the U.S. Ryder Cup team in 2018 at Paris’ Le Golf National, where Europe secured a lopsided 17 1/2-10 1/2 victory. That tournament was marred by internal friction for the U.S. side: all four of Furyk’s captain’s picks combined for a dismal 2-10-0 record across match play sessions, and star Patrick Reed publicly blamed teammate Jordan Spieth for poor paired play and Furyk for benching him twice during the event.

    Despite that 2018 defeat, Furyk has rebuilt his reputation as a strong leader in subsequent team events. He captained the U.S. Presidents Cup team to a victory in 2024, and served as a trusted assistant captain under Keegan Bradley for the 2025 Ryder Cup at Bethpage Black. That event saw Europe take a commanding seven-point lead after the first two days of play, holding on to claim a second consecutive victory under captain Luke Donald, who will return for his third straight Ryder Cup at Ireland’s Adare Manor in 2027. If Donald leads Europe to victory in 2027, he will become the first captain ever to win three consecutive Ryder Cups.

    The challenge facing Furyk is steep by any measure. Dating back to the 1995 Ryder Cup at Oak Hill, Europe has claimed 11 victories from the 15 contested matches, cementing a decades-long era of dominance over the American side. While the U.S. scored a resounding home victory at Hazeltine in 2016, they collapsed two years later at Le Golf National, a course designed with narrow fairways and thick rough that neutralized the American team’s power. After opening with a 3-1 lead on the first day, the U.S. failed to win a single session for the rest of the tournament, with all four captain’s picks including Woods, Phil Mickelson, and Bryson DeChambeau combining for just one half-point from nine matches.

  • Milan design week draws global creatives and makers despite war and economic worries

    Milan design week draws global creatives and makers despite war and economic worries

    Against the backdrop of global economic uncertainty and travel disruptions sparked by ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, one of the world’s most anticipated annual design gatherings kicked off in Italy’s design capital Milan this week, drawing thousands of creators, industry leaders and design enthusiasts from across the globe. The 202X iteration of Milan Design Week, paired with the flagship Milan Furniture Fair at Fiera Milano Rho, has turned the entire city into a sprawling open-air exhibition, blending boundary-pushing conceptual art, artisanal craftsmanship, industrial innovation and high-end luxury in an energetic, eclectic celebration of global design. The event officially opened its doors to trade visitors on Tuesday, following a full day of invitation-only previews and networking receptions across the city’s most exclusive venues on Monday, where the atmosphere remained notably upbeat despite headwinds facing the global design industry.

  • What a reporter learned covering a protest in Venezuela led by women hoping to free their loved ones

    What a reporter learned covering a protest in Venezuela led by women hoping to free their loved ones

    In the wake of a seismic political shift that shook Venezuela earlier this year, a small group of ordinary women have emerged as unlikely challengers to the country’s new ruling order, turning a quiet Caracas police station sidewalk into a stage for a months-long fight for their loved ones. In an interview with AP editor Del Quentin Wilber, award-winning Associated Press reporter Regina Garcia Cano opened up about the process of chronicling the unprecedented protest that tested both the women’s grit and the new government’s tolerance for dissent.

    The upheaval began in January, when the United States military carried out a raid that deposed long-time authoritarian President Nicolás Maduro, who had claimed victory in the 2024 presidential election despite widespread credible evidence of electoral fraud. In a move that shocked Venezuelan voters, the Trump administration threw its support behind a ruling-party loyalist rather than the political opposition to lead the country, leaving much of the existing power structure intact. The new acting president, Delcy Rodríguez, quickly moved to release all detained U.S. citizens to curry favor with Washington, but hundreds of Venezuelans held on what human rights groups classify as political charges remained locked up.

    Weeks after Maduro’s capture, the Rodríguez administration announced a mass prisoner release and signed an amnesty bill that was supposed to clear the way for thousands of current and former dissidents to walk free. That promise drew dozens of women — most of them wives and mothers of the detained — to gather outside police stations and prisons across Caracas, waiting to greet their loved ones. When the releases never came for their family members, dozens of the women refused to leave, setting up a makeshift encampment directly outside the detention facilities to pressure the government to keep its word.

    For 64 days, Garcia Cano, video journalist Juan Arraez, and photographer Ariana Cubillos shadowed the group, focusing closely on two of the movement’s core participants: Mendoza and Rosales. Arraez even slept overnight in the women’s camp multiple times to document their daily struggles. The pair was chosen for the profile not only because they spent the full two months camped outside the jail, leaving their children and everyday lives behind to advocate for their husbands, but also because their experiences reflect two of the most common household stories across modern Venezuela. Rosales and her husband both worked for the Venezuelan state and were once supporters of the ruling party, living in a community that once benefited from government investment. Mendoza and her husband, by contrast, were entirely apolitical, relying on a single private-sector income to get by. What began as a shared struggle between two strangers grew into a deep, unbreakable friendship over the course of the protest.

    Before January 2025, open public dissent of this kind was unthinkable in Venezuela. In the chaotic aftermath of the disputed 2024 presidential election, Maduro’s government ordered the mass detention of more than 2,000 people, many of whom had never even participated in anti-government protests. The crackdown left the public terrified and cowed into silence, with no space for open opposition. This makes the women’s sit-in all the more unprecedented: they are the first group to openly challenge the ruling establishment in the post-Maduro era.

    Most of the women leading the protest were quiet, reserved housewives who had never taken part in any form of political activism before. They put aside warnings from friends and family that they would be arrested, overcame their own fear, and stepped forward to demand the release of their loved ones. For the most part, their gambit paid off: while the government eventually cleared the encampment outside the police station and the women returned to their homes, the protest broke years of official silence around the issue of political detentions. Their fight is far from over, however: Mendoza and Rosales still continue their advocacy to free their husbands.

    Beyond the politics, Garcia Cano emphasized that the story is as much about female solidarity as it is about protest. Over the 64 days of the demonstration, the women grew from wary, suspicious strangers into a close-knit support network. They learned together how to organize, how to speak to reporters and lawmakers, how to navigate the confusing bureaucracy of Venezuela’s prison system. They comforted each other through moments of despair, celebrated small victories together, and shared their deepest fears, hopes for the future, and struggles as parents.

    AP’s full-length feature on the women’s 64-day protest is available now, and readers can find more coverage of Latin American and Caribbean politics at AP’s dedicated regional hub.

  • Two women risked everything after US raid to protest Venezuela’s detentions of their husbands

    Two women risked everything after US raid to protest Venezuela’s detentions of their husbands

    In the frigid pre-dawn hours of Valentine’s Day this year, a small group of weary women huddled outside the gates of a Caracas detention center, straining to hear every name a police officer shouted into the dark night. With each call, a gaunt detainee stumbled out into the tearful embrace of waiting loved ones. When the roll call ended, 15 men and two women—all labeled political prisoners—had walked free. But for Mileidy Mendoza and Sandra Rosales, the moment was heavy with bittersweet tension: their husbands’ names never came.

    What began as two isolated women’s quiet agony over detained spouses grew into a grassroots movement that would test the new post-Nicolás Maduro Venezuelan government’s commitments to political reform under intense U.S. and international pressure. It is a story of unexpected sisterhood, relentless courage, and the unfinished struggle to secure freedom for more than 400 political prisoners still held behind bars.

    Neither Mendoza nor Rosales had any prior political organizing experience before their husbands’ arrests last November. Mendoza, a 30-year-old stay-at-home mother who sold handcrafts to supplement her driver husband’s income, lived quietly in western Caracas with her two children. Rosales, a 37-year-old elementary school teacher, raised four kids in Valencia, a once-booming industrial city north-central Venezuela. Both were apolitical; Rosales and her husband, Dionnys Quintero, an explosives technician for Venezuela’s intelligence service, had even long supported the ruling socialist party. When both men were arrested in November and accused of collaborating with U.S.-backed opposition factions to plant a bomb in a central Caracas plaza, neither woman was given official confirmation of the detentions for weeks, and no visitors or phone calls were allowed. The Venezuelan government never responded to requests for comment on the arrests.

    Their shared predicament drew them together after the January 3 U.S. military operation that captured and removed Maduro from power. Under direct pressure from the Trump administration to restore civil liberties, the interim government led by acting President Delcy Rodríguez announced it would free jailed political dissidents, sparking hope for hundreds of families with loved ones detained under Maduro’s authoritarian rule. Mendoza, who had already spent weeks trekking between detention centers searching for her husband Eric Díaz, learned he was being held at a Calle Mara police station, a dead-end street in an industrial Caracas neighborhood, alongside dozens of other political prisoners.

    Mendoza and a handful of other wives traveled to the station expecting to reunite with their husbands that day. When no releases happened, they refused to leave. They set up a makeshift camp on the sidewalk with just a few fleece blankets; local businesses and residents stepped in to donate foam cushions, water, electricity, and bathroom access. Within days, the camp grew to 30 women, most of them wives and mothers of detained dissidents, who transformed the dead-end street into a permanent protest site. Rosales joined the movement shortly after it began, and she and Mendoza quickly became close collaborators: Rosales’ calm, rational balance tempered Mendoza’s fiery, unapologetic passion, and the pair forged a sisterhood that extended beyond their shared fight. “We are much more than comrades; we are a family,” Mendoza said.

    As the protest gained international attention, the government made its first concession: it allowed the women their first in-person visits, officially confirming the detainees were being held at the site. What the women saw during that January 27 visit shocked them: their loved ones were pale, gaunt, and had aged dramatically in custody. Male detainees were forced to wear baby blue uniforms—the official color of opposition leader María Corina Machado’s party, which the government accuses of plotting the bomb attack—an intentional branding the women saw as part of the regime’s repression.

    Far from quelling the protest, the visit only strengthened the women’s resolve. Rejecting offers of limited, regular visitation as insufficient, they doubled down: they met with lawmakers debating an amnesty bill for political prisoners, filed court paperwork, met with legal teams, and held round-the-clock prayer vigils. After more than a month of camping outside the station, 10 women launched a hunger strike to force further action. Mendoza lasted five days without food before dehydration, heart palpitations, and dizziness forced her to end the strike and receive medical care; Rosales lasted two days. The strike concluded on the 42nd day of the protest, with only one woman outlasting Mendoza by a matter of hours.

    Two weeks after the hunger strike, the first major breakthrough came on Valentine’s Day, when the government released 17 prisoners. Two more releases followed on March 7, when 25 more men walked free. But each release left Mendoza and Rosales with the same hollow disappointment: their husbands remained in custody. Shortly after the March releases, the women learned their spouses had been transferred to a notoriously harsh prison outside Caracas, a facility long known for sweltering temperatures, systematic physical and psychological abuse, and inadequate food supplies. The women suspected the transfer was retaliation for their high-profile protest.

    After 64 days of continuous camping outside the Calle Mara police station, the remaining core of the movement folded their tents and suspended the site protest, shifting into a waiting game. Two weeks later, they were granted a new visit at the outlying prison, this time allowed to bring their children. On Easter Sunday, April 5, the women traveled by bus to the facility, each carrying small comforts for their husbands: Mendoza brought popcorn and fried plantains, her husband’s favorite snacks, while Rosales brought a sheet cake to celebrate her eldest daughter’s birthday and her own, which fell that very day. The four-hour visit was filled with small updates on school, dental appointments, and family life, but the women left with a clear promise: they would not abandon their fight. They just needed time to regroup.

    To date, human rights groups confirm more than 400 political prisoners remain in Venezuelan custody, and the government has not responded to repeated requests for comment on its plans for future releases. The Trump administration has praised the interim government’s pledge to free detainees, but critics note releases have been selective, falling far short of the full amnesty activists and family members demand. For Mendoza, Rosales, and the other women of the Calle Mara camp, the fight is far from over. “We must continue fighting for our goal, which is the release of all of them,” Mendoza said. “Not one, not two, not 17, but all of them.”

  • Turkey to return to F1 calendar in 2027

    Turkey to return to F1 calendar in 2027

    The Turkish Grand Prix is set to make a permanent comeback to the Formula 1 schedule starting in 2027, marking a six-year absence from the global racing series, Formula 1 has officially announced. The iconic Istanbul Park circuit will host the annual race through at least 2031, locking in a multi-year agreement between motorsport’s governing body and Turkish event organizers.

    Istanbul Park holds a special place in modern F1 history: it was the venue where British racing legend Lewis Hamilton secured his seventh world drivers’ championship in wet, treacherous conditions back in 2020, tying Michael Schumacher’s long-standing all-time record. Turkey’s first run on the F1 calendar stretched from 2005 to 2011 before the event was dropped from the annual lineup. It made a brief return in 2020 and 2021, when F1 scrambled to fill out its race schedule amid widespread event cancellations triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Contrary to early speculation that the addition of Turkey would expand F1’s controversial 24-race maximum calendar cap, series officials confirmed the total number of annual races will not rise beyond the current limit. The Turkish Grand Prix will take the place of existing events as their hosting contracts expire, or will be integrated into a new rotational race system that F1 has begun rolling out for several European venues. This model mirrors the new agreement for the Belgian Grand Prix, which will host four races across the six-year period from 2026 to 2031 rather than holding an annual event.

    Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan hailed the announcement as a vote of confidence in his country’s capabilities. “Formula 1 ranks among the world’s foremost sporting events, distinguished by its spectacle, its young fan base, and its leadership in automotive technologies,” Erdoğan said in a statement. “In our country, too, Formula 1 enjoys a broad following across all age groups – especially among our youth – with a truly passionate fanbase. The races reach nearly 19 million people in our country, while around 7.5 million follow them closely on social media. I regard Turkey’s return to the Formula 1 calendar as a clear reflection of the strong confidence placed in our country – in our robust organisational capacity, in our modern sports and healthcare infrastructure, and, of course, in the renowned hospitality of the Turkish nation.”

    Stefano Domenicali, CEO and President of Formula 1, echoed the enthusiasm for the return to Istanbul. “We are delighted to be returning to the incredible and vibrant city of Istanbul from 2027 to thrill all our fans in Turkey and around the world on one of the most exciting and challenging circuits in Formula 1,” Domenicali said. “As a city, Istanbul represents a cultural gateway between Europe and Asia, offering a unique blend of history and tradition with a forward-thinking approach to sport, business, and entertainment.”

  • China’s development lessons: Long-term planning, investing in people

    China’s development lessons: Long-term planning, investing in people

    For decades, China’s unprecedented transformation from a low-income economy to the world’s second-largest economy has drawn global attention from policymakers, development practitioners and international organizations alike. Now, the top United Nations population official based in Beijing has underscored three core pillars of China’s success that hold critical insights for low- and middle-income countries working to advance their own sustainable development agendas.

    In a recent observation shared by China Daily, updated on April 24, 2026, Nadia Rasheed, the UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund) representative to China, said she has long been struck by both the rapid pace and transformative scope of China’s development over the past half century. Beyond the impressive infrastructure expansion and economic growth metrics that often grab global headlines, Rasheed pointed to three underpinning strategies that have driven China’s inclusive progress: long-term strategic planning, forward-looking policy vision, and consistent investment in human capital across every stage of a person’s life.

    Rasheed’s remarks align with a growing body of international development analysis that credits China’s long-term five-year planning framework for creating stable, predictable policy environments that enable large-scale public and private investment. Unlike many developing nations that face shifting policy priorities with changes in political leadership, China’s consistent commitment to its long-term development goals has allowed it to pursue large-scale projects, from poverty alleviation campaigns to universal healthcare expansion, that deliver transformative results over decades. Equally important, she argued, is China’s sustained focus on investing in its people — from early childhood education and primary healthcare to vocational training and elder care — creating a healthy, skilled population that can power sustained economic growth and social progress.

    For developing nations across Africa, Asia, and Latin America that are grappling with their own development challenges, from ending extreme poverty to building resilient public health systems, these lessons offer a actionable, context-responsive framework that differs from one-size-fits-all development models promoted by Western institutions. Rasheed’s observation reinforces the growing global recognition that China’s development experience, shaped by its own unique historical and social context, provides valuable actionable insights for countries seeking to chart their own independent development paths.

  • At Beijing auto show, Chinese carmakers flaunt new technologies as global competition heats up

    At Beijing auto show, Chinese carmakers flaunt new technologies as global competition heats up

    The 2024 Beijing International Automotive Exhibition, a biennial landmark event for the global auto industry, opened its doors to media on Friday, bringing China’s most competitive homegrown automakers into the global spotlight as they pitch their cutting-edge electric vehicle (EV) and smart mobility innovations to both domestic consumers and international audiences. Against a backdrop of shifting global auto market dynamics, the show has cemented China’s new position as the global leader in EV-related technological advancement, outpacing legacy foreign brands that once dominated the global automotive landscape. This year’s edition hosts more than 1,450 vehicles on display, with 181 making their first public global appearance, and the exhibition will run through May 3.

    A wide range of breakthrough technologies from intelligent driving systems to ultra-rapid charging solutions take center stage across the show floor, demonstrating the rapid iteration of Chinese auto innovation. Leading domestic EV brand XPeng unveiled its new G9 model, a six-seater SUV designed for family travel that features a fully flat third-row seating configuration alongside its industry-leading intelligent driving system. XPeng founder and CEO He Xiaopeng highlighted the system’s life-saving safety capabilities during a well-attended presentation, noting that the technology can automatically detect when a driver is incapacitated — such as falling asleep at highway speeds or experiencing a sudden medical emergency — then pull the vehicle safely off the road and alert emergency responders. He added that early testers of the system have repeatedly described the functionality as revolutionary.

    Another domestic giant, BYD, showcased its next-generation blade battery, an ultra-fast charging power unit first revealed to the public last month that can reach a near-full charge in just nine minutes. The brand also demonstrated the battery’s stable performance in extreme cold conditions, successfully completing a charging test at minus 30 degrees Celsius to address widespread consumer concerns about EV performance in low-temperature environments. Yijing, an EV joint venture between state-owned Dongfeng Motor Corporation and tech giant Huawei, presented its flagship X9 six-seater SUV, which comes equipped with Huawei’s next-generation Qiankun intelligent driving system and the latest HarmonyOS smart cockpit. Days ahead of the auto show’s opening, China’s leading battery manufacturer CATL launched an updated version of its Shenxing ultra-fast battery, which can charge from 10% to 98% capacity in just 6.5 minutes, setting a new global benchmark for EV charging speed.

    Industry analysts say the exhibition underscores how rapidly Chinese automakers are advancing their technological capabilities, setting the global pace for key next-generation automotive sectors including EVs, smart batteries and autonomous driving. “What we see here reinforces the speed and aggressiveness of advancement among Chinese automakers,” said Tu Le, managing director of automotive consultancy Sino Auto Insights. “Whether in EVs, batteries, or intelligent driving, Chinese players are now the ones setting the pace for all these critical sectors.” Chris Liu, senior analyst at global research and advisory firm Omdia, added that China has evolved into one of the world’s fastest-moving markets for rolling out and iterating new vehicle technologies, giving domestic consumers early access to features that are not yet available in most other global markets.

    China’s rise to become the world’s top car exporter has been fueled by multiple structural advantages: massive domestic production scale that delivers significant cost benefits, and years of targeted government policy support that have allowed domestic automakers to scale up production and roll out new models and technologies faster than most international competitors. However, the industry faces substantial headwinds at home, where a ferocious price war has compressed margins over the past year. The Chinese government phased out consumer subsidies for new energy vehicle purchases this year, putting downward pressure on domestic demand. Data from the China Association of Automobile Manufacturers shows that domestic passenger vehicle sales dropped 23% year-on-year in the first quarter of 2024, falling to roughly 4 million units. Despite the domestic slowdown, exports have surged 63% year-on-year to nearly 2 million units, as Chinese brands gain growing market share in Europe, Southeast Asia and Latin America. Omdia projects that China’s passenger vehicle exports will grow roughly 14% year-on-year by 2026, while a recent AlixPartners report found that cutthroat competition in China’s hyper-competitive domestic market has pushed average vehicle prices down by 20% over the past two years.

    While many of the cutting-edge technologies showcased at the show are unlikely to reach overseas markets in the short term due to varying international regulatory and safety standards, Liu noted that the innovations signal Chinese automakers’ growing capabilities that can be refined and adapted for global demand over time. Even as legacy foreign automakers have lost significant domestic market share in China in recent years, some are attempting to stage a comeback: Volkswagen Group announced plans ahead of the show to integrate “agentic” artificial intelligence into its vehicles sold in China, and unveiled new EV models developed specifically for the Chinese market, including the UNYX 09 electric sedan co-developed with XPeng. Still, Andreas Radics, managing director at automotive consultancy Berylls by AlixPartners, said that while foreign brands may be able to stabilize their current market share, regaining the large market position they held a decade ago is not realistic.

    To capitalize on growing overseas demand and reduce the risk of trade friction, Chinese automakers are increasingly shifting from exporting finished vehicles from China to building local production facilities in key markets, including Hungary and Turkey. AlixPartners projects that overseas production by Chinese automakers will nearly triple by 2030, rising from 1.2 million vehicles in 2023 to 3.4 million vehicles by the end of the decade, cementing China’s role as a global leader in the new energy automotive transition.