作者: admin

  • Orbán allies protest in Hungary against plans to oust President Tamás Sulyok

    Orbán allies protest in Hungary against plans to oust President Tamás Sulyok

    BUDAPEST, Hungary — Thousands of demonstrators converged outside Sándor Palace, the official seat of Hungary’s presidency in Budapest’s historic Castle District, on Thursday for a protest organized by former long-serving prime minister Viktor Orbán’s far-right Fidesz party to oppose the new government’s push to oust sitting President Tamás Sulyok. The demonstration comes amid a bitter political power struggle just months after pro-European center-right Prime Minister Péter Magyar ended Orbán’s 16-year autocratic rule in a landslide April election, and has cast a sharp spotlight on competing claims of what constitutes democratic governance in Hungary.

    Magyar’s administration has made dismantling what it calls Orbán’s “mafia-style” autocratic regime a top policy priority, moving quickly to remove dozens of political appointees and institutional leaders installed by the former government who were accused of enabling its anti-democratic agenda. The centerpiece of this current push is a constitutional amendment scheduled for a parliamentary vote next week that would cut Sulyok’s term short, alongside sweeping reforms including new term limits for members of parliament, overhauls to the national judiciary, and the creation of a new anti-corruption body empowered to investigate allegations of widespread financial misconduct during Orbán’s tenure.

    Orbán, whose government spent 16 years systematically dismantling independent democratic institutions in Hungary, has now framed the effort to remove Sulyok as an attack on the rule of law and a dangerous first step toward authoritarian rule. He spent weeks promoting the “Stop Tyranny” protest across his social media channels, though he did not appear at the event itself, which comes as Fidesz continues to grapple with its identity after its catastrophic election defeat in April. For many protesters, the demonstration was not a defense of Sulyok personally, but of the integrity of the presidential office. “The point is not whether Tamás Sulyok is popular or not, but that this is simply unacceptable in a democracy,” protester Krisztina Nemerkényi told reporters on Thursday.

    Fidesz lawmaker János Pócs defended his party’s record of constitutional changes during its time in power, noting that Fidesz unilaterally rewrote Hungary’s constitution in 2011 and has since amended it 15 times. “We have always done so in the interest of the country, in order to protect the country, but not for the sake of dictatorship,” Pócs told the Associated Press at the protest.

    Magyar, for his part, has stood firmly by his pledge to remove Sulyok, arguing that the president failed to uphold his constitutional duties by standing aside as Orbán’s government rolled back democratic checks and balances. The prime minister campaigned explicitly on ousting Sulyok ahead of April’s election, and points to his party’s two-thirds parliamentary majority as a clear voter mandate to follow through on the promise. While Hungary’s presidency is largely a ceremonial role, it holds key powers: the office must sign all legislation into law and can send parliamentary bills to the Constitutional Court for judicial review. Magyar’s allies warn that Sulyok, as an Orbán appointee, could use these powers to block the new government’s planned democratic and anti-corruption reforms.

    Since taking office in May, Magyar’s administration has moved rapidly to deliver on other key campaign promises. It immediately suspended operations at the public television and radio news service, which Magyar accuses of operating as a state propaganda mouthpiece for Fidesz during Orbán’s tenure. The government has also implemented an eight-year term limit for future prime ministers, removed the heads of national security and intelligence agencies appointed under Orbán, and enacted rapid democratic reforms that unlocked 16.4 billion euros ($19 billion) in frozen European Union cohesion funds that had been withheld over the democratic backsliding of Orbán’s era.

  • Bayeux Tapestry begins epic journey from France to London: source

    Bayeux Tapestry begins epic journey from France to London: source

    After more than 900 years rooted in its permanent French home, the iconic 11th-century Bayeux Tapestry began its unprecedented journey to London’s British Museum on Thursday, in what ranks as one of the most complex cultural logistics operations in modern history. The fragile 68-meter embroidered masterpiece, which has called the northern French town of Bayeux home for centuries, departed its home institution inside a custom-built high-tech container engineered to absorb vibrations and lock in a consistent temperature and humidity level, according to sources close to the operation. The artwork will travel through the Channel Tunnel aboard a climate-controlled truck, accompanied by a full police security escort to ensure its safe passage across the Channel. This landmark loan is billed as a deliberate diplomatic gesture designed to strengthen long-standing Franco-British friendship, marking the first time the tapestry has left French territory in more than nine centuries. The tapestry chronicles the 1066 Norman invasion of England led by William the Conqueror, who crossed the Channel to defeat King Harold at the Battle of Hastings — an event that permanently reshaped the trajectory of English and European history. Starting September 10, the UNESCO-listed artwork will be open to public viewing at the British Museum in a special exhibition running through July 2027. The historic move has not been without controversy, however. A cohort of conservation experts has raised repeated alarms that the cross-channel transport could cause irreversible harm to the already fragile artwork, which currently bears 30 distinct tears and nearly 10,000 small holes. A 2021 analysis by restoration specialists warned that any journey longer than two hours would carry unavoidable “additional risks” for the delicate piece. These warnings were set aside when French President Emmanuel Macron first announced the approved loan exactly one year ago, framing the move as a celebration of Franco-British ties a decade after the divisive Brexit referendum that strained bilateral relations. In the years since the announcement, cultural and technical teams have completed extensive preparatory work to mitigate transport risks, including multiple detailed technical studies and two full test runs using a full-size reproduction of the tapestry to refine logistics protocols. Last September, conservators completed a delicate, months-long operation to carefully remove the tapestry from its permanent display at the Bayeux Museum, where it had not been moved since 1983, and transfer it to a secured, undisclosed storage location to await transport. This is not the first time plans have been floated to bring the tapestry to the UK: two prior proposals, one for Queen Elizabeth II’s 1953 coronation and a second for the 900th anniversary of the Battle of Hastings in 1966, were ultimately scrapped over conservation and logistics concerns. Public demand for the upcoming exhibition has already broken records, with the British Museum selling 100,000 tickets on the first day of sales earlier this month. Adult tickets are priced between £25 and £33, and after the first batch sold out in record time, museum officials have announced that a second allocation of tickets will be released to the public later this year. Once on display, the tapestry will be laid flat for unobstructed viewing inside a purpose-built elevated glass display case designed to protect the artwork while giving visitors a full view of its intricate embroidery. The UK government has covered the full cost of the transport operation, though the exact total expenditure has not been disclosed to the public.

  • The Syrian families giving abandoned children a home and a future

    The Syrian families giving abandoned children a home and a future

    Deep inside the Lahn al-Hayat complex in rural Damascus, soft lullabies drift from sunlit apartment-style units where full-time caregivers known as “mothers” tend to 50 swaddled infants of unknown parentage. Just a few years ago, this compound, built under the former Assad regime, functioned as a tool of state repression, used to disappear the children of political detainees. Today, it stands at the center of a quiet revolution in Syrian child protection, shaped by a decades-long crisis of child abandonment and a grassroots movement that is rewriting the rules for vulnerable infants across the newly reunified nation.

    Child abandonment has long been a persistent crisis in Syria, driven by deep-seated religious stigma, widespread poverty, and the cascading harm of 14 years of civil conflict, compounded by the devastating 2023 Turkey-Syria earthquake. Infants are regularly found abandoned on mosque steps, outside hospital entrances, and even in rubbish bins—some only hours old, their bodies still coated in the protective vernix of newborns. Swedan, a case worker with the Syrian-founded child protection organization Child Houses, still carries a photo of one such infant: a newborn abandoned by her family and discovered bloodied after being attacked by a scavenging animal in a dumpster. She is one of 200 children that Swedan and his team placed with foster families between 2021, when the group operated out of an emergency shelter in HTS-held Idlib, and Syria’s 2024 reunification.

    Following reunification, all abandoned children previously cared for by Child Houses were transferred to the newly restructured Lahn al-Hayat, a state-run care complex that now uses the Idlib-based organization’s community-centered model with ongoing guidance from the Child Houses team. Since the transfer, an additional 100 infants have been placed in foster care through the new partnership, marking a dramatic shift away from Syria’s long reliance on large institutional orphanages.

    The transformation of Lahn al-Hayat is one of the most visible signs of this change. Under the former Assad government, the facility was tied to the regime’s security apparatus, and former Child Houses executive director Faisal al-Hammoud alleges that prior to 2024, facility leaders exploited children for corrupt trafficking purposes. Today, under the leadership of Moutasem al-Salloumi, a veteran child protection specialist who previously worked in Idlib, the complex has implemented strict new child safeguarding protocols, digitized its record-keeping, and prioritized family-based care over institutional placement.

    “Before the liberation, the management of Lahn al-Hayat were using children as pieces for trading in a business. Now they are treated like children,” al-Hammoud told Middle East Eye in an interview. Salloumi, for his part, emphasizes that no institutional setting can match the emotional and developmental benefits of a loving family. “No centre can replace the love of a family. They will always get a better, normal life with a father, a mother, a family,” he said, while noting that the facility continues to provide high-quality, family-like care for children who cannot be placed with foster families. Inside the complex, children are grouped by age in home-like units, attend local public schools during the academic year, and receive consistent care from full-time resident caregivers, creating an environment that feels far more intimate than traditional large-scale orphanages.

    A key challenge shaping Syria’s new fostering framework is the country’s religious and legal context. Western-style adoption, which grants a child full inheritance, lineage, and naming rights within their adoptive family, is illegal across most of the Arab world, including Syria, due to sharia law requirements that preserve a child’s original lineage. To address this, Child Houses worked with Idlib authorities starting in 2021 to build a care system aligned with kafala, the Islamic legal framework for long-term foster guardianship. Under this model, children do not take their foster family’s name or receive automatic inheritance rights, and biological parents retain the right to reclaim their child at any time if it is determined to be in the child’s best interest. Case workers also spend three months actively searching for biological family before a child is classified as of unknown parentage, though reunification is rarely pursued for infants abandoned due to stigma around extramarital birth.

    One of the earliest and most impactful reforms championed by Child Houses was the elimination of an outdated administrative label for children of unknown parentage that translated to “bastard,” replacing the slur with a neutral coded numbering system. While the official language has changed, deep-seated social stigma around abandoning children born outside of marriage—long one of the most common drivers of infant abandonment in Syria—remains a major barrier. Many foster mothers even hide their identities in Child Houses’ public outreach for fear of social judgment. But the upheaval of war and the 2023 earthquake opened a new public conversation about vulnerable children, exposing the failures of institutional care and creating space for alternative approaches.

    Fourteen years of conflict left tens of thousands of children orphaned, separated from their families, or displaced without care, while many infertile Syrian couples began seeking ways to expand their families. Into this gap, Child Houses built a grassroots fostering movement that started with no formal framework and grew as ordinary families stepped forward to welcome children. Khawla and Abdulkhaleq, a couple who struggled with infertility for 13 years, welcomed their foster son Ahmad just days after the 2023 earthquake, after seeing social media coverage of the disaster’s toll on children. “There were a lot of children who lost fathers and mothers. I thought maybe we can take care of a child,” Khawla told Middle East Eye. After consulting with their extended family and a local imam, the couple completed the screening process, and Ahmad’s aunt breastfed him to establish kinship recognized under Islamic tradition. For Khawla, who endured years of social stigma for her infertility, Ahmad restored her confidence, and the family remains unapologetic about their choice to welcome him, even amid lingering community gossip.

    Aliaa and her husband, who have fostered two young girls, Farah and Nesme, tell a similar story. After facing questions and judgment from community members who raised stigma around the girls’ origins, the couple remained committed to providing a loving home. Over time, their example shifted local attitudes: neighbors who once criticized them eventually began fostering their own children. “People followed our lead,” Aliaa said.

    This ripple effect has built a growing roster of approved foster families, the vast majority from Idlib—Syria’s one of the most conservative governorates, but also the birthplace of the Child Houses model. Every family that welcomes a foster child changes not just their own life, but the attitudes of their broader community, Audrey Bingaman, Child Houses’ partnerships and development manager, explained. “Grandparents, aunts, uncles, neighbours and friends saw these children growing up in loving homes and began to see what was possible,” she said.

    As the movement grows, new challenges are emerging. Child Houses conducts regular home visits and connects foster families through a support network where they exchange advice and navigate the unique challenges of foster care, with one recurring question rising to the forefront: when and how should children be told about their origins? As the first cohort of fostered children approach school age, the organization is developing new psychosocial support guidelines to help families navigate this uncharted territory. Formal legal codification of the new fostering framework also awaits the first session of Syria’s new post-reunification parliament, but the shift toward family-based care is already well underway.

    After decades where children of unknown parentage were confined to overcrowded institutions and defined by the stigma of their birth, ordinary Syrian families are opening their homes and rewriting that narrative—one loving placement at a time.

  • Netanyahu’s son Yair adopts new name in latest family name change

    Netanyahu’s son Yair adopts new name in latest family name change

    Israel’s oldest daily newspaper Haaretz revealed this week that Yair Netanyahu, eldest son of sitting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has officially changed his legal name to Yonatan Hon, a move that comes as the Netanyahu family confronts cascading legal troubles and global political backlash.

    Official Israeli tax withholding documents issued in December 2024 still bore Yair’s birth name, but updated records from 2025 list the new identity alongside the unusual, seemingly symbolic fictional address “Balfour 0” – a reference to Balfour Street, the location of the official prime minister’s residence in Jerusalem. This is not the first time Yair has altered his surname: on public social media platforms, he previously used the name Yair Hoon, a close variation of his new legal name. The root of the surname traces to his maternal grandfather Shmuel, who originally bore the last name Hoon before changing it to Ben Artzi later in life.

    The name change unfolds against a backdrop of intensifying political and legal peril for the Netanyahu family, both domestically and on the global stage. In the United States, the Israeli prime minister has become an increasingly divisive and toxic figure in mainstream politics, as public backlash grows over his government’s conduct of the war in Gaza. Separately, the International Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for Benjamin Netanyahu alleging war crimes and crimes against humanity stemming from the military campaign in Gaza.

    Yair himself has long faced public scrutiny over his business dealings in the U.S. and longstanding ties to wealthy conservative and far-right actors. The most high-profile controversy dates back to 2018, when Israeli public television leaked an audio recording of Yair speaking outside a strip club, where he appeared to boast that his father had advanced a multibillion-dollar natural gas deal that delivered major profits to a prominent Israeli tycoon. In Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu currently battles three separate active corruption investigations that have dogged his third term as prime minister.

    This pattern of name changes among the Netanyahu family is not new, nor is it an isolated practice in Israeli political history. Five years ago, Yair’s younger brother Avner changed his surname to Avi Segal, Israeli outlets confirmed. Under that new identity, Avner paid £502,000 ($672,000) in cash to purchase an apartment in Oxford, England, a move widely interpreted as an effort to avoid public scrutiny and media attention. The surname Segal was the original last name of Tzila Segal, Benjamin Netanyahu’s mother, before she married family patriarch Benzion Netanyahu.

    Even Benjamin Netanyahu himself adopted an alternate name during the 1980s while residing in the United States: he went by Ben Nitai at the time, later explaining he had considered permanently settling in the country. The family’s history of name changes stretches back a full century, to Benzion Netanyahu, the prime minister’s father. Born Benzion Mileikowsky in Poland, he changed his surname after immigrating to British Mandate Palestine in the 1920s to participate in Zionist settlement efforts. That choice aligned with a widespread Zionist practice of the era, where European Jewish immigrants discarded their diaspora surnames in favor of Hebrew names to frame themselves as indigenous to the land they were colonizing.

    Many of Israel’s founding and early leaders followed the same convention. Israel’s first prime minister David Ben-Gurion was born David Gruen in Poland; founding foreign minister Moshe Sharett was born Moshe Shertok in Russia; early prime minister Levi Eshkol was born Levi Yitzhak Shkolnik in Russia; fourth prime minister Golda Meir was born Golda Mabovitch in Ukraine; seventh prime minister Yitzhak Shamir was born Yitzhak Yezernitsky in Russia; eighth prime minister Shimon Peres was born Szymon Perski in Poland; 10th prime minister Ehud Barak was born Ehud Brog in Mandatory Palestine; and 11th prime minister Ariel Sharon was born Arik Scheinermann in Mandatory Palestine.

    This report was originally compiled with contributions from independent reporting on Middle Eastern affairs from Middle East Eye.

  • World Cup 2026: Iraq returned, but it will take years to bridge the gulf with football’s elite

    World Cup 2026: Iraq returned, but it will take years to bridge the gulf with football’s elite

    After four decades of waiting, Iraq finally earned its place back at football’s most prestigious global tournament this summer. But lopsided losses across all three of its group stage matches have laid bare the wide gap that still separates the Lions of Mesopotamia from the world’s elite footballing nations.

    Iraq’s World Cup campaign got off to a difficult start with a 4-1 defeat to Norway, followed by a 3-0 shutout at the hands of tournament contender France. The team’s return to the global stage ended with a demoralizing 5-0 loss to Senegal, leaving Iraq at the bottom of its group and eliminated from knockout stage contention. Across the group stage, no side conceded more goals than Iraq, a stark statistic that highlights the gap the country must close to compete at the highest level. Many fans and football insiders agree that bridging this divide will take years of sustained work and reform.

    Even amid the string of disappointing results, the campaign was not without bright moments that captured the joy of Iraq’s long-awaited return. Talismanic striker Aymen Hussein’s first-half goal against Norway, celebrated in a packed stadium of 60,000 spectators and broadcast to millions of viewers around the world, gave the nation a rare moment of collective celebration. For diaspora fans who never expected to see Iraq compete on the World Cup stage, the mere presence of the team meant more than final scores. “It is hard to describe what it was like to see the flag, hear the songs and just be together,” New York-based Iraq supporter Zainab Hassan told Middle East Eye. “The team lost but it wasn’t about winning, it was just about being there and feeling the excitement. I never thought I would see it.”

    While few in Iraq’s football ecosystem expected an easy run against three top-ranked opponents, the lopsided margin of defeat has prompted renewed scrutiny of the national program and its structures. In response, Iraq’s Olympic Committee has announced it will partner with the Iraq Football Association (IFA) to launch a full review of the World Cup campaign, identifying strengths, weaknesses and priority areas for improvement.

    Baghdad-based sports commentator Nawar Faeq al-Rikabi, who has covered Iraqi football for years, acknowledged the team underperformed even against tempered expectations. “We tried, but it was hard,” al-Rikabi told Middle East Eye. “We didn’t do that well. We were supposed to play a little better and not lose that badly. We were losing 2-1 to Norway then made a mistake and couldn’t come back. Against France and their stars, we just don’t have the experience. Senegal was a disaster, we should have looked better than this. We have some good players, but didn’t look good.”

    For the IFA, qualification for the tournament itself was already a historic milestone after 40 years away from the World Cup. “The primary objective of qualifying for the Fifa World Cup was achieved after a 40-year absence,” IFA spokesperson Ahmed Oudah Zamil told Middle East Eye. “At the same time, the IFA recognises that returning to the Fifa World Cup after four decades presented a new challenge.” Facing off against three established international powers with deep, well-developed talent pools made clear Iraq’s current position in global football, and the federation says its goal now extends beyond simply qualifying for future tournaments: it aims to build a team that can compete consistently with the world’s best. “Competing at the highest level of international football requires experience, continuous development, and thorough preparation,” Zamil said. “Therefore, the focus is now on ensuring the team is fully prepared to represent Iraq with pride and to use this historic qualification as the foundation for long-term success.”

    All attention has already shifted to the next chapter of Iraq’s football development, with two major regional tournaments on the near horizon: the eight-team Gulf Cup scheduled for September in Saudi Arabia, followed by the 24-team Asian Cup in the same country this coming January. A central question for the immediate future is whether current head coach Graham Arnold will remain at the helm of the national team. Appointed in March 2025, the Australian tactician led Iraq through its successful qualifying campaign and retains the confidence of the IFA leadership, which has framed technical stability as a core pillar of long-term success. “Technical stability is one of the key factors behind success, so renewing the coach’s contract reflects the federation’s confidence in the current project and its commitment to maintaining continuity,” Zamil said. While Arnold’s future remains the subject of mild speculation amid reported interest from the United Arab Emirates Football Association, many local observers argue his work has already laid critical groundwork for future progress, and retaining him would be the best path forward. “The FA needs to keep Arnold, as he gave the team a personality,” al-Rikabi said. “Even though we lost badly, if they keep him, he has the chance to create a new young team.”

    Beyond the leadership of the senior national team, deeper structural reform is needed to unlock Iraq’s undoubted football potential, starting with growing the domestic coaching pipeline. “We have to improve in this field,” al-Rikabi added. “The local coaches need to train, to go on courses and go and see European teams and how they operate at a youth level. In modern football, coaches at the under-17 level are the essence of everything.” Investing in qualified domestic coaching would in turn strengthen youth development, a critical need in a country of 46 million people with a deep, widespread cultural passion for the sport. “We are a nation of 46 million, so it’s not possible we don’t have good players, but we can’t see them,” al-Rikabi said. “Iraqis have a huge passion for football, so if we give attention to players from the age of 12 to 16, then we have great talent; but if no one sees them, they will vanish.”

    While Iraq has increasingly tapped into talent from its global diaspora, a growing trend across international football that was visible at this year’s World Cup, long-term progress depends on reforming and strengthening the domestic game. The top-tier Iraq Stars League, the foundation of the country’s domestic football ecosystem, suffers from structural gaps and a lack of sustained investment. “We don’t have a lot of training pitches, which is a huge problem, and there is not enough forward planning,” al-Rikabi said. “There is too much thinking about this year’s results. The fans’ voices are strong and the clubs are afraid of them. We don’t have the right structure for local leagues, we don’t have an under-17 league, we don’t have organised under-20 teams.”

    Unlike regional peers such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar, Iraq does not have access to the same level of financial resources for big-ticket football investments. Still, the IFA says it is fully committed to strengthening the domestic league’s foundational structures. “The federation is committed to strengthening the commercial and marketing value of the league, improving club governance and financial sustainability to increase overall competitiveness of the league to produce more players capable of competing at the international level,” Zamil said. “A stronger domestic league will ultimately strengthen the Iraqi national team. Improving stadiums and football infrastructure, raise the professional standards of clubs, invest in youth development and academy systems.”

    It will be years before it becomes clear whether Iraq’s 2026 World Cup return will stand as a transformative starting point for Iraqi football or just a one-off, unforgettable moment. If the country qualifies for the 2030 tournament and puts in a competitive showing, it will signal that the lessons from this summer’s campaign have been fully integrated, and that 40 years of waiting marked the start of a sustained upward trajectory. For Iraqi fans, however, the long-awaited return to the world stage was already an unforgettable achievement in its own right. “It was so fantastic to see Iraq on the world stage,” Hassan said. “We would love to do it again.”

  • Exclusive: UK government lawyer warned ICC bureau its Khan disciplinary process ‘unlawful’

    Exclusive: UK government lawyer warned ICC bureau its Khan disciplinary process ‘unlawful’

    In an exclusive bombshell revelation obtained by Middle East Eye, the United Kingdom’s most senior government legal official raised urgent red flags last year over fundamental legal flaws in the International Criminal Court’s planned disciplinary proceedings against its chief prosecutor, Karim Khan.

    Sir James Eadie KC, the UK’s first treasury counsel and the British government’s permanent senior legal advisor, prepared the confidential 21-page legal opinion in a private capacity in November 2025. The document was submitted to the president and Bureau of the ICC Assembly of States Parties (ASP) at the request of Khan’s own legal team, which sought Eadie’s expertise to guide the bureau as it weighed the structure of the misconduct probe.

    At the core of Eadie’s criticism is the narrow, restrictive mandate the ASP Bureau assigned to a three-judge panel convened to review misconduct allegations against Khan. Eadie argued that bureau leaders had stripped the panel of its core adjudicative authority, eliminating any independent judicial fact-finding role entirely. He stressed that this framework leaves “no judicial, or independent, fact-finding phase at all” and renders the process “unlawful, unsustainable in principle”.

    Eadie further argued that the United Nations Office of Oversight Services (OIOS), which was tasked with leading the underlying investigation into the allegations, should be limited only to compiling evidence and documenting witness statements. Any final determination of disputed facts, he insisted, must rest with the independent judicial panel. “It would be entirely inappropriate in principle for the investigator (in effect the prosecutor of the misconduct charges) also to be the judge,” Eadie wrote in the opinion obtained via diplomatic sources.

    The legal expert outlined that minimum fair process standards require a judicial proceeding, including an oral hearing where the panel can test witness credibility through cross-examination of live evidence, and that any final decision on findings of fact cannot be carried out by executive or political bodies. Despite Khan’s legal team formally requesting this foundational fair process in a July 2025 letter to ASP President Paivi Kaukoranta, the bureau rejected all such requests, and even denied the panel’s request for an extension to review Khan’s submissions.

    The disciplinary process traces back to November 2024, when Kaukoranta authorized an ad hoc probe led by OIOS after the complainant in the case refused to cooperate with the ICC’s own internal investigative body. Four allegations were opened against Khan: a complaint from a female staff member alleging unwelcome sexual conduct and abuse of authority, plus three additional claims of retaliation against other office employees. Khan has issued a full denial of all misconduct and breach of duty allegations.

    Over 12 months, OIOS collected evidence and submitted a 150-page investigative report alongside 5,000 pages of supporting evidence to the three-judge panel in December 2025. After nearly three months of review, the panel issued a unanimous ruling: the evidence presented by UN investigators failed to meet the “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard for finding misconduct or breach of duty under ICC rules.

    Weeks after the panel’s ruling, however, a majority of ASP Bureau members representing 21 member states voted to disregard the judges’ conclusion and signal that they believed Khan likely committed misconduct. The move sparked widespread concerns that the entire process had been tainted by political interference. In early June, the bureau gave Khan and the complainant a final opportunity for additional submissions before formally suspending Khan and referring the entire matter to the full ASP. The court’s 125 member states will now convene a special session at UN Headquarters in New York on July 24 to vote on whether to remove Khan from office permanently.

    Eadie’s opinion specifically tied the need for a fair, independent process to the intense political pressure surrounding Khan’s leadership of the ICC’s ongoing investigation into alleged Israeli war crimes and genocide in Gaza. He noted that the political context, including punitive sanctions imposed by the United States on Khan and other ICC staff after the court announced arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, and senior Hamas officials, makes procedural integrity critical to protecting the court’s credibility.

    “If such officials can be removed or disciplined without a proper adjudication of the allegations against them, against that political context, the integrity of the ICC and its perceived integrity will be fundamentally undermined,” Eadie wrote.

    Khan, a British barrister, was elected as the ICC’s third chief prosecutor in February 2021, nearly two decades after the court’s founding in 2002. During his tenure, his office has opened investigations into grave international crimes allegedly committed by leaders across the globe, including issuing arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin, Myanmar’s junta leadership, and Taliban officials in Afghanistan. His work targeting powerful state leaders has drawn retaliation: the Trump administration first imposed US sanctions on Khan in 2025, and a Russian court has issued an in absentia arrest warrant for him. Sanctions have since been expanded to target two deputy ICC prosecutors, eight ICC judges involved in the Palestine and Afghanistan investigations, the UN special rapporteur on Palestine, and multiple Palestinian non-governmental organizations that provided evidence to the court. None of the US, Russia, or Israel are member states of the ICC, but the court holds jurisdiction over crimes committed by their nationals on the territory of ICC member countries.

    The exclusive disclosure of Eadie’s confidential legal opinion comes as the ICC faces an unprecedented crisis that threatens to undermine its standing as the world’s permanent international criminal tribunal, with critics warning that a political vote to remove Khan amid pressure over the Gaza investigation would fatally damage the court’s reputation for impartiality.

  • Teenage Palestinian girls held in Israeli prison have their futures put on hold

    Teenage Palestinian girls held in Israeli prison have their futures put on hold

    As thousands of Palestinian high school seniors wrap up their final exams this summer and step toward the next chapter of their academic journeys, two teenage girls from the occupied West Bank town of Tammun are confined behind the walls of Israel’s Damon Prison, their classroom seats empty and their carefully laid plans derailed by arrest over social media content. Seventeen-year-old Nada Bani Odeh was on the cusp of sitting for the tawjihi, Palestine’s rigorous national secondary school leaving exam, when Israeli forces raided her family’s home before dawn on February 12. Sixteen-year-old Ola Qutaishat, who had just finished 11th grade and was gearing up for her own final year of studies, was taken from her home in a nearly identical pre-dawn raid three months later, on May 24.

    Gharam Abu Aisha, Nada’s mother, told Middle East Eye she initially assumed the soldiers who stormed her home had come for her husband, never expecting they would target her teenage daughter. “Then they asked, ‘Where is the tawjihi student?’” she recalled. Nada, who had already lost her older brother Wadie to Israeli forces months earlier, calmly complied with the soldiers’ orders, handed over her phone, and comforted her sobbing mother as she was led away. “Why are you crying? Even if I come back after a year or two, I’ll still come home and get the highest grades for you,” Nada told her mother, before turning back one last time to ask her to care for her younger sister.

    Before her arrest, Nada was a quiet, high-achieving student who consistently ranked at the top of her class. She had long set her sights on acing the tawjihi, determined to fulfill the academic dream her brother never got the chance to complete. Even from behind bars, those ambitions remain her primary focus. Through lawyers and recently released prisoners, Nada sends messages home not asking about the endless delays in her court case, but about her grades, her classmates, and whether she will ever get the chance to pick up her studies where she left off. For Gharam, the daily absence of her daughter has left an irreplaceable void; the pair shared everything from long evening conversations to quiet drives after busy school days, and Gharam says she misses every part of their routine. “I’m proud of her,” she said. “I just want to hold her again.”

    Ola’s story mirrors Nada’s in nearly every detail. On the night of her arrest, the 16-year-old had stayed up late studying English for an upcoming school exam, and her family went to bed expecting a completely ordinary morning. When armed soldiers woke the household, they separated family members, searched the home without explanation or a warrant, and handcuffed and blindfolded Ola in front of her distraught parents. When her father—still recovering from recent surgery—tried to intervene, soldiers pushed him back, while Ola begged them not to hurt him. Her sister clung to the teenager, pleading with the raiding party. “I kept telling them, ‘She’s only 16 years old. Why are you taking her?’” Ola’s sister recalled. “She wasn’t carrying anything. She wasn’t a threat. She was only thinking about her English exam.”

    Like Nada, Ola remains in Damon Prison as her case crawls through the Israeli military court system, with every scheduled hearing ending in another delay. She faces allegations of incitement over social media posts, but no formal verdict has ever been issued. Her father told Middle East Eye that even the presiding military judge has questioned prosecutors over the lack of progress in the case, asking, “Why have you brought this girl here? Why isn’t the case ready?” Before her arrest, Ola dreamed of becoming a journalist, determined to give a voice to silenced Palestinians and share the reality of life under occupation with the world. That dream is now on indefinite hold.

    Current data from the Israel Prison Service shows that as of late December, 351 Palestinian minors were being held in Israeli detention on so-called “security” grounds, with an additional 106 detained for illegal entry into Israel. Nada and Ola, two of the youngest female Palestinian prisoners in detention, are being held together in a separate section of Damon Prison, isolated from the adult prison population and confined to a small cell under constant surveillance. According to Palestinian lawyer Hasan Abadi, conditions inside the facility have deteriorated drastically since October 7, 2023, amounting to a systematic campaign of abuse against detainees. “Damon Prison has become a living grave for prisoners,” Abadi said. Cells lack adequate ventilation, food is nutritionally poor, medical care for sick prisoners is nonexistent, and basic supplies like clothing and cleaning products are unavailable. The facility is severely overcrowded: eight women are often forced to share a cell built for four, leaving half the population to sleep on the cold floor. For Nada and Ola, conditions are even harsher: held in complete isolation, the teenagers have no access to basic sanitary supplies even during menstrual periods, and have no privacy from constant surveillance.

    “What is happening in Damon Prison is not merely a series of isolated violations, but a systematic regime of oppression, starvation, and humiliation aimed at breaking Palestinian women physically and psychologically,” Abadi explained. “With every testimony, it becomes increasingly clear that the prison is no longer just a place of detention, but an instrument of slow death carried out in cold blood. Despite all this suffering, the female prisoners continue to resist, holding on to the Quran, their stories, and their memories as a final shield protecting their humanity.”

    Even amid the harsh conditions and uncertain legal processes, both teenage girls have retained their determination to return to their education. Nada continues to reassure her mother in every message that she will come home, finish her studies, and make her family proud—a promise that has kept both mother and daughter holding out hope for a return to the future they once planned.

  • Ghanaian influencer extradited to US over $8m scam targeting elderly Americans

    Ghanaian influencer extradited to US over $8m scam targeting elderly Americans

    A high-profile Ghanaian social media creator, known publicly as Abu Trica and legally named Frederick Kumi, has been transferred into U.S. custody to stand trial on allegations that he led a transnational romance fraud ring that stole more than $8 million from vulnerable elderly American citizens. Kumi has formally pleaded not guilty to all criminal charges brought against him.

    Federal prosecutors in the U.S. allege that Kumi leveraged artificial intelligence technology to build convincing fake digital personas, which he then used to connect with potential targets on major social media platforms and popular dating websites. Over time, prosecutors claim he gained the trust of his victims before coercing them into sending large sums of money. If convicted on the two core charges—conspiracy to commit wire fraud and conspiracy to commit money laundering—Kumi faces a maximum sentence of 20 years behind bars.

    The extradition, which was completed on a Delta Airlines flight Thursday, has sparked significant political and legal controversy in Ghana. Kumi’s defense attorney, Oliver Barker-Vormawor, told reporters that he appeared in a Ghanaian court on Thursday to file a formal challenge to the extradition, only to discover that authorities had already removed Kumi from the country hours before the court could issue a ruling. Barker-Vormawor has accused the Ghanaian government of bypassing required judicial oversight, arguing that the rushed extradition raises serious unresolved constitutional questions about the separation of powers in the West African nation. As of Monday, the Ghanaian government has not issued any public response to these allegations.

    Long before his arrest, Kumi drew public suspicion for his habit of showcasing extravagant wealth to his more than 100,000 Instagram followers. He regularly posted photos of high-end luxury vehicles, stacks of cash, and upscale properties, which led many observers to question the legitimacy of his income sources—a question that U.S. authorities have now formally answered with fraud charges.

    According to the prosecution’s narrative, the scam followed a well-documented pattern: Kumi and his co-conspirators would initiate frequent, emotionally intimate conversations with victims through online platforms, gradually building romantic connection. Once trust was established, the group would request money or high-value goods under false pretenses—often claiming the funds were needed for emergency medical care, travel costs to visit the victim, or to secure a fake high-return investment opportunity. All funds and valuables were routed to third-party accounts controlled by co-conspirators, after which Kumi allegedly split the illicit proceeds between his network of partners in both the U.S. and Ghana.

    A native of the southern Ghanaian town of Swedru, Kumi was first taken into custody last year during a coordinated operation carried out jointly by Ghanaian and U.S. law enforcement. There remains a minor discrepancy over Kumi’s age: his legal team says he is 28, while U.S. prosecutors list his age as 31.

    The prosecution of Kumi’s case is being carried out under the U.S. Elder Abuse Prevention and Prosecution Act, a federal law designed to increase penalties and priority for crimes targeting older adults. This extradition is the latest in a series of coordinated law enforcement actions by U.S. authorities cracking down on cross-border fraud networks based in West Africa that target elderly U.S. citizens. Just last week, another extradited Ghanaian fraudster, Joseph Kwadwo Badu Boateng—better known by his online alias Dada Joe Remix—pleaded guilty in a U.S. court to running romance and inheritance fraud schemes that stole from American victims. In December of last year, a U.S. court sentenced Nigerian fraud ringleader Oluwaseun Adekoya to 20 years in prison for his role in running a nationwide bank fraud and money laundering conspiracy that laundered more than $2 million in stolen funds.

  • Turkey ‘prevented Kurdish invasion’ of Iran during Israeli-US war

    Turkey ‘prevented Kurdish invasion’ of Iran during Israeli-US war

    A startling new allegation from Israel’s i24News has pulled back the curtain on a planned cross-border incursion into Iran by Kurdish militias, a operation that was months in the planning and backed by U.S. and Israeli intelligence, before Turkish diplomatic and political pressure forced Washington to scrap the attack earlier this year.

    Senior unnamed Israeli sources confirmed to the outlet that the incursion had been in development for months under the oversight of U.S. intelligence agencies. Preparations for the strike included high-level coordination meetings with Kurdish militia leadership, transfers of weapons to frontline fighters, and specialized military training to prepare for the incursion. One week before the planned launch date, the militias received their allocated weapons, but when the time came to move into Iranian territory, U.S. officials issued a last-minute veto halting the entire operation.

    Israeli officials quoted in the report have pinned the leak of the operation’s details to Turkish authorities on U.S. Vice President JD Vance, alleging that associates of Vance shared intelligence about the imminent incursion with Ankara. Turkish officials, once alerted, immediately moved to shut down the plan, the report claims.

    For Turkey, blocking a Kurdish incursion into Iran aligns with long-standing national security priorities. Ankara has waged decades of counterinsurgency campaigns against Kurdish separatist groups within its own borders, as well as across the border in northern Iraq and Syria. A destabilized Iran with a weakened central government would create a new hub for Kurdish armed activity on Turkey’s southeastern border, a scenario Ankara has long prioritized avoiding. This opposition was formalized in March, when Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan issued a direct warning to U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio against backing any Kurdish military operation inside Iran, matching an earlier report from The New York Times.

    According to the i24News report, the planned Kurdish incursion was intended to be a core component of broader U.S. and Israeli efforts to achieve regime change in Iran during the early 2024 war against the country. This account lines up with separate reporting from earlier this year: CNN revealed in March that the CIA had provided months of military support to Kurdish armed groups positioned along the Iran-Iraq border ahead of the joint U.S.-Israeli strike on Iran in late February, while Reuters documented that Israeli intelligence had maintained regular contact with Kurdish militias in the border region for more than a year before the outbreak of conflict. After the war began, Israel carried out a series of airstrikes on targets in western Iran to create a corridor for the Kurdish incursion that ultimately never launched.

    Low-level clashes between Iranian forces and Kurdish armed groups continue to this day. Just last week, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps killed five fighters from the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan during a clash in northwestern Iran, after the group crossed into Iranian territory near the city of Piranshahr in West Azerbaijan province, according to official Iranian statements.

    The explosive i24News report comes at a moment of rapidly escalating tensions between Israel and Turkey. Just last week, Fidan declared in an interview with CNN Turk that “Israel is not just my problem; Israel is the world’s problem.” Israeli officials are increasingly sounding the alarm over a potential direct military confrontation with Ankara: Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli told Israel’s Kan 11 broadcaster Thursday that a scenario of Turkey launching an attack on Israel is “entirely possible.” On Wednesday, Israel’s Channel 12 reported that the country’s top security establishment has warned the national government of Turkey’s growing military and political influence in Syria, Lebanon, and other neighboring regions, alleging that Ankara is working to build a strategic “chokehold” around Israeli territory.

  • Justin Baldoni describes painful saga as he breaks silence on Blake Lively dispute

    Justin Baldoni describes painful saga as he breaks silence on Blake Lively dispute

    Nearly two years after high-profile legal conflict erupted between It Ends With Us co-stars Justin Baldoni and Blake Lively, and just months after the pair reached a last-minute settlement to avoid a public civil trial, Justin Baldoni and his wife Emily have stepped into the public eye for the first time to share their experience of the bitter dispute. Their emotional, nearly five-minute video message, posted to Instagram on Wednesday, marked the first public remarks the couple has made since Lively first filed suit against Baldoni and his production banner Wayfarer Studios in December 2024.

    The legal drama that roiled the promotion of the 2024 film adaptation of Colleen Hoover’s best-selling novel began when Lively brought claims against Baldoni alleging on-set sexual harassment and a subsequent retaliatory smear campaign after she raised concerns about working conditions. Baldoni quickly fired back with a $400 million counter-suit against Lively and her husband, A-list actor Ryan Reynolds, accusing the pair of defamation and extortion.

    The case moved through the U.S. District Court in New York for months before Judge Lewis Liman issued a key ruling that dismissed the vast majority of claims from both sides. Liman tossed out 10 of Lively’s 13 claims, including her sexual harassment allegations, ruling that under the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Lively could not pursue those claims as an independent contractor rather than a formal employee of the production. The judge also dismissed Baldoni’s entire counter-suit in full.

    Less than two weeks before the scheduled start of the remaining civil trial, the two parties reached a confidential settlement on the handful of remaining claims, which included breach of contract and Lively’s core retaliation allegations. In the aftermath of the settlement, Lively noted that filing the lawsuit had never been her desired outcome, but argued that moving forward with the case had drawn critical attention to the need for safe, respectful work environments on film sets. “I brought this case because of the pervasive RETALIATION I faced, and continue to, for privately and professionally asking for a safe working environment for myself and others,” she stated in a post-settlement comment. The BBC has confirmed it reached out to Lively’s legal team for additional comment ahead of the Baldonis’ recent video release, and has not yet received a response.

    In their Wednesday video, the Baldonis smiled and chuckled through their remarks as they opened up about the lasting toll the two-year legal battle has taken on their family. Justin Baldoni acknowledged that the couple has refrained from speaking publicly until now not for lack of things to say, but because of the deep trauma the dispute has inflicted on their household. “We have not spoken publicly for the better part of the last two years, and it’s not because we haven’t had anything to say,” he explained. “Because Lord knows we have.”

    Emily Baldoni expanded on that, noting that the whole family had worked through significant pain to reach this point, and that the resolution of the legal case felt like the appropriate time to break their silence. “There has been a lot of trauma for us to move through as a family, which also makes it hard to speak,” she said. Echoing her husband’s framing, she added that the facts of the case had already been laid out in court, and the couple was ready to share their perspective. “The truth and the facts have spoken for themselves and here we are,” she said. She also voiced the couple’s frustration that the dispute had been framed as a public fight for gender equity, saying: “We’ve had to wrestle with so many things and try to understand so many things, like how could something like this even happen? Let alone disguised as a fight for women.”

    Despite the years of conflict and public scrutiny, the Baldoni ended their message on a note of gratitude for the support they have received from loved ones and allies throughout the process, saying their family is now in a period of healing. Emily Baldoni said the couple felt “immense gratitude” for the people who had stood by them, and Justin Baldoni closed the video by affirming: “We feel so loved.”