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  • Lazio go joint top in Italy, while Real Sociedad takes dramatic victory in Spain

    Lazio go joint top in Italy, while Real Sociedad takes dramatic victory in Spain

    A packed Monday of European club soccer delivered a series of dramatic results across Italy’s Serie A and Spain’s La Liga, headlined by Lazio securing a third consecutive league win that catapults the Rome-based side into a share of first place.

    In the headline Serie A fixture, Lazio fought back from an early second-half deficit to defeat Udinese 2-1, extending their perfect start to the new season. Midfielder Davide Frattesi maintained his red-hot scoring streak, finding the net for the third straight match. After Jesper Karlstrom put Udinese ahead in the 49th minute, Frattesi slid to convert a low cross into the back of the net in the 75th minute to level the score. Just minutes after Frattesi was substituted off for debutant Albert Gudmundsson, the Icelandic international iced the win with a powerful header in stoppage time, two minutes before the final whistle. The three points lift Lazio to nine points from three opening matches, tying them with Roma and Inter Milan at the top of the table. Udinese stays in 10th place following the defeat.

    In another Serie A clash, Cagliari earned a 1-0 home win over Lecce, with on-loan attacker Daniel Maldini (from Atalanta) scoring the only goal of the game. Maldini nodded home a first-half corner to give Cagliari an early lead, and despite dominating possession and creating multiple chances—including a second-half strike from Paul Mendy that hit the base of the post and a Maldini free kick that struck the woodwork—the club could not add to their lead, but held on for the full three points. The result lifts Cagliari into the top half of the Serie A standings, while Lecce drops to 14th.

    Across the continent in La Liga, Real Sociedad pulled off a thrilling late 3-2 away victory over winless Elche, marking their first away league win since February. Job Ochieng got Sociedad off to a fast start, opening the scoring in just the 11th minute, and Yangel Herrera doubled their advantage 20 minutes later after a mistake from Elche’s goalkeeper. The game shifted dramatically in the 65th minute when Sociedad’s Jon Martin was shown a red card for a dangerous tackle, leaving the side down to 10 men. Elche capitalized quickly: on-loan forward Thomas Lemar pulled one back four minutes after the red card, and Fer Nino bundled home an equalizer nine minutes later to level the match at 2-2. Elche squandered multiple late chances to claim their first win of the season, and were punished in the 90th minute when Luka Sučić broke away to score the winning goal, securing all three points for Sociedad. Following the result, Sociedad sits ninth in the La Liga table with seven points from five matches, while Elche remains joint-bottom with just one point so far this season.

    In the final Monday La Liga fixture, Getafe and Celta Vigo split points after a 1-1 draw. Uruguayan striker Martin Satriano put Getafe ahead early, pouncing on a loose ball in the six-yard box after Celta failed to clear a right-sided corner. Celta responded in the 57th minute, with Carl Starfelt heading home an equalizer from their own corner kick. Midway through the second half, Getafe defender Zaid Romero was sent off after picking up a second yellow card, reducing the hosts to 10 men. Despite pushing hard for a late winning goal, Celta could not find a breakthrough, extending their search for a first win of the campaign. Celta has only scored two goals in five league matches this season, and sits 16th in the table with four points, one point and one place behind Getafe who occupy 15th.

  • Breanna Stewart sparks US to 105-64 rout of Czech Republic after a scare vs Italy

    Breanna Stewart sparks US to 105-64 rout of Czech Republic after a scare vs Italy

    BERLIN – In a commanding turnaround performance following a shaky preliminary round matchup, the United States women’s national basketball team delivered a dominant 105-64 victory over the Czech Republic on Monday, powered by star forward Breanna Stewart’s all-around standout play. Stewart, a core leader for the American squad, notched 19 points, seven rebounds and six assists to anchor the win, a bounce-back effort after the team narrowly escaped with a 55-52 win over Italy a day prior – the Americans’ closest preliminary round finish in half a century. Stewart set the tempo from the opening tip, erasing any lingering concerns of a repeat slow start, and helped extend USA’s unprecedented unbeaten streak at the FIBA Women’s Basketball World Cup to 33 consecutive games. The run stretches back to the team’s 2006 World Cup semifinal loss to Russia. Stewart got off to a blistering start, putting up 11 points in the first 10 minutes of play to push the U.S. to an early 29-15 advantage. That opening burst was a stark contrast to the team’s sluggish first half against Italy, where the Americans managed just 30 total points in the first two quarters. Napheesa Collier built on Stewart’s early momentum in the second quarter, scoring seven of her 12 total points in the frame to help the U.S. stretch its lead to 57-33 by halftime. The Czech side never mounted a serious challenge in the second half, as the American lead swelled to over 40 points at its peak. Stewart, who set her World Cup career scoring high of 23 points in a 2018 matchup against China, fell just short of that mark on Monday, having only played just over 16 minutes total. She sat out the entire fourth quarter, which also ended her shot at becoming just the second player in Women’s World Cup history to record a triple-double. The only player to achieve that milestone so far is the Czech Republic’s own Erika Dobrovicova, who notched the feat in a 1994 game against Spain. For the Czech Republic, Monday’s loss closed out a winless run in pool play at this year’s tournament. This year’s World Cup marks the Czechs’ first appearance at the event since 2014, and the team previously claimed a silver medal when it hosted the tournament in 2010. With the preliminary round now complete, the U.S. advances to the quarterfinal round, set to tip off on Thursday. Their opponent in the knockout round will be the winner of Tuesday’s pool play matchup between Hungary and Japan. A full slate of other preliminary round games took place across the tournament on Monday: China secured a win over Italy, Germany defeated Mali, Belgium earned a victory over Australia, Puerto Rico edged out Turkey, France handily beat Nigeria, Spain took down Japan, and Hungary picked up a narrow win over South Korea.

  • UK has still not responded to legal petition detailing colonial-era war crimes in Palestine

    UK has still not responded to legal petition detailing colonial-era war crimes in Palestine

    It has been 365 days since a landmark legal petition documenting alleged British war crimes during its colonial occupation of Palestine between 1917 and 1948 was submitted to the UK’s top government officials – and the administration has yet to issue any formal response, leaving activists and backers of the document increasingly frustrated. The Britain Owes Palestine campaign delivered the 400-page, meticulously researched petition to the prime minister, foreign secretary, defence secretary, and attorney general on 7 September 2023, a date that has now marked its one-year anniversary. The timing of this anniversary falls just two weeks before another key milestone: one year since the UK government formally granted diplomatic recognition to the State of Palestine, a move that campaigners say creates even greater urgency for the government to address the petition’s demands.

    The petition was not a casual grassroots filing: it was drafted by a team of highly respected legal and historical experts, including leading human rights barristers Ben Emmerson and Danny Friedman, British-Israeli historian Avi Shlaim, international law scholar Professor John Quigley, and University of Nottingham public international law assistant professor Victor Kattan, one of the project’s lead organizers. From its launch, the document has earned widespread cross-party and public support, backed initially by 75 members of the UK Parliament, members of the House of Lords, and prominent cultural figures. Notable early backers included former Labour shadow chancellor John McDonnell, British-Palestinian MP Layla Moran, award-winning writer Robert Macfarlane, and acclaimed actress Juliet Stevenson. In the year since submission, that support has only grown, with an additional 45 cross-party MPs and peers adding their names to an open letter endorsing the petition, alongside public figures like author and comedian Alexei Sayle and Grammy-nominated singer Paloma Faith.

    At the core of the petition is a clear demand: that the UK government formally acknowledge and apologize for its unlawful conduct during its decades-long mandate over Palestine. The legal case laid out in the document traces its origins back to 1917, when the British government issued the Balfour Declaration, a policy that pledged British support for a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine. The campaign argues this declaration set in motion a chain of events that ultimately led to the 1948 Nakba – the “catastrophe” that displaced an estimated 750,000 Palestinians from their ancestral homes and cleared the way for the establishment of the State of Israel.

    The petition’s legal analysis concludes that British actions between 1917 and 1948 violated the international law that was in effect at the time. In a public statement shared with independent news outlet Middle East Eye, the campaign emphasized that the British Empire deliberately denied Arab Palestinian people the right to self-determination, and held that the Balfour Declaration itself and the subsequent British mandate over the region had no basis in international legal authority. Beyond policy violations, the document documents serious atrocities committed by British forces during the mandate period, including war crimes and crimes against humanity: systematic murder, torture, arbitrary detention, and the mass demolition of Palestinian civilian homes.

    A key framing of the campaign’s argument connects historical British colonial policy to ongoing conflict in the region today. Campaign organizers reject the narrative that current Israeli practices – including expansion of illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank, mass home demolitions, arbitrary detention, and forced displacement of Palestinian communities in the West Bank and Gaza – represent a departure from the colonial era. Instead, they argue these contemporary injustices are a direct continuation of the legal and political structures Britain put in place during its rule.

    For the petitioners, the core end goals remain modest but non-negotiable. “An official apology from the highest levels of the British government and a conversation about appropriate reparations is our main ask,” Kattan explained in an interview ahead of the one-year anniversary. “The petition sets out findings that engage the government’s legal and moral obligations, and it asks for nothing more than the thoughtful consideration that any claim of this scale should receive. The petitioners are fully entitled to a proper and reasoned response.”

    In recent months, the UK government has adopted increasingly public stances on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with media reports indicating the administration is planning to announce more robust measures against illegal Israeli settlement expansion in the West Bank later this month. Against this backdrop, and ahead of the one-year mark of UK recognition of Palestine, the Britain Owes Palestine campaign is ramping up pressure for action. The group notes that a formal apology would be the foundational baseline for the UK to credibly contribute to future peace efforts and post-conflict reconstruction in the region: it is “the bare minimum if Britain is to play a proper role in peace efforts and reconstruction,” the campaign said.

  • Journeying through Syria’s shattered cities as war turns to peace

    Journeying through Syria’s shattered cities as war turns to peace

    It began with an unplanned detour at a wedding in Hama, but what three peace and conflict researchers discovered during their week-long 2026 field trip across Syria would upend distant, secondhand narratives of a country still reeling from more than a decade of war. Between June 1 and 7, 2026, Bahadir Dincer, Bahar Baser, and Zeynep Sahin-Mencütek became the first independent researchers to travel freely across government-held areas of Syria following the collapse of the Assad regime, documenting the messy, uneven coexistence of destruction and recovery that rarely makes global headlines.

    The team’s journey started on a warm June morning in Damascus, where they set out to visit four key regions: Rural Damascus, Aleppo, Raqqa, and Hama. Before leaving the capital, they took a short detour through the war-scarred districts of Jobar and Yarmouk. Jobar, once one of the capital’s fiercest frontlines between 2013 and 2018, remains almost entirely reduced to rubble. A young local activist who had recently returned home put it simply: “Even though Jobar has always been part of Damascus, it was forgotten during the war and remained forgotten afterwards.” While returning residents clear rubble and patch damaged structures on their own, most long-term Damascenes have never set foot in the district since the regime fell, leaving recovery fragmented and incomplete.

    Yarmouk, once Syria’s largest Palestinian refugee camp, paints an equally stark picture. The researchers encountered an elderly couple sitting on plastic chairs outside one of the only partially repaired homes, surrounded by crumbling ruins. The scene encapsulated a core contradiction of post-war Syrian life: life has returned to devastated areas, but for most residents, that means learning to live alongside wreckage rather than rebuilding beyond it. Even in Eastern Ghouta, where entire neighborhoods still bear the marks of intense fighting, small signs of daily life emerge: a bread shop opens beside a collapsed apartment block, children play on potholed streets that once saw active combat, and families ride together on a single motorcycle through former frontlines. Recovery, it turns out, often moves far faster than formal reconstruction.

    As the team traveled north along the M5 highway toward Aleppo, the road itself told a story of shifting fortunes. Abandoned factories and depopulated villages lined the route, constant reminders of the war’s enduring legacy, but new signs of normalcy appeared just as frequently: roadside fruit vendors, newly reopened roadside cafes, and even newly imported SUVs – a sight that would have been unthinkable on Syrian roads just a year earlier, their driver noted. Outside Hama, they stopped at a fully stocked roadside supermarket, where local hospitality offered a quiet reminder that cultural traditions and daily routines persist even amid chaos.

    Arriving in Aleppo, a city the researchers had only studied through news reports and refugee testimonies for more than a decade, they encountered a city divided between restoration and ruin. Parts of the historic Old City’s famous souk have been restored, drawing visitors back to its narrow stone streets, but large swathes of the Old City and working-class districts like Shaar and Hanano remain piled with rubble. Local guide Amr explained that returning residents have cleared blocked streets themselves, without formal government support, just to access the remains of their homes. Yet as evening fell, the city came alive: cafes buzzed with conversation, crowded restaurants hosted family dinners, and pedestrians filled the streets to escape the summer heat. Aleppo is neither fully frozen in conflict nor fully rebuilt – it exists in the in-between, where destruction and daily joy coexist.

    The next morning, the team set out on the long drive east to Raqqa, a route their driver Ahmed had not traveled in more than 15 years. For Ahmed, who grew up in Raqqa before displacement forced him to resettle in Damascus, the drive was as much a journey of personal rediscovery as it was research: a weathered roadside wall unlocked childhood memories of playing with his brothers, and a shuttered abandoned cement factory reminded him of the familiar landmarks that structured life before the war. When they crossed the Euphrates into Raqqa, rolling green fields replaced the arid plains west of the river, offering a brief moment of calm after a bumpy drive over cratered highway.

    Raqqa carries a unique weight of trauma: after decades of neglect under the Assad regime, it became a hub of anti-regime protest, then the de facto capital of the Islamic State, then a region under separate Kurdish-led SDF administration until just months before the researchers’ visit. The cumulative effect of overlapping conflicts leaves the city and its residents visibly exhausted. Yet even here, small signs of connection and renewal emerge. During Friday prayers at a packed city mosque, the imam announced a national collection for flood-affected communities in Deir ez-Zor – a small act that carried enormous weight after years of fragmented governance and divided communities. Two local sisters who had recently returned to Raqqa shared their story of family separation: one had returned from Turkey to resume teaching, another from Jordan, while the rest of their large family remains scattered across Turkey, Germany, and other parts of Syria. “The others have scattered like leaves in the wind,” one sister said. “But we wait, hoping they will come home again.”

    On the drive back to western Syria, the team encountered one of the most widely celebrated changes of the post-Assad era: freedom of movement. Where the road once was dotted with checkpoints that could delay travelers for hours, now convoys of commercial trucks move freely between regions, and even foreign researchers passed through checkpoints without delay. “Five months ago, I would have been stopped at ten checkpoints to get here,” a young 20-something shopkeeper who had recently returned from Turkey told the team. “Economically, life may have been easier then. But we had no freedom of movement. Now I can travel without anyone stopping me.” For Syrians across every region the team visited, this simple right to move unimpeded was described as a quiet revolution: “the road has become a road again,” multiple residents said.

    For most Syrians, the post-Assad era is described as liberation – a shift that is felt not in abstract political speeches, but in small daily changes: working traffic lights, police officers managing intersections, the ability to speak openly without fear. This quiet hope is not just spoken, but acted on. In Aleppo, the team visited a former Baath Party youth center that has been transformed into a community education and support center for returnees, run by Syrians who gave up stable lives abroad to come home. “My country is trying to stand up again,” Esma, a teacher who returned from Turkey, told the team. “People here need us. If not now, when will we contribute?” In Raqqa, families gather for picnics along the banks of the Euphrates, young boys swim in the river, and local operators run sightseeing boat trips – ordinary activities that carry profound meaning, as people reclaim public spaces once defined by war.

    Yet for every sign of hope, the researchers encountered constant reminders of the immense challenges that remain. More than 90% of Syrians live below the poverty line, 16.5 million require humanitarian aid, and the World Bank estimates total reconstruction costs will exceed $200 billion. As of mid-2025, the UN’s humanitarian response plan had received only 14% of its required funding, leaving basic infrastructure like water, electricity, and sanitation networks non-functional across large parts of the country. Nearly a quarter of all housing stock is damaged or destroyed, more than two million children remain out of school, and millions of acres of farmland are still littered with landmines and unexploded ordnance that kill civilians every week.

    Experiences of recovery are deeply uneven too: wealthy Damascus neighborhoods like Abu Rummaneh boast crowded cafes and full restaurants, while just kilometers away, entire districts like Jobar remain abandoned. The return of displaced Syrians, many of whom settle in Damascus before returning to their hometowns, has put additional pressure on already strained housing, services, and food prices. The researchers heard firsthand from returnees navigating these barriers: a local research assistant who returned from Turkey cannot afford an apartment and lives in a room at the youth center where he works, and a university-educated taxi driver who returned from Idlib five years earlier relies on a constantly breaking old taxi for his only steady income. Returning home, it turns out, is only the first step toward rebuilding a life.

    For policy debates in Europe that frame post-Assad Syria as ready for large-scale refugee returns, the researchers’ findings offer a sobering correction. The real question facing Syria today is not whether Syrians want to return – most do – but whether conditions exist for them to stay permanently. With widespread unemployment, severe housing shortages, and fragile public services, many returnees simply exchange one form of uncertainty for another. Rapid large-scale returns would overwhelm Syria’s already strained institutions and economy, leaving communities worse off. As one Damascus resident put it, “returnees will drown Syria” – not because they are unwelcome, but because the country is not yet able to absorb them.

    The team’s journey ended where it began, with that wedding in Hama. As guests filled the church courtyard, traditional Ewiha wedding chants echoed through the building, punctuated by the joyful high-pitched ululation of zalghouta that has marked Arab celebrations for generations. On the surface, it was an ordinary wedding. But for the researchers, it was the most powerful reminder of what they had learned across 7 days of travel: Syrians are not just rebuilding buildings and infrastructure. They are rebuilding ordinary life, holding onto cultural traditions and social bonds even when the odds are stacked against them. Hope and hardship coexist, the team found – and so do recovery and ruin. This is the unspoken reality of Syria today.

    This article is based on a two-year research project including more than 200 interviews with Syrian returnees, displaced people, officials, and humanitarian workers, republished with permission from The Conversation.

  • Israel threatens senior Palestinian officials with ‘all-out war’ in occupied West Bank

    Israel threatens senior Palestinian officials with ‘all-out war’ in occupied West Bank

    Tensions across the occupied West Bank have spiked sharply after Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz issued a stark warning: Israel will launch an all-out military campaign in the territory if any militant operations planned by groups affiliated with the Palestinian Authority (PA) are uncovered.

    Speaking to reporters on Monday, Katz outlined the scope of the potential operation, confirming that Israeli forces would target senior PA leadership, the organization’s formal security apparatuses, and what Israel classifies as “terrorist infrastructure” throughout the occupied West Bank. He added that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has already issued formal orders to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to finalize preparations for the campaign, should the regional security situation deteriorate further.

    Katz emphasized that Israeli leadership would not tolerate a return to the sustained uprising that marked the Second Intifada, a period of widespread conflict between 2000 and 2005 that claimed thousands of lives, the majority of them Palestinian alongside hundreds of Israeli civilians and security personnel. “We will not allow a return to the reality of an intifada lasting for years, as was the case in the past,” he stated. “We will not allow a return to the reality of October 7 – we will ensure the security of Israeli residents and communities everywhere.”

    Historical context frames Katz’s warning: during the Second Intifada, multiple factions tied to the PA, including the al-Aqsa Martyr Brigades linked to the PA’s ruling Fatah party, participated in armed operations against Israeli targets. In the decades following the intifada, the PA has faced widespread domestic criticism for its long-standing security coordination with Israeli intelligence and military forces, including actions to suppress Palestinian armed groups and political activists in the West Bank.

    Katz noted that any large-scale offensive against PA-linked targets in the West Bank would mirror the “security zone” model Israel has already implemented in the Gaza Strip and southern Lebanon, a framework that creates heavily restricted military-controlled areas along Israel’s border.

    The warning comes amid a fresh wave of deadly violence in the West Bank on the same day. The IDF confirmed it shot and killed a Palestinian man who carried out a stabbing attack against an Israeli settler in the northern West Bank. Israel’s national emergency service, Magen David Adom, reported that the injured settler, a man in his 20s, was transported to a nearby hospital in moderate to serious condition.

    Separately, the Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that Jewish settlers fatally shot a second Palestinian man in Hajeh village, located east of the West Bank city of Qalqilya. The ministry also verified earlier reports that both Israeli forces and settlers opened fire on Palestinian residents in the village, leaving multiple other people wounded.

    This ongoing escalation comes amid already heightened Israeli-Palestinian friction across the West Bank, with a sharp rise in settler violence and military raids since the October 7 attacks that triggered the current ongoing Gaza conflict.

  • Germany asks ICJ to dismiss Gaza genocide case brought by Nicaragua

    Germany asks ICJ to dismiss Gaza genocide case brought by Nicaragua

    On the opening day of preliminary hearings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague on Monday, Germany formally pushed to dismiss a landmark case filed by Nicaragua that accuses Berlin of facilitating genocide in the Gaza Strip through its ongoing military support for Israel. The proceedings currently focus on Berlin’s challenges to the court’s jurisdiction and the admissibility of Nicaragua’s claims, rather than the core question of whether Germany violated international law, with a ruling expected at an undetermined future date.

    German officials argued to the ICJ that Nicaragua failed to meet basic procedural requirements before launching its 2024 lawsuit. In remarks to the court’s panel of judges, Julia Monar, legal adviser at the German foreign ministry, said Nicaragua had not established that a formal legal dispute existed prior to filing, and that portions of the suit fall outside the ICJ’s legal mandate. Monar added that Nicaragua had “not interested in hearing Germany’s view on its allegations, but simply in bringing Germany before this court,” noting that the Central American nation also failed to provide adequate notification of the claims or sufficient time for Germany to prepare a response before initiating proceedings.

    At the heart of Germany’s preliminary objections is its reliance on the ICJ’s long-standing Monetary Gold principle. Berlin maintains that Israel qualifies as an indispensable third party to the case, whose legal responsibility would be the very core of any ruling against Germany. Since Israel is not a party to the proceedings and has never consented to the ICJ weighing its conduct, Germany argues the court cannot hear the claim. This stance reflects Berlin’s position that any finding of German complicity in alleged genocide or humanitarian law violations would first require the court to rule that Israel itself has broken the 1948 Genocide Convention.

    Nicaragua is set to counter these arguments on Tuesday, arguing that the proceedings center exclusively on Germany’s independent conduct and obligations under international law, not a formal finding against Israel. Nicaragua’s suit accuses Germany of multiple violations of the Genocide Convention and international humanitarian law: Berlin has continued sending weapons and military support to Israel despite documented awareness that the arsenal could be used to commit widespread harm in Gaza, and it violated its duty to prevent genocide by suspending critical funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA), deepening the already catastrophic humanitarian crisis in the enclave.

    Recent official data underscores the scale of Germany’s military supply relationship with Israel. As the second-largest arms supplier to Israel, trailing only the United States, new German government figures show that approvals for military exports to Israel surged dramatically in the first half of 2026, reaching a provisional total of €799.4 million ($865 million). This marks a nearly fourfold increase from the full-year total of €201 million recorded in 2025. Of the exports approved between April and June 2026, 67 percent were tied to a major maritime defense project, while 21 percent stemmed from bilateral German-Israeli industrial cooperation serving the German military.

    Independent arms data confirms the depth of this relationship. A March 2026 analysis from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute found that between 2021 and 2025, Germany accounted for 31 percent of all major conventional weapons imports to Israel, cementing its position as Israel’s second-largest supplier, compared to 68 percent from the United States. German policy has shifted incrementally in recent months: Chancellor Friedrich Merz imposed partial restrictions on arms exports to Israel in August 2025, halting approvals for equipment that could be deployed in Gaza, but the government lifted those restrictions three months later after a US-brokered ceasefire took effect, announcing that future export applications would be reviewed on a case-by-case basis.

    This is not the first time Nicaragua has sought action from the ICJ in this matter. In 2024, the country requested binding provisional measures that would have ordered Germany to immediately suspend all military supplies to Israel and reverse its funding cut to UNRWA. The ICJ declined to grant those measures in April 2024, noting that German arms exports had declined at that time and that Berlin maintained a formal legal framework for reviewing export licenses. However, the court also rejected Germany’s bid to have the case thrown out entirely at that stage, ruling that there was no manifest lack of jurisdiction over the claim. Germany submitted its formal preliminary objections in 2025 after Nicaragua filed its full written case, pausing all proceedings on the core merits of the claim.

    Legal experts say the outcome of this preliminary phase will carry major implications for international law around the duty to prevent genocide. Mike Becker, an ICJ expert and law professor at Trinity College Dublin, explained that the case offers a critical opportunity for the court to clarify long-unresolved questions about states’ obligations to prevent genocide and ensure compliance with international humanitarian law. “The ICJ could decide that none, or only some, of Nicaragua’s claims can proceed to the merits,” Becker told Middle East Eye. If any portion of the claim survives Germany’s current challenge, Becker noted, a final ruling on the merits would not come until a later phase of proceedings, and could take years to resolve.

    This case runs parallel to a separate high-profile ICJ case brought by South Africa against Israel, which accuses the Israeli state of committing genocide in its 2023–present military campaign in Gaza. Multiple independent bodies have already backed the core allegation that Israel’s campaign amounts to genocide: a panel of sitting UN special rapporteurs and the International Association of Genocide Scholars, the world’s largest body of genocide academics, have both formally concluded that Israel’s operations in Gaza meet the legal definition of genocide.

    As of 2026, the death toll from Israel’s campaign in Gaza stands at more than 73,650 Palestinians, according to on-the-ground counts. A fragile ceasefire brokered by the United States has been in place since October 2025, but even during the truce, Israeli forces have killed at least 1,300 Palestinians in Gaza, leaving the enclave’s population trapped in a catastrophic humanitarian situation that Nicaragua’s case argues Germany helped enable.

    Following Nicaragua’s response to Germany’s objections on Tuesday, both parties will present a second round of legal arguments Wednesday and Thursday. The ICJ will issue its ruling on the preliminary objections at a later date, with no timeline currently set for a final decision on the case if it proceeds to the merits phase.

  • Antonelli’s feat at Monza shows how he’s shifting the F1 spotlight from Ferrari in Italy

    Antonelli’s feat at Monza shows how he’s shifting the F1 spotlight from Ferrari in Italy

    For generations, Formula 1 racing in Italy has been synonymous with the iconic Scuderia Ferrari — a legacy of homegrown pride and red-clad fan loyalty that has defined the sport at Monza for decades. But on a sunbaked race day that will go down in F1 history, that long-held association was broken, as 20-year-old Mercedes rising star Kimi Antonelli pulled off one of the most dramatic comeback victories the sport has ever seen, securing a win at his home grand prix that has cemented his place among Italy’s greatest athletic legends.

    Starting the race all the way back in 19th position, Antonelli fought through the packed field over 53 laps to claim the checkered flag, marking the furthest starting position any driver has climbed to win an F1 grand prix in more than 40 years. Even more remarkably, he is the first Italian driver to win the Italian Grand Prix since Ludovico Scarfiotti took victory for Ferrari all the way back in 1966. To seal the win, Antonelli pulled off 22 overtakes, using blistering pace and precise car control to carve past competitors his team believed he would struggle to pass. His strong early race speed allowed Mercedes to execute a game-changing two-stop tire strategy that ultimately put him out in front, with the young Italian reaching the top position in less than 17 full laps. It stands as the most dramatic come-from-behind F1 victory since John Watson won the 1983 Long Beach Grand Prix starting from 22nd on the grid.

    The day was one to forget for Ferrari, the sport’s beloved Italian powerhouse. Ferrari’s star driver Charles Leclerc was forced out of the race after a crash just five minutes after the green flag. Seven-time world champion Lewis Hamilton, whom Antonelli replaced at Mercedes this season, finished sixth, more than 20 seconds behind the young winner. In a striking twist that captured the magnitude of Antonelli’s achievement, even die-hard Ferrari fans abandoned their loyalty to cheer the homegrown winner. When Antonelli crowd-surfed across the thousands of fans that flooded the track for his podium celebration, most of the supporters holding him aloft were wearing the iconic red Ferrari caps that are a staple of Monza race day.

    In a Monday editorial leading the sports coverage, Italy’s leading sports newspaper Gazzetta dello Sport called Antonelli’s win “one of the most memorable” feats in all of F1 history. The outlet noted that even the most loyal Ferrari tifosi embraced Antonelli, cheering him as loudly as they have cheered past Italian Grand Prix winners including Michael Schumacher, Fernando Alonso, and Leclerc himself. Gazzetta also placed Antonelli among the ranks of Italy’s most iconic modern sports heroes, alongside skiing legend Alberto Tomba, cycling great Marco Pantani, motorcycle racing champion Valentino Rossi, and tennis star Jannik Sinner, describing the 20-year-old as “just a kid who lives next door” who has grown into a national sporting superhero.

    True to his roots, Antonelli celebrated the historic win in unapologetically Italian fashion: he ate a plate of spaghetti right out of his winning trophy. For Mercedes team principal Toto Wolff, the win was a full-circle moment for Antonelli, who made his F1 practice debut at Monza two years ago — a debut that ended after just 10 minutes when he was caught in a high-speed crash during first practice. “Then two years later, it’s the biggest glory, the biggest moment of his career that’s probably going to be one of his biggest moments overall in the future,” Wolff said after the race. “Even if he wins another 200 grands prix, that one will always remain special.” Wolff also praised Antonelli’s seamless chemistry with his car, echoing the sentiment of the team that nothing can stop a driver who is fully in sync with his machine: “There’s just no stopping when a driver and a car are one. There’s nothing that can stop them.”

    Andrew Shovlin, Mercedes’ trackside engineering director, highlighted just how impressive Antonelli’s performance was behind the wheel, noting “He carved past cars we thought he may struggle to pass.”

    Antonelli’s historic win has also reshaped the landscape of this year’s driver’s championship, and could bring another celebration in front of his home fans before the season ends. He now holds a 66-point lead over his Mercedes teammate George Russell in the drivers’ standings with 10 races remaining on the 2025 calendar. Amid ongoing uncertainty over security conditions in the Middle East, the season finale is currently under consideration to be moved from the traditional Abu Dhabi circuit to Imola, a track located just a short drive from Antonelli’s hometown of Bologna.

    For those close to Antonelli, this historic win was always meant to be. Born into a motorsport family — his father is a former racer and team owner, while his mother helped manage the family racing operation — Antonelli was scouted and signed to Mercedes’ junior development program by Wolff back in 2018. According to his mother Veronica, his path to F1 stardom was destiny from before he was even born. “When I was pregnant with him, where was I when I started to have contractions? At the movies watching *Cars* — a film that Kimi then must have watched 100 times as a kid,” she said. “He surprises even me with his maturity and his ability to learn. He’s still a kid but mentally he’s just so strong.”

    Antonelli will next hit the track for the Spanish Grand Prix next weekend, as he continues his quest for a first world championship in his debut full F1 season.

  • Settled Springboks recall Willemse and promote Van den Berg for 4th rugby test in Baltimore

    Settled Springboks recall Willemse and promote Van den Berg for 4th rugby test in Baltimore

    BALTIMORE – Ahead of this Saturday’s decisive fourth test series decider against New Zealand in Baltimore, South Africa’s Springboks have opted for stability, announcing just two changes to the starting XV that secured a thrilling 29-24 victory over the All Blacks last weekend in Johannesburg.

    The only adjustments to the matchday squad come in the backline, where veteran utility back Damian Willemse returns to his regular fullback position to replace the injured Cheslin Kolbe. Kolbe, who filled in for Willemse after the latter picked up a hamstring injury in the series’ second test, has been ruled out of the clash after suffering a broken jaw. The second change sees scrumhalf Morné van den Berg earn his first starting spot of the series, with veteran Cobus Reinach dropping down to the reserve bench.

    Notably, the entire Springboks forward pack remains unchanged following their dominant performance in Johannesburg. That win pushed South Africa to a 2-1 series lead, leaving the side just one victory away from claiming the four-test series on neutral American soil.

    In an official statement announcing the lineup, Springboks head coach Rassie Erasmus explained the decision to retain almost the entire starting combination that delivered back-to-back match wins. “We feel that the team is well settled and all the players delivered in their respective roles in the last two matches, so we believe selecting the same matchday squad, and naming Damian back in his regular position, makes sense,” Erasmus said.

    Willemse’s return to the starting lineup comes as a welcome boost for the side, Erasmus added, noting the fullback’s existing chemistry with his teammates will make his transition back into the side seamless. “It’s good to have (Willemse) back. He knows the guys around him very well, so it will simply be a matter of him picking up where he left off before last week,” the coach explained.

    For van den Berg, the starting spot is a reward for consistent impact off the bench throughout the series. Erasmus highlighted the young scrumhalf’s strong performances as justification for his promotion to the starting lineup: “He has made a fantastic impact coming off the bench, so he deserves a chance to start.”

    The full Springboks lineup for Saturday’s decider is as follows: Starting XV: Damian Willemse, Kurt-Lee Arendse, Jesse Kriel, Damian de Allende, Ethan Hooker, Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu, Morné van den Berg; Jasper Wiese, Pieter-Steph du Toit, Siya Kolisi (captain), Ruan Nortjé, Eben Etzebeth, Wilco Louw, Malcolm Marx, Ox Nché. Reserves: Deon Fourie, Gerhard Steenekamp, Thomas du Toit, Lood de Jager, André Esterhuizen, Cameron Hanekom, Cobus Reinach, Manie Libbok.

    On New Zealand’s side, multiple key injury setbacks mean major changes to their starting lineup are all but guaranteed when the All Blacks name their side this Thursday. The side has already been forced to rule out three key players: captain and number 8 Ardie Savea (shoulder injury), flanker Luke Jacobson (elbow injury) and center Quinn Tupaea (knee injury), all of whom suffered season-ending injuries in previous matches of the series.

    Saturday’s match in Baltimore will mark the final clash of the four-test series, with South Africa holding a one-match advantage looking to close out the series win.

  • Ed Miliband is tearing up the script to become the UK’s most formidable foreign secretary in decades

    Ed Miliband is tearing up the script to become the UK’s most formidable foreign secretary in decades

    Over recent weeks, no British foreign secretary in modern memory has faced a more intense wave of criticism than Ed Miliband, after he unveiled plans for punitive measures targeting Israeli settlements to halt escalating settler violence and preserve the fading possibility of an independent Palestinian state. The controversial policy, set to be officially announced Tuesday, will introduce a full ban on trade with Israeli settlements built illegally in occupied Palestinian territory, bringing UK policy into alignment with the International Court of Justice’s landmark July 2024 advisory opinion that deemed the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands illegal, according to senior Whitehall sources.

    The backlash against Miliband has come from two overlapping fronts. On one side, pro-Palestinian campaigners have argued the long-awaited measure is far too incremental, dismissing it as largely symbolic. They have expressed particular frustration that the Labour government has refused to label Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide, end all UK arms sales to Israel, or impose personal sanctions on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. On the other, the response from Washington, Jerusalem and domestic political opponents has been exceptionally harsh, marked by unprecedented personal attacks and explicit threats.

    In an extraordinary break from standard diplomatic protocol, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee took to social media platform X over the weekend to accuse the British government of rampant antisemitism, writing: “The Brits have lost it. The Jew hate of their government knows no boundaries and knows no facts.” The attack carries extra weight: Huckabee is not Jewish, while Miliband comes from an ethnic Jewish background. Netanyahu himself drew widespread condemnation last month when he labeled the UK the “Islamic Republic of Britain,” and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar issued a direct threat last week: “If Britain acts against Israel, Israel will act against Britain.” Yair Netanyahu, the prime minister’s son, escalated tensions further by claiming the Falkland Islands, a British overseas territory, rightfully belongs to Argentina – a claim that was echoed by U.S. President Donald Trump, who suggested he would not side with the UK if Argentina invaded the islands.

    Domestically, the centre-right Conservative opposition, amplified by right-aligned British media, has joined the chorus of criticism. The *Sunday Telegraph* gave prominent front-page coverage to an interview with Conservative shadow foreign secretary Tom Tugendhat, who openly sided with Israel against his own country’s sitting government, repeating Israeli warnings that the new sanctions could put British national security at risk. Conservative Friends of Israel, a prominent pro-Israel advocacy group, went further, accusing Miliband of orchestrating “a morally indefensible move that further singles out and demonises the world’s only Jewish state and a close ally.”

    Yet just two months into his tenure as foreign secretary, Miliband has shown uncharacteristic resolve in the face of this multi-pronged assault. No British foreign secretary in the 21st century has successfully defied simultaneous pressure from both the White House and the Israeli government, and Miliband’s rejection of long-standing British foreign policy orthodoxy – even amid fierce pushback from major domestic media outlets – represents a sharp break from decades of precedent. During his first address to parliament as foreign secretary last Tuesday, he pledged a “comprehensive reset” of UK policy toward Israel, insisting that Britain “will not acquiesce in the destruction of the two-state solution.” He reassured pro-Palestinian MPs from Labour, the Greens and the Scottish National Party who had pressed for action against settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank that they would not have to wait long for concrete action.

    Well-informed sources speaking to Middle East Eye confirm that within the new Burnham government, Miliband has been the primary internal driving force behind the policy he will announce this week. He has also adopted unflinchingly blunt language when describing the humanitarian catastrophe unfolding in Gaza: “I just came out of this meeting talking about Gaza to people who’ve been there and are there on the ground, and frankly it was horrific what is unfolding.” Last week, he emphasized that “we as a UK government, as the prime minister has said, have got to act and act more decisively than we have.” Observers note that this forceful public anguish sets Miliband apart from his two immediate predecessors as Labour foreign secretary, David Lammy and Yvette Cooper, who both received identical high-level briefings on Gaza’s humanitarian crisis but chose not to speak out with the same urgency. This moral clarity has also tied Miliband’s political credibility to the policy: backing down in the face of future U.S. or Israeli pressure would open him to immediate charges of hypocrisy.

    The push for a settlement trade ban comes at a pivotal moment for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israel’s new E1 settlement project east of Jerusalem is on track to split the occupied West Bank into two disconnected segments, a development that would permanently eliminate any possibility of a contiguous, viable Palestinian state. For that reason, the planned British ban carries profound geopolitical significance. As Ben Jamal, former director of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, noted recently: “Such a ban has been a core demand of the Palestine solidarity movement for many years, as a key basic step towards ending UK complicity with Israel’s violations of international law.” Early indicators already suggest the policy could have immediate impact: unconfirmed reports have emerged that Netanyahu has already ordered the removal of unauthorized settler outposts in response to Britain’s proposed move.

    If implemented fully, the ban will fulfill the UK’s legal obligation under the 2024 ICJ advisory opinion, which required all UN member states to take active measures to end the illegal occupation. For the ban to deliver on its stated goals, it will need to cover both goods and services, prohibit all new investment in settlement-based businesses, and include robust enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance. While a handful of other European nations – including Ireland, Spain and Belgium – have already introduced similar restrictions, Whitehall sources confirm the UK’s upcoming sanctions will be significantly stronger than existing European measures.

    Though the ban has already triggered anger from the Netanyahu government and the Trump administration, it could also serve as a defining diplomatic moment for Andy Burnham’s new government, establishing the UK as a major power willing to act independently of U.S. policy in the Middle East. And if the early reports of Netanyahu ordering outpost removals are confirmed, it would prove that tough, principled diplomacy can deliver tangible results nearly immediately.

    Critics of Miliband have repeatedly claimed he is acting to appease British Muslim voters, but public polling directly undermines this narrative. In fact, Miliband’s policy aligns closely with broad-based British public opinion: only 16% of UK adults oppose a ban on goods from illegal Israeli settlements. This broad public support explains why more than 140 backbench Labour MPs have publicly called for a full trade ban, and earlier polling of Labour Party members found that 87% back the measure. This widespread backing means Miliband is politically secure, and crucially, he retains the full backing of Downing Street. Even so, Labour insiders stress that Miliband’s support for the policy stems from deep-held personal conviction, not just political calculation.

    Miliband’s record on Palestine stretches back more than a decade. When he served as Labour leader in opposition during the 2014 Israeli bombing of Gaza that killed 1,600 Palestinian civilians – including 550 children – Miliband sharply criticized the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government’s refusal to condemn the action, at a time when only six Israeli civilians were killed. He accused then-Prime Minister David Cameron of taking the wrong position and condemned his “inexplicable silence” on “the killing of innocent Palestinian civilians caused by Israel’s military action.” That same year, he became one of the first major British party leaders to back unilateral recognition of Palestinian statehood, a position the Conservatives rejected. More recently, sources confirm Miliband was a leading voice in cabinet pushing former Prime Minister Keir Starmer to formally recognize Palestinian statehood, a step Starmer finally took last September. Earlier this year, Miliband and Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood privately lobbied Starmer to refuse backing for the joint U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran in February.

    The current policy shift marks a dramatic break from the recent trajectory of British foreign policy. The previous Conservative government led by Rishi Sunak openly rejected international law on the issue in late 2023 and early 2024, publicly mocking the ICJ’s ruling on the genocide case brought against Israel by South Africa, while then-Foreign Secretary David Cameron privately lobbied the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor to abandon plans for arrest warrants for senior Israeli ministers. Under Starmer, the two previous Labour foreign secretaries only introduced half-measures: a partial, not full, arms embargo, while intelligence sharing from surveillance flights over Gaza continued throughout Israel’s military campaign. When Lammy publicly stated that Israel had broken international law, Downing Street quickly walked back the comment, and the government only issued non-binding advice against investment in settlements, rather than a formal ban.

    Moving forward, Burnham and Miliband face a clear choice. Weakening the planned sanctions to appease the Trump administration would signal that no substantive change has occurred, and the UK will continue the largely pro-Israel approach of the Starmer government. But if they move forward with a full, enforced ban as planned, they will have demonstrated that Britain is finally ready to pursue an independent foreign policy that prioritizes international law and human rights over great power pressure.

  • Ecclestone stopped by police for taking shotgun into Portugal

    Ecclestone stopped by police for taking shotgun into Portugal

    Bernie Ecclestone, the 95-year-old British tycoon who steered Formula 1 for nearly four decades before Liberty Media’s 2017 takeover ousted him from leadership, has pushed back against reports claiming he was arrested at a Portuguese aerodrome over an undeclared shotgun.

    The incident unfolded on Monday, when Ecclestone arrived at Cascais’ Tires Aerodrome after flying in from Switzerland. He was traveling to compete in a local clay pigeon shooting competition, bringing his shotgun along for the event. In a statement to the Press Association, Ecclestone clarified that he was only stopped and questioned by a team of four police officers and customs officials, not taken into custody.

    According to Ecclestone, he had previously transported the shotgun from his home country of the United Kingdom to Switzerland without incident, and expected smooth entry into Portugal because airport authorities are familiar with him. He told reporters, “I went to see the police and said, ‘What can I do for you?’ And they said, ‘We would like some information on this gun you brought in.’” After roughly an hour of questioning, Ecclestone surrendered the firearm, as he lacked the required official documentation for legal import into Portugal. The former F1 boss also emphasized that Portuguese law enforcement acted politely and professionally throughout the interaction, noting they were “very helpful.”

    This is not the first time Ecclestone has run into legal trouble related to firearms at an airport. Back in May 2022, he was arrested in Brazil after being found illegally carrying a firearm while boarding a private jet bound for Switzerland. He ultimately resolved that incident by paying a fine of 6,000 Brazilian reals, equivalent to roughly £1,000, to local authorities.