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In a remarkable public denunciation, a distinguished Saudi academic has launched a blistering critique against the United Arab Emirates, accusing the Gulf neighbor of embracing Zionism and functioning as “Israel’s Trojan horse in the Arab world.” Dr. Ahmed bin Othman al-Tuwaijri, former dean at King Saud University and ex-member of the consultative Shura Council, articulated these charges in a provocative column published by Saudi newspaper Al Jazirah.

Dr. Tuwaijri contends that Abu Dhabi’s leadership, driven by “hatred and jealousy,” has deliberately pursued policies designed to undermine Saudi Arabia and establish Emirati regional dominance. The academic specifically targeted Mohammed bin Zayed, Abu Dhabi’s crown prince and a noted opponent of political Islam, alleging the UAE has engaged in “hostile plots under the guise of diplomacy” that threaten regional stability.

The critique outlines multiple theaters of alleged Emirati interference, presenting a comprehensive indictment of UAE foreign policy. In Yemen, Tuwaijri accuses Abu Dhabi of supporting separatist Southern Transitional Council factions that challenged the Saudi-backed government, triggering military confrontations between the Gulf allies. The article further charges the UAE with fragmenting Libya through financial and military support to eastern factions, spreading chaos in Sudan by arming the Rapid Support Forces, and undermining post-Arab Spring transitions in Tunisia.

Regarding North African affairs, the academic claims the UAE has leveraged its financial influence to dominate key sectors in Egypt while simultaneously supporting Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam project despite potential harm to Egyptian water security. The critique further alleges Emirati efforts to split Somalia and establish Israeli influence in the Horn of Africa to control the strategic Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

The deteriorating relations between these traditional allies represent a significant geopolitical shift in the Gulf region. Tensions escalated notably following Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s November visit to Washington, where he reportedly lobbied against Emirati activities in Sudan. The rift has since expanded with Saudi Arabia courting Pakistan for military partnerships while the UAE strengthens ties with India, and diverging positions on Somaliland further highlight the growing divide between these former partners who once collaborated closely during the Qatar blockade.

The Pentagon has unveiled a transformative National Defense Strategy that fundamentally reorients U.S. military priorities toward hemispheric dominance while compelling American allies to assume greater responsibility for their own security. The 34-page document, released late Friday, represents the most significant shift in defense policy since 2022, explicitly criticizing European and Asian partners for their historical reliance on U.S. military subsidies.

The strategy framework emphatically declares an end to what it characterizes as decades of neglect toward American interests, opening with the stark assertion: ‘For too long, the U.S. Government neglected — even rejected — putting Americans and their concrete interests first.’ This philosophical foundation translates into concrete policy changes that will require allied nations to take primary responsibility for countering threats from Russia to North Korea.

Geopolitical tensions surrounding strategic assets emerged as a central theme, with the document specifically highlighting U.S. intentions to guarantee military and commercial access to the Panama Canal and Greenland. This focus follows President Trump’s recent confirmation of ongoing negotiations for ‘total access’ to Greenland through a framework agreement with NATO leadership, though Danish officials maintain that formal negotiations have not yet commenced.

The strategy markedly departs from previous administrations’ approach to China, no longer identifying the Asian power as America’s ‘pacing challenge’ but rather as an established regional force that requires deterrence rather than domination. Notably absent is any mention of security guarantees for Taiwan, contrasting sharply with the Biden administration’s 2022 strategy that explicitly supported the island’s asymmetric self-defense capabilities.

European allies received particularly direct messaging, with the document asserting that NATO members are ‘strongly positioned to take primary responsibility for Europe’s conventional defense’ against Russia, which the strategy classifies as ‘a persistent but manageable threat.’ This assessment comes amid confirmed U.S. troop reductions along NATO’s eastern borders, raising concerns among European partners about potential security vulnerabilities.

The comprehensive strategy document reinforces the Trump administration’s ‘America First’ philosophy throughout, emphasizing bilateral relationships based on mutual interest rather than traditional alliance structures, while maintaining the Pentagon’s role in supporting—but not leading—regional security architectures worldwide.

The United States has issued a stark financial ultimatum to Iraq regarding the formation of its next government, according to confirmation from an Iraqi official to Middle East Eye. Washington has threatened to sever Baghdad’s access to its oil revenue reserves held at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York if Iranian-aligned paramilitary figures are incorporated into the new administration.

This financial pressure campaign emerges as political negotiations intensify following Iraq’s November parliamentary elections. The Financial Times initially reported the specific threat to cut off Iraq’s dollar deposit supply—a crucial mechanism that has existed since the 2003 U.S. invasion. Under this arrangement, Iraq’s oil export proceeds are stored in the U.S., with monthly shipments of hard currency airlifted to Baghdad, providing Washington with significant economic leverage.

The Trump administration has previously demonstrated willingness to utilize this financial weapon. During the 2020 crisis following the assassination of Iranian commander Qassem Soleimani, when Baghdad threatened to expel U.S.-led coalition forces, American officials similarly threatened to restrict Iraq’s access to its dollar reserves.

Joshua Harris, the chargé d’affaires at the U.S. embassy in Baghdad, has personally delivered these warnings to Iraqi officials and influential Shia leaders. The absence of a formal ambassador—with Trump appointing Mark Savaya, a former legal cannabis dealer from Michigan, as special envoy—has placed Harris as the top-ranking State Department official in Iraq.

The tension escalated particularly after the election of Adnan Fayhan as first deputy speaker of parliament last month. Fayhan, a former member of the Iranian-backed Asaib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) militia, represents the type of political figure Washington seeks to exclude. The U.S. embassy reportedly suspended meetings with officials who supported Fayhan’s election and provided Iraqi counterparts with a list of unacceptable MPs.

Despite these pressures, Iraq’s political landscape remains complex. Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani’s coalition emerged victorious in November’s elections but lacks sufficient seats to independently form a government. Meanwhile, the U.S. military presence has significantly diminished, with recent announcements of “full withdrawal” from Iraq’s military facilities excluding the Kurdish region, where approximately 1,500 troops remain stationed.