标签： Europe

One day after delivering a historic political upset that ended Viktor Orbán’s 16 consecutive years in power as Hungary’s prime minister, Péter Magyar, leader of the newly victorious Tisza party, laid out his bold domestic and foreign policy agenda during a marathon three-hour press conference on Monday.

Magyar opened his remarks by revealing that he had already held introductory conversations with 10 European leaders in the immediate aftermath of his landslide victory, signaling a sharp shift away from Orbán’s often Euroskeptic and Russia-aligned agenda. On the topic of Russia, which had maintained a close partnership with Orbán’s outgoing administration, Magyar struck a clear, firm tone: he would not be the one to initiate contact with Russian President Vladimir Putin, though he would take the call if Putin reached out. “If Vladimir Putin calls I’ll pick up the phone,” Magyar told assembled reporters. “I don’t think it’ll happen, but if we did talk I’d tell him to please, after four years, put an end to the killing and end this war.”

The Kremlin responded to Magyar’s victory with a measured statement, saying it respects the election outcome and expects to maintain pragmatic bilateral relations with the new Budapest government.

Magyar mirrored his stance on another high-profile relationship, saying he would not reach out to former U.S. President Donald Trump, who had openly endorsed Orbán’s re-election bid and received public backing from U.S. Vice President JD Vance during a two-day campaign stop in Hungary last week. If Trump contacts him, however, Magyar said he would affirm that the two are strong NATO allies and extend an invitation to Hungary for the 70th anniversary of the 1956 Hungarian uprising against Soviet occupation, scheduled for next October.

A one-time insider within Orbán’s own Fidesz party, Magyar launched his political movement as a grassroots campaign centered on rooting out systemic corruption and cronyism that had flourished under Orbán’s long tenure. Preliminary official election results, adjusted after an initial count, give Tisza 136 seats in Hungary’s parliament — still a comfortable two-thirds supermajority, enough to allow the new government to amend the national constitution. With roughly 400,000 ballots still left to tally, Magyar said he remained optimistic his party would pick up additional seats in the final count. He emphasized that Sunday’s result was far more than a routine change of government: it was a mandate for complete regime change.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, one of the 10 leaders Magyar had already spoken to on Monday, summed up the bloc’s reaction in one line: “Hungary has chosen Europe.” Magyar doubled down on that sentiment, stressing that Hungary’s place is firmly within the European Union regardless of the outgoing government’s past positioning, and that joining the eurozone is a core national interest for his country. He also outlined his first round of diplomatic visits, which will take him to Poland, Austria, and Germany — three nations he said Hungary shares deep historical and political ties with.

The contrast between Magyar’s agenda and Orbán’s outgoing administration could not be clearer on the war in Ukraine. For years, Orbán has blamed the EU and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy for prolonging Russia’s full-scale invasion, a narrative he repeated throughout his election campaign. Last month, Orbán blocked a proposed €90 billion EU aid package for Kyiv, drawing widespread accusations of disloyalty from fellow EU member states.

Magyar rejected that framing outright, telling reporters: “Every Hungarian knew that Ukraine was the victim of the war with Russia.” He added that the war is also senseless from Russia’s perspective, noting “tens of thousands of Russians have lost their lives, and tens or even hundreds of thousands of Russian families have been destroyed”, including Russian-speaking communities living in Ukraine. He joked that any call with Putin would likely be brief, adding “I don’t think he’d end the war on my advice.”

Orbán’s government has long faced questions over its close ties to Moscow, with scrutiny intensifying in recent months after Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó admitted he shared information about EU sanctions discussions with Russian officials both before and after EU meetings. A leaked recording also alleged Szijjártó told Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov “I am at your service”, a revelation that prompted Orbán to order a domestic wiretapping investigation into the leak.

Midway through Monday’s press conference, Magyar was handed an urgent note that led him to make a fresh allegation: Szijjártó’s foreign ministry was actively shredding confidential documents related to the government’s dealings with Russia and sanctions policy on the very same day. As of the press conference, the outgoing foreign ministry had not issued any comment responding to the claim.

In a major legal development that has sent shockwaves through Spanish politics, a Spanish court has officially filed four criminal charges against Begoña Gómez, the wife of incumbent Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, concluding a two-year long criminal investigation into alleged corrupt activity. The charges handed down include embezzlement, influence peddling, business corruption, and misappropriation of public funds, according to the formal court ruling released this week. The case now enters a new phase, with judiciary officials set to determine in coming weeks whether Gómez will proceed to a public trial.

The core allegations against Gómez center on claims that she leveraged her close familial connection to the Spanish prime minister to advance her own private professional interests, including securing a senior academic position at one of Spain’s most prestigious higher education institutions, Madrid’s Complutense University. Investigators further allege that she diverted public resources to benefit private projects and personal gain. Investigating Judge Juan Carlos Peinado, who opened the initial probe in April 2024, has highlighted Gómez’s lack of relevant academic and professional qualifications for her role leading a master’s degree program in business studies at the university as key evidence supporting the charges.

The original complaint against Gómez was brought forward by Manos Limpias (Clean Hands), a Spanish anti-corruption activist group headed by Miguel Bernad, a figure with documented ties to Spain’s far-right political sphere. The organization has a well-documented history of bringing a long string of unsuccessful legal claims against left-leaning Spanish politicians over the past decade.

Gómez has issued a firm denial of all charges brought against her. For his part, Prime Minister Sánchez has repeatedly dismissed the entire investigation as a coordinated political smear campaign orchestrated by Spain’s right-wing and far-right opposition to destabilize his left-wing coalition government. When the investigation was first launched in 2024, Sánchez made the unprecedented decision to suspend all public official duties for five days, stating he would pause to reflect on whether he would continue in his role as prime minister. He accused political opponents of waging a months-long “harassment strategy” designed to weaken him politically and personally target his family. As the charges were made public this week, Gómez and Sánchez were already out of the country, carrying out a scheduled official state visit to China.

This latest legal development comes amid a string of ongoing corruption-related cases affecting senior figures linked to Sánchez and his government. Just this month, José Luis Ábalos, Sánchez’s former transport minister, went on trial on charges that he accepted illegal kickbacks in connection with public contracts for personal protective equipment (PPE) purchased by the Spanish government at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Separately, the prime minister’s brother, David Sánchez, has also been indicted in an unrelated influence peddling probe connected to his hiring by a Spanish regional government.

For more than a decade, the question of Britain’s relationship with the European Union has defined the fault lines of UK domestic politics. Now, a decade after the 2016 Brexit referendum, that long-simmering divide has erupted back into the open after the Keir Starmer government confirmed the parliamentary framework for its planned closer regulatory alignment with Brussels, reigniting bitter disputes over sovereignty, economic strategy, and the UK’s global standing.

It has been public knowledge since Starmer took office following the 2024 general election that the Labour prime minister has prioritized rebuilding a tighter partnership with the EU. This commitment formed a core plank of his election campaign, even if details were kept deliberately vague during the race. For 11 months, since the inaugural UK-EU summit, Whitehall has been actively negotiating new cooperative agreements with Brussels on three critical policy areas: food and beverage safety standards, carbon emission regulations, and cross-border electricity market rules.

What has not been broadly understood until recently is the government’s full intention: it plans not just to match current EU rules in these sectors, but to align with future updates to European regulatory frameworks as they evolve. When legislation to enshrine this arrangement is brought before Parliament later this year, a full up-or-down vote will be held. But subsequent adjustments to UK rules to mirror changing EU standards will in most cases be implemented through secondary legislation, a mechanism that does not require repeated new parliamentary votes.

This procedural confirmation has already sparked immediate outrage from opposition benches. The Conservative Party and the right-wing Reform UK have both slammed the plan, though analysts note the underlying disagreement runs far deeper than parliamentary procedure. At its core, the fight revolves around the same foundational questions that have split British politics since 2016: what does national sovereignty mean in a post-Brexit world, how should the UK balance economic growth and independent rule-setting, and what place should Britain claim on the global stage?

Conservative Shadow Business Secretary Andrew Griffith summed up the opposition’s core argument, arguing the arrangement would relegate Parliament to a passive observer role while Brussels dictates policy. “This is exactly what the country rejected in 2016,” Griffith said. Nigel Farage, the figurehead of the original Brexit campaign and leader of Reform UK, echoed that criticism, framing the no-vote alignment process as a direct betrayal of the 2016 referendum result. The opposition’s core objection is simple: it is wrong for the UK to abide by EU rules without retaining a seat at the table to shape those rules as a member bloc.

While Starmer has not directly addressed that framing, his government’s response is clear: accepting aligned rules in targeted sectors is a reasonable trade-off for tangible economic gains. What is most striking about Starmer’s current approach is his newfound willingness to openly lean into this debate, a sharp shift from the cautious positioning he adopted as Labour leader for years. In recent public remarks, Starmer has tied his push for closer ties to rising global instability, casting stronger alignment with European allies as a critical national interest amid widespread geopolitical uncertainty.

Speaking to BBC Radio 5 Live, Starmer emphasized, “We’re in a world where there’s massive conflict, great uncertainty, and I strongly believe the UK’s best interests are in a stronger, closer relationship with Europe.” At a press conference earlier this month addressing the economic fallout from the war in Iran, he doubled down on the stance: “our long-term national interest requires closer partnership with our allies in Europe.” He also reiterated a long-held Labour position that Brexit inflicted deep, lasting damage on the UK economy, and that the country needs to pursue more ambitious closer economic cooperation with the bloc.

This public embrace of the Brexit issue marks a dramatic reversal for Starmer, who built his early political profile in the Labour Party as Jeremy Corbyn’s shadow Brexit secretary, but avoided open confrontation on the topic after taking the party’s leadership. For years, party strategists were deeply concerned that reopening the Brexit debate would alienate Labour voters: both Leave supporters who backed the party, and Remain supporters who preferred the issue be put to rest rather than relitigated.

That political calculus has shifted dramatically in recent months. Polling has consistently shown growing public dissatisfaction with the outcomes of Brexit, shifting the electoral incentives for Labour. Additionally, the party has faced mounting pressure from its progressive flank, a threat that was underscored by the Green Party’s by-election victory in Gorton and Denton in February. The shift in Starmer’s public positioning is a direct response to these changing political dynamics.

Yet the new approach carries clear political risks. Even as progressive voters push for deeper UK-EU integration, Starmer remains committed to retaining the core framework of the post-Brexit settlement negotiated by former Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May. That means the UK will not rejoin the EU single market, which requires the free movement of people, and will not rejoin the EU customs union, which would require the UK to abandon its ability to negotiate independent free trade agreements with non-EU nations. This middle-ground stance leaves Starmer vulnerable to criticism from progressives who argue he is not going far enough to reverse the economic damage of Brexit.

Pressure for deeper integration is already building within Starmer’s own party. London Mayor Sadiq Khan, who is widely expected to run for a fourth term in 2028, has publicly called for the UK to rejoin the single market and customs union before the next general election, and to take the promise of full EU re-accession into that campaign.

Even some government officials who support closer alignment recognize another key risk: every time Starmer emphasizes how critical closer ties are to his agenda, it increases the likelihood that Brussels will drive a harder bargain in negotiations. “We know from the Tory experience that the EU drives a hard bargain, especially if we’re seen as wanting to cherrypick the best bits of the single market,” a senior anonymous government source acknowledged.

The ongoing regulatory negotiations are not even the most contentious discussion underway between London and Brussels. Talks to establish a new UK-EU youth mobility scheme have already reached an impasse, after the UK insisted on a cap on the number of young EU citizens that can relocate to the UK annually. Several EU member states have also demanded that UK universities charge European students the same tuition rates that British students pay at European higher education institutions, a demand that creates additional friction.

All outstanding negotiations are on track to be finalized at the second UK-EU summit scheduled for the coming months. One decade after the UK’s historic Brexit referendum, the issue that remade British politics has returned to center stage, shaping the current government’s agenda and reigniting the debate that will continue to define the UK’s future for years to come.

BUDAPEST – Hungary is entering a new political era after a historic electoral upheaval that ousted long-serving pro-Russian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, leaving the nation navigating what lies ahead for incoming leader Péter Magyar, a pro-European reformer who has pledged to upend the country’s entrenched political landscape.

Magyar’s decisive victory sparked mass jubilation across Budapest’s streets Sunday night, as tens of thousands of supporters — many of them young Hungarians — gathered to celebrate what they see as a long-awaited turning point. For these citizens, Orbán’s defeat brings new hope that Hungary will grow more free, improve quality of life, and cement its place as a full member of Europe’s democratic community.

Among the celebrants was Adrien Rixer, who returned to his native Hungary from his current home in London specifically to cast a ballot in the high-stakes vote. “I really wanted to make my vote count, and I’m over the moon,” Rixer said. “Finally I can say that I’m a proud Hungarian, finally after 16 years.”

Throughout his campaign, Magyar centered his platform on reversing Hungary’s years-long geopolitical shift toward Russia and repairing strained relations with European allies. In the wake of 16 years of increasingly autocratic rule and gradual erosion of democratic checks and balances under Orbán, he has promised to root out systemic corruption and build a “peaceful, functioning and humane” Hungary for all citizens.

Over his 16 years in power, Orbán leveraged a two-thirds parliamentary supermajority to advance his illiberal agenda: he enacted a new national constitution, rewrote the country’s electoral rules to entrench his power, and reshaped the judiciary to align with his government’s priorities. In a striking parallel, Magyar’s Tisza Party secured exactly that same supermajority in Sunday’s vote, winning 138 of the 199 seats in Hungary’s parliament.

This broad governing mandate gives Tisza unprecedented authority to roll back the bulk of Orbán-era legislation that enabled his government to stack the courts with political allies, gerrymander electoral districts, restrict independent press freedom, and entrench legal discrimination against the LGBTQ+ community. The outcome has eased widespread anxiety among supporters both in Hungary and across Europe, where many had worried a narrow simple majority would leave Magyar unable to dismantle Orbán’s political system entirely. Still, uncertainty lingers: even some supporters have expressed unease over concentrating that level of governing power in the hands of any new administration.

“It’s hard to see that with two-thirds that it’s going to be a fair government, but we will see,” said Dániel Kovács, a celebrant at Sunday’s victory rally. “Let’s hope that it’s going to be a promising four years.”

Magyar has repeatedly criticized Orbán’s administration for mismanaging Hungary’s economy and public social services, while allowing systemic, unchecked corruption that allowed a small circle of politically connected elites to amass extreme wealth at the expense of ordinary Hungarian households. He has vowed to hold corrupt actors accountable, and has proposed creating a new Office for the Recovery of National Assets to reclaim funds and assets that he argues were obtained illegally by Orbán’s closest allies.

A core campaign promise from Magyar centers on unlocking billions of euros in frozen European Union funding, which Brussels has withheld from Hungary for years over the Orbán government’s persistent failures to address corruption and roll back democratic safeguards. He has also pledged to adopt the euro as Hungary’s official currency by 2030, a policy that Orbán’s government resisted for more than a decade.

Imre Végh, a long-time Budapest resident, framed the election outcome as a rejection of the illiberal state Orbán built over 16 years. “Orbán had built an ‘illiberal system’ that was against Hungary’s fundamental values,” Végh said Monday. “We are Europeans and we want to stay in Europe.”

For decades, Budapest’s iconic Chain Bridge has stood as a quiet architectural centerpiece, connecting the rolling hills of historic Buda to the bustling, energetic streets of central Pest across the Danube River. By night, its string of glowing lights reflect off the river’s surface, dancing like scattered tiny moons in the dark water, drawing thousands of tourists each year who crowd its walkways to snap selfies against the postcard-perfect backdrop. But on election Sunday this year, the bridge served a far different, far more historic purpose: draped in the green, white, and red of the Hungarian flag, it became the gathering ground for a nation celebrating the end of an era.

After 16 consecutive years in power, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his long-ruling Fidesz party were ousted from government in a historic election upset that has sent ripples across Europe and beyond. The victory went to opposition leader Péter Magyar and his Tisza party, whose supporters flooded the Chain Bridge that night, their chants and cheers echoing across the river as they celebrated what they described as the liberation of their homeland. In his triumphant victory speech to the crowd, Magyar doubled down on that shared feeling of renewal: “We did it,” he told the roaring gathering. “We brought down the Orbán regime — together we liberated Hungary. We took back our homeland! Thank you! Thank you all!”

The result capped a seismic shift in Hungarian politics, achieved against all odds. Orbán had spent years consolidating power, building what he openly called an “illiberal democracy” marked by tight control of state media, electoral rule changes designed to favor his party, and deep influence over key government and industry positions held by his allies and family members. Even with these structural advantages, he suffered a decisive defeat at the polls, driven by a record-breaking voter turnout that saw millions of Hungarians turn out to oust his government.

By the early hours of Monday morning, crowds of first-time voters danced through Budapest’s side streets, giddy with a heady mix of hope and disbelief. “I cried when I put the X on my ballot paper,” 20-something voter Zofia told reporters on the ground. “I still can’t quite believe we did it. But we did!” As she spoke, her group of friends chanted a phrase with deep roots in Hungarian history: “Russians Go home!”

That slogan carries a sharp, ironic weight for Orbán, who first rose to national prominence back in 1989, as communist rule in Hungary collapsed. At that historic moment, he made his name with a fiery speech demanding Soviet troops withdraw from Hungarian soil, echoing the same rallying cry that first emerged during the 1956 anti-communist uprising. But over his decades in power, Orbán shifted dramatically, moving steadily to the authoritarian right and building a close, cozy relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin. On the campaign trail, his own 1989 slogan was thrown back in his face by critics angered by his proximity to Moscow.

Orbán’s removal from power marks a significant strategic blow to Putin, who relied on his loyal ally within the European Union to undermine Western efforts to hold Russia accountable for its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Over the course of the war, Orbán repeatedly delayed EU sanctions packages against Moscow and has blocked a critical €90 billion EU support loan that Kyiv says it needs to maintain its economic and military stability. For Ukraine, the election result is a clear win: President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was quick to congratulate Magyar on his victory, writing on social media that he looked forward to “constructive work” between the two nations.

Magyar has already signaled he will not fully reverse Orbán’s policy of refusing direct military aid to Kyiv, a cautious move designed to avoid alienating the large share of Hungarian voters who remain wary of being drawn into the conflict — a fear Orbán deliberately stoked throughout the campaign, warning that an opposition win would bring the war across Hungary’s border. But the new leader has pledged to end the block on the €90 billion EU loan to Kyiv, a major shift that will remove one of the biggest obstacles to European support for Ukraine.

Across the EU, Orbán’s departure has been widely welcomed. For years, the Hungarian leader was nicknamed “the Obstructor” in Brussels, widely seen as a persistent fracture in the European union’s unified front against threats from Russia, China, and other global rivals. UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer called the result “an historic moment for European democracy,” while European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said simply that “Hungary has chosen Europe.”

The upset is far less welcome in Washington, where US President Donald Trump has lost his closest European ideological ally. Trump repeatedly endorsed Orbán during the campaign, even sending Vice President JD Vance to Budapest to speak at a pro-Orbán rally mid-campaign. Both Trump and his former chief strategist Steve Bannon, a key backer of populist nationalist movements across Europe, have long held Orbán up as a hero of their anti-globalist, Christian nationalist political project. Bannon once described Orbán as a trailblazer for the global right-wing movement Trump leads.

Some political analysts have framed Orbán’s defeat as evidence that the wave of populist nationalism that swept across Europe over the past 15 years has reached a turning point, and entered a period of decline. But this narrative overlooks the unique set of factors that led to Orbán’s ouster, and ignores that recent setbacks for other right-wing populist leaders — from Marine Le Pen’s underperformance in recent French local elections to Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s recent referendum defeat — are rooted in country-specific political dynamics that don’t add up to a broader regional trend.

In Orbán’s case, his downfall was driven by a combination of long-simmering discontent across multiple segments of Hungarian society, and a final collapse of support even among his traditional base. For years, he alienated liberal and left-leaning Hungarians, as well as LGBTQ+ Hungarians and many women who saw their rights eroded under his socially conservative “pro-family” agenda that rigidly enforced traditional gender roles. But in the end, even long-time Orbán voters abandoned him in droves, driven by economic discontent and growing anger at corruption.

A visit to Orbán’s home village of Felcsút, the day before the election, laid bare that anger. Once a humble boy from the village, Orbán poured public and private investment into the community, building a local football stadium and youth football academy. But his family’s growing wealth has become a flashpoint for anger: his son-in-law is linked to a luxury local golf course, while his father is currently rebuilding a nearby private estate estimated to cost around $30 million. Orbán has consistently denied all corruption allegations, and for years when the Hungarian economy was strong, many locals were willing to overlook the accumulation of wealth among his inner circle. But in recent years, soaring inflation and plummeting living standards have turned that tolerance to anger, even among his onetime supporters.

“He failed us. He failed his country. He hoodwinked us,” Gyárfás Oláh, a former Orbán supporter and one-time local mayor, told reporters wearily. A large share of Magyar’s vote came from Hungarians who voted against Orbán, not necessarily for the new leader — who remains untested in national government. So what can we expect from the new prime minister?

At 45, Magyar is an energetic, telegenic, and shrewd politician who was once a member of Orbán’s own Fidesz party. Like Orbán, he identifies as a conservative nationalist, and often carries a Hungarian flag to every campaign event. Political analysts note that Hungarian voters, who largely lean socially conservative, needed a center-right candidate to unify around to defeat Orbán — and it is likely that many of Orbán’s existing policies, including his hardline anti-immigration stance, will continue under the new government. Where Magyar has promised dramatic change is in institutional reform: he has pledged sweeping changes to “roll back the Orbán regime,” distance Hungary from Russia, and repair the fractured relationship with the European Union.

For most Hungarians, the top priorities remain domestic: rebuilding the struggling economy, fixing underfunded public services, bringing down inflation, and lowering the sky-high cost of living that drove so many to abandon Orbán. There is a long to-do list for the new government, and Magyar has made clear he is ready to get to work. “Tonight we celebrate,” he told jubilant supporters late on Sunday night, grinning as he stood surrounded by cheering supporters. “Tomorrow, we get to work!”

Magyar will not officially take office as prime minister until Hungary’s president formally asks him to form a new government, a step expected to take place within roughly a month.

BUDAPEST, Hungary — After 16 years of dominating Hungarian politics and carving out an outsize role in global conservative movements, Viktor Orbán’s tenure as prime minister has come to an abrupt end following a crushing landslide defeat in Sunday’s national election. The political shakeup, which saw opposition challenger Péter Magyar secure an overwhelming mandate from Hungarian voters, is sending ripples across Europe and beyond, as leaders from Kyiv to Brussels react to the end of an era defined by Orbán’s controversial illiberal agenda.

During his four consecutive terms in office, Orbán built a global following among right-wing populists, who replicated his political playbook: systematically restructuring state institutions to consolidate ruling party power, rolling back protections for minority groups, narrowing the space for independent media, and positioning himself as a fiery champion of national sovereignty against what he framed as the overreach of globalization and uncontrolled migration. To his critics across the European continent, however, Orbán represented a direct threat to European democracy, eroding the bloc’s core shared commitments to human rights, the rule of law, and institutional accountability.

Ultimately, Hungarian voters delivered a clear verdict that it was time for political change, handing Magyar a decisive victory that has reshaped the European political landscape. The outcome carries particularly profound stakes for Ukraine, as Orbán maintained the closest ties to the Kremlin of any European Union leader, repeatedly blocking bloc-wide aid packages to Kyiv amid Russia’s full-scale invasion.

Within hours of the election results being confirmed, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy extended an olive branch to the new Hungarian administration, emphasizing Kyiv’s longstanding goal of building constructive, good-neighborly relations across the continent. “It is important when constructive approach prevails. Ukraine has always sought good-neighbourly relations with everyone in Europe and we are ready to advance our cooperation with Hungary,” Zelenskyy wrote on social media. “We are ready for meetings and joint constructive work for the benefit of both nations, as well as peace, security, and stability in Europe.”

For the European Union, Orbán’s defeat has been met with widespread relief, ending years of diplomatic gridlock and public friction between Budapest and Brussels. Despite Hungary receiving billions of euros in structural development funding from the bloc, Orbán consistently attacked EU institutions and its policy agenda, often deriding top EU leaders in public remarks.

Minutes after Orbán delivered his concession speech, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen — a frequent target of Orbán’s criticism — issued a celebratory message on X: “Europe’s heart is beating stronger in Hungary tonight.”

Top leaders from Europe’s largest major powers quickly echoed the sentiment. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer called the election outcome “an historic moment, not only for Hungary, but for European democracy. I look forward to working with you for the security and prosperity of both our countries.” German Chancellor Friedrich Merz extended warm congratulations to Magyar, writing “Let’s join forces for a strong, secure and, above all, united Europe. Gratulálok, kedves Magyar Péter!” French President Emmanuel Macron added that “France welcomes the victory of democratic participation, the Hungarian people’s commitment to the values of the European Union, and Hungary’s commitment to Europe.”

Meanwhile, populist leaders and far-right parties that counted Orbán as a close ideological ally have reacted with measured, careful rhetoric following his defeat. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who aligned closely with Orbán on a range of EU policy issues, thanked her “friend Viktor Orbán” for their past collaboration, noting “I know that even from the opposition he will continue to serve his Nation.”

In France, the far-right National Rally — which is gearing up for a 2025 presidential run to unseat Macron and long supported Orbán’s agenda — struck a cautious tone. Party leader Jordan Bardella wrote that “This result, respectfully welcomed by Viktor Orbán, shows that the incessant accusations by European institutions in recent years against Hungarian democracy were unfounded.”

The election result marks one of the most significant political shifts in Europe in recent years, with implications for EU policy, Ukraine’s war effort, and the future of global populist politics. As Magyar prepares to take office, leaders across the continent are waiting to see how his new administration will reshape Hungary’s place in Europe.