The United Arab Emirates has perfected a delicate geopolitical balancing act, maintaining robust relations with Washington while simultaneously advancing sensitive partnerships with China—America’s primary global competitor. This strategic hedging allows Abu Dhabi to pursue independent foreign policies in conflict zones from Yemen to Sudan, often placing it at odds with other US Arab allies, yet incurring minimal diplomatic costs according to US and Arab officials.
Recent intelligence assessments revealed the presence of China’s People’s Liberation Army personnel at a strategic military facility in Abu Dhabi. Despite subsequent suspicions among China watchers at the US embassy regarding activities at Beijing-operated Khalifa Port, the UAE has merely scaled back—not terminated—its cooperation with China.
During the Biden administration, senior officials grew sufficiently concerned about Emirati independence to propose a comprehensive relationship review. Ultimately, the effort narrowed significantly to focus solely on Libya, avoiding examination of the more sensitive China connections.
The UAE’s unique position became particularly evident when compared to regional neighbors. While Qatar and Saudi Arabia have sought closer military ties with Washington—both recently designated major non-NATO allies—the UAE has deliberately avoided such formal classifications. This distinction reflects Abu Dhabi’s preference for operational independence, evidenced by stringent conditions placed on US military base usage and its abandoned pursuit of F-35 fighters due to American concerns about Chinese technology transfers.
Despite these tensions, the UAE recently received Washington’s approval for its AI firm G42 to purchase tens of thousands of advanced Nvidia chips, matching Saudi access to this critical technology.
The shifting regional alliances have further highlighted Emirati independence. Traditional geopolitical blocs have fractured, with UAE-backed separatists in Yemen now confronting Saudi-supported forces. In Sudan, the rivalry has intensified as Saudi Arabia plans to lobby against Emirati support for the Rapid Support Forces paramilitary group.
Analysts attribute the UAE’s diplomatic success to sophisticated statecraft and substantial financial resources. Ambassador Yousef al-Otaiba’s two-decade cultivation of Washington influence networks, combined with Abu Dhabi’s normalization with Israel, has created unusual bipartisan goodwill that provides greater diplomatic flexibility than afforded to regional counterparts.
